THE SIEGE OF SEBASTOPOL.
1854-55.
Experts have declared that had Sebastopol been assaulted within two
days of the battle of the Alma, it would have fallen an easy prey to
the allied armies of France and Britain. History has shown, however,
that this was not done, and that instead, Sebastopol was attacked from
the south--the side remote from the Alma; and even at this point not
until many days had elapsed.
The time thus granted to Russia was not wasted by those of her subjects
who garrisoned the beleaguered town. Under that prince of engineers,
Colonel de Todleben, defence works were constructed with an almost
superhuman activity, whilst the harbour mouth was blocked to the
allied fleet by the simple expedient of sinking Russian ships of war
across the bar. This desperate measure was long opposed by many in the
councils of Sebastopol, but once decided upon it was promptly carried
out. It has been reported that many Russian sailors wept as they
watched their finest ships of war settling down in the green waters of
the Sebastopol roadstead, and it may be well believed that this was
so, for the love of the sailor for his ship is proverbial. The Russian
sailors showed no ignoble grief.
The roadstead of Sebastopol may be likened to a letter T, the top part
of which constituted the roadstead proper, and the vertical portion
the “man-of-war” harbour. The Sevemaya, or north part of the town, was
built along the top of the roadstead, and consisted almost entirely
of fortifications. To the west of the man-of-war harbour lay the town
proper, while to the east of it was the Karabel Faubourg, or suburb. At
the extreme eastern end of the roadstead flows in the Tchemaya River.
This, then, was the town to be defended by Russia against an assault
from the south. Accordingly a semi-circle of forts was erected from
a point half-way between the man-of-war harbour and the mouth of
the Tchemaya; touching at its centre the southernmost point of the
harbour mentioned; and having its other extremity on the sea coast at
the entrance to the main roadstead, where the sunken ships defended
the waterway against the approach of the allied fleets. The main
forts on this semi-circle were eight in number, from east to west in
order comprising the Little Redan, the Malakoff, the Redan, Flagstaff
Bastion, the Central Bastion, the Land Quarantine Bastion, the Sea
Quarantine Fort, and Artillery Fort--the last named being within the
semi-circle of defence, to the east of the Sea Quarantine Fort.
These works of defence the Russians now toiled at day and night
unceasingly.
Meanwhile the allies, having decided upon an extensive siege, in
preference to an instant assault, actively pressed forward their siege
works. Great difficulty was encountered by the engineers in their task
of bringing their stores and battering trains some six or seven miles
from the coast to their required position, the means of transport being
poor. The heavy Lancaster guns had to be dragged overland by many
sailors “tallyed on” to drag ropes, and progress was slow. Work in the
trenches was heavy.
Eventually, on the morning of the 17th October, the first bombardment
of Sebastopol commenced, the heavy Lancaster battery opening fire about
6 a.m. The noise was terrific, for very soon both allies and Russians
were engaged in a tremendous artillery duel. The earth shook, dense
volumes of smoke hung over Sebastopol and about the allies’ batteries,
and shot and shell flew screeching through the air. About midday, when
the fleets joined in, the din was redoubled.
On both sides losses, both in men and armament, were severe. Some would
serve the guns; others, with pick and spade, would, under heavy fire,
repair breaches in the earthworks; others would rush hither and thither
with pails of water to extinguish fires which now and again broke out
in the timber of the batteries; others again bore off the wounded on
litters to a place of safety--but each and all worked with a will, and
never for an instant did the terrific fire slacken.
Now and again the smoke would lift for a moment, and some measure of
the damage done on either side would be hastily gauged. Great bravery
was displayed by besiegers and besieged, and humour as usual found its
way into such an incongruous place. “I say, lads,” said a young Scot,
one of the redoubtable Black Watch; “I dinna think there’ll be many
kail-pots boiling in Sebastopol the day!” Nor were there!
The Russian admiral, Korniloff, over and over again exposed himself to
shot and shell as he rode round from point to point of the defences,
and at length so often was he bespattered with sand and stones thrown
up on all sides from the earthworks, that he handed his watch over to a
courier, telling him to give it to his wife. “I am afraid that here it
will get broken,” he added, humourously.
Before eleven o’clock the brave man had breathed his last. As he was
descending the Malakoff after taking fresh instructions to the gunners
of that fort, a shell tore his left thigh, and sadly his aide-de-camp
and others bore him to the hospital. There, stretched upon a mattress
of agony, the somewhat inaccurate news was brought him that the British
guns were at length silenced, and with his last breath he cried
“Hurrah!” dying, as he had lived, a brave man and noble foe.
Meantime in the French part of the field of action disasters had fallen
thick and heavy. A well-directed Russian shell about nine o’clock
burst in a French magazine on Mount Rodolph, the French main battery
of attack, and with a terrific noise, heard even above the thunder
of the arms, the men surrounding it were lifted sky high, the bodies
falling round in dozens. A second explosion in the French lines just
afterwards, silenced their land artillery for the day, the attack being
maintained by the British artillery and by the allied fleets.
About half-past one the French fleet opened fire from no less than six
hundred guns--the Quarantine Sea Fort being the chief object of attack.
Soon the other forts towards the sea were engaged by both navies, and
awful havoc resulted on both sides.
All through the long October afternoon the battle raged, the cannonade
from the sea being in the estimation of Admiral Dundas, the British
commander, “the heaviest that had ever taken place on the ocean.” Here
again both sides suffered heavily, but the forts in the main suffered
less than the vessels, many of which were greatly disabled, the Albion
and Arethusa being completely crippled. The Rodney ran aground under
the eye and well within the reach of Fort Constantine, and from her
position right under the Russian guns maintained an obstinate fight
till between six and seven, when the fleet hauled off and the naval
bombardment was abandoned in the rapidly-fading light.
Little execution had been done by the fleets, but the disaster
sustained by them was heavy, the British and French losing no fewer
than 500 men killed and wounded, and moreover, failing in their attack.
Meantime, though the French batteries were out of action, the British
land forces were making progress, and soon it became impossible for
the Russians to repair the breaches in the embrasures of the Redan,
though officers and men bent their backs alike to the work. Then, too,
by reason of the heavy fire, the infantry supporting this important
work fell back, and for a while the Redan was left defenceless, but the
advantage was not pushed home before night fell and firing ceased. The
turn of the Redan came later.
More than 1000 Russians had been killed in this first day’s
bombardment, with but trifling advantage to the allies, so for the
next few days the French proceeded to strengthen their attack, while
the British batteries kept down to some extent the Russian fire.
Thus matters stood till the morning of the 25th October, when the
allied rear attacked at Balaclava, and again, some ten days later, at
Inkerman, on the 5th November.
In both these contests the Russians lost heavily, but still the assault
of Sebastopol was postponed, and it soon appeared that a Russian winter
would have to be faced.
Life in the besieging trenches now became monotonous. Duties, as
before, consisted of employment in working and covering parties,
sharpshooting and picket work, and the long and dreary days were spent
when off duty in one form of diversion and another, and many amusing
incidents have been recounted, and many tales of suffering nobly borne
been told.
A glimpse of the life of a private soldier at this time is very
graphically recounted by one of the 42nd. Says this man in his
published record:--“The dismal time now commenced, for with digging
and picking in the day time, and strong pickets at night, on poor
rations, our clothing worn out and verminous, and the nearly worn-out
bell tents to sleep in, on the cold bare ground, we were getting
less in number every day. As the trenches were formed we had to lie
in them at night for the purpose of reinforcing the picket till the
remainder turned out. We always had our rifles loaded, even the men in
the tents, and false alarms were frequent. Even the poor rations were
not half eaten. The pork and salt beef could be seen piled up at the
tents untouched.... But the commander-in-chief allowed us two rations
of rum a day, and one extra on night duty.” “In the tent to which I
belonged,” says the same man later, “to keep us from lying on the cold,
wet mud, we got stones and lay upon them; they were better to lie on
than the wet ground!”
Day by day the sound of the big guns reverberated through the camp,
and day by day the victims of fever, dysentry, and shot and shell
were borne to the hospitals at Kadikoi and Balaclava by the bandsmen
and pipers, who were told off to this melancholy duty. An occasional
reconnoitre in the intense frost of the Russian winter laid many a poor
fellow low with frostbite, and with these and the aforementioned causes
the hospitals soon grew full. The medical staff worked nobly, but were
wholly inadequate, both in numbers and equipment, to cope with the
enormous multitude of sick and wounded.
The worst cases were sent by ship to Scutari, where overcrowding also
prevailed, in spite of the utmost efforts and the noble devotion of
Miss Nightingale, at this time not long arrived from England.
“As I was going along the passages” (of the Scutari hospital), says
a private soldier, “which were full of patients, the rooms also
being full, I was beginning to think no one cared for me, when a
pleasant-looking lady approached and asked what was the matter with me,
calling an orderly to get me into a bed. I was frequently visited by
the lady, who was no less a person than Miss Nightingale.”
So in the camp and in the hospital the winter wore away with but two
outstanding incidents; the great hurricane of the 14th November, and
the engagement on the night of the 20th November at the “Ovens.”
The hurricane of the 14th November did incalculable harm to all
combatants. An hour before sunrise on that day the air was calm, and
the wind had fallen after heavy rain the previous night. Suddenly a
violent hurricane arose, accompanied by thunder, lightning, and sleet,
and instantly all was pandemonium. Large trees were torn from their
roots, practically every tent in the allied armies was blown flat,
while roofs were carried away from houses in Sebastopol. Vast stores
of forage were destroyed, and accounts state that at least one man was
swept off his feet, and carried some twenty yards by the sheer force of
the wind! All day the elements held sway until evening, when the storm
abated as quickly as it had arisen, and an intense calm prevailed, the
stars shining out upon the miry, stricken camp.
Among the horses and the shipping the casualties were heavy, and the
loss sustained by the cyclone of the 14th was not repaired for many a
long day.
The story of the capture of the “Ovens” is inseparably connected with
the name of Lieutenant Tryon of the Rifle Brigade, who lost his life
in the engagement. The “Ovens” comprised a series of old Tartar caves
and stone huts long since untenanted, but now used with deadly effect
by Russian riflemen as “cover,” whence they could annoy the French
working parties. Becoming in course of time unbearable by reason of the
accuracy of their fire, it was determined to dislodge them, the task
being entrusted to Lieutenant Tryon and some men of the Rifle Brigade.
Feinting an open attack with half his men, Tryon, on the night of the
20th November, crept with the other half, stealthily upon the Russians,
surprised them into a retreat, and established himself in the very
caves which the Russians had vacated. Their retreat was not for long,
and very soon they returned in overwhelming numbers to the attack,
and three times were they repelled by Tryon and his gallant band.
Eventually “supports” arrived to the Rifles, and the “Ovens” were held
by our men, to the great admiration of the French. Tryon, however, was
mortally wounded by a Russian bullet.
After the affair at the “Ovens” the dull routine went on as before, and
sickness did its deadly work amongst the armies of the three combatant
nations.
The British Government seemed wholly unable to cope with the
requirements of its army in the Crimea, and the tale of the winter’s
misery has been told by many. The improper food, wretched shelter,
inadequate clothing, and deficient medical supplies have been
emphasised by hundreds, and small wonder that privation and disease
wrought as terrible havoc as did the shot and shell of the enemy.
Towards the end of December, an improvement began to be effected. The
women of Britain, from the Sovereign downwards, toiled unceasingly to
remedy the defective clothing and increase the comfort of the soldiers,
and moreover, wooden huts were erected in place of the now worn-out
tents, so that by the arrival of spring the troops were in a better
position to carry on their arduous work. Moreover, fresh troops were
constantly arriving, and Sardinia furnished a powerful contingent to
her new made allies of France and Britain.
Still, with all these advantages, the awful monotony of the siege
weighed upon the stoutest of our men, and any diversion was eagerly
welcomed.
On the 2nd March, 1855, the Emperor Nicholas died, worn out, it has
been said, in body and soul by the protracted struggle in the south
of his dominions, and, in particular, by the reverses sustained by
his troops in Eupatoria at the hands of the Turks. But the death of
the Czar had little effect upon the war in the Crimea. His successor,
Alexander, prosecuted the defence with unabated energy. In May an
expedition to Kertch harassed the Russians considerably, while the
newly-arrived Sardinians, in conjunction with the French, obtained a
signal success on the Tchemaya.
These were, however, but side issues, and the main armies maintained
their dreary watch upon Sebastopol, where work and counterwork, mine
and countermine, employed the ingenuities of the engineers of both
nations.
The appearance of Sebastopol at this time has been ably shown by Mr.
Conolly in his history of the Royal Engineers:--
“Parallels and approaches now covered the hills, and saps daringly
progressed in front; dingy pits filled with groups of prying and fatal
marksmen, studded the advances and flanks; caves were augmented in size
and number in the sides of the ravines to give safety to the gunpowder,
... while new works were thrown up in front to grapple with the sturdy
formations of the Russians.”
Sorties by the enemy were frequent, and, on the night of the 22nd
March, a most determined attack was made upon the working parties
of the allies from four different points. It failed, however, to
accomplish much, and matters continued as before.
On Monday, the 9th April, another terrific bombardment occurred, the
British gunners directing their special attention to the Flagstaff
Bastion. For several days, until the 18th April, the battery was plied
mercilessly with shot and shell, and reduced to a state of distress
bordering on annihilation; it still, however, remained unassaulted,
and during a temporary truce was patched up once more. On the 21st,
however, its fire was reduced to complete silence.
Count Tolstoy in his stirring pictures of “Sevastopol,” so admirably
translated by Louise and Aylmer Maude, has given us a vivid glimpse of
affairs in this awful battery, “the Fourth Bastion,” as the Russians
called it. “You want to get quickly to the Bastions,” says Tolstoy,
showing an imaginary visitor through the beleagured town, “especially
to that Fourth Bastion of which you have been told so many tales. When
anyone says, ‘I am going to the Fourth Bastion,’ a slight agitation
or a too marked indifference is always noticeable in him! When you
meet someone carried on a stretcher, and ask, ‘Where from?’ the answer
usually is, ‘From the Fourth Bastion.’
Passing a barricade, you go up a broad street. Beyond this the houses
on both sides of the street are unoccupied, the doors are boarded up,
the windows smashed, ... on the road you stumble over cannon-balls
that lie about, and into holes full of water, made in the stony ground
by bombs. Before you, up a steep hill, you see a black, untidy space
cut up by ditches. This space is the Fourth Bastion. The whiz of
cannon-ball or bomb near by impresses you unpleasantly as you ascend
the hill, bullets begin to whiz past you right and left, and you will
perhaps consider whether you had better not walk inside the trench
which runs parallel to the road, full of yellow stinking mud more than
knee-deep!”
To reach the bastion proper, “you turn to the right, along that narrow
trench where a foot soldier, stooping down, has just passed, and where
you will see Cossacks changing their boots, eating, smoking their pipes
and, in fact, living! Soon you come to a flat space with many holes
and cannons on platforms and walled in with earthworks. This is the
bastion. Here you see perhaps four or five soldiers playing cards under
shelter of the breastwork, and a naval officer sitting on a cannon
rolling a cigarette composedly. Suddenly a sentinel shouts ‘Mortar!’
There is a whistle, a fall, and an explosion, mingled with the groans
of a man. You approach him as the stretchers are brought; part of his
breast has been torn away; in a trembling voice he says, ‘Farewell,
brothers.’
‘That’s the way with seven or eight every day,’ says the officer, and
he yawns as he lights another cigarette.”
In the British trenches similar scenes were being enacted, the same
coolness under fire, and resolute contempt of danger being displayed by
all ranks and nationalities.
“One day there was a cluster of us together,” wrote a Highland soldier
to his parents, “when a shell fell close by. The fuse was not exhausted
when John Bruce up with it in his arms and threw it over the trench.”
Such incidents were by no means rare, and in this wise the summer wore
on with varying fortune. In May the command of the French army was
taken up by General Pélissier, and on the 28th June the master-mind of
the British army was removed--Lord Raglan, beloved and mourned by all
ranks, dying of cholera after a brief two days’ illness. Kinglake has
recorded how on the morning on the 29th, the commander-in-chief of the
four allied armies visited the chamber of death, and how the iron frame
of the staunch General Pélissier shook with grief as he “stood by the
bedside for upwards of an hour crying like a child.”
On board the Caradoc the body of the Field-Marshal was conveyed to
England, and all ranks mourned for one whom they had learnt to trust,
admire, and almost love--“so noble, so pure, so replete with service
rendered to his country.” For seven miles the route of the procession
to the Caradoc was lined at either side by double ranks of infantry,
and, says the historian of the war, during the melancholy march “French
and British refrained from inviting by fire the fire of Sebastopol,
and whether owing to chance, or to a signal and grateful act of
courtesy on the part of General Ostin-Sacken (now in command), the
garrison also kept silence.”
So died Lord Raglan, and the command of the British troops now vested
on General Sir James Simpson, a veteran of the Peninsular.
On the morning of the 5th September, the final bombardment of
Sebastopol commenced, and the terrific cannonade continued till the
8th. The French were the first to open fire, and they did so with a
will. Once more the deafening thunder of the heavy guns and shrieks
of shell and mortar were heard about Sebastopol, and ere long the
cannonade wrought fearful havoc with the “churches, stately mansions,
and public buildings of the still imposing-looking city.”
From nearly three miles of batteries poured forth the devastating fire,
and a storm of iron swept across the doomed town. Buildings could be
seen crashing down, large spouts of earth rose high into the air, and,
with the glasses, stretcher-bearers could be seen busy at every point.
British and French alike were soon engaged, the Russian return fire
being for a long time paralysed by the fury of the onslaught. The Redan
and the Malakoff were the particular objectives of the British fire,
and soon the faces of these mighty works were seen pitted “as if with
the smallpox.”
At night a musketry fire was kept up to hinder the Russians from
repairing their shattered walls and bastions, till, by the 8th, all was
ready for a final and vigorous assault.
The assault was to be in two portions; the French were to capture the
Malakoff, and, on attaining this their object, were to signal by rocket
fire the fact of its accomplishment. The British were then to assault
the Redan, which was connected to the Malakoff by a series of trenches.
Noon was the hour fixed for the Malakoff assault. By half-past eleven
the supports were all in readiness. The Guards were posted on the
Woronzoff Road, part of the 4th Division was in the trenches, the 3rd
Division was held in readiness, while the Highland Brigade, under Sir
Colin Campbell, was marched in from Kamara.
Says one of them:--“We had marched nine miles in line of march order,
but when we came to our old camp ground we took off our knapsacks, and
put ourselves in trench order, only we were in the kilt.... We went
into the trenches assigned for us to form the support. As I looked
towards the Malakoff the French were going in, column after column....
They appeared to be keen to be in action.”
Dr. Russell tells the story more graphically:--
“At five minutes before twelve o’clock, the French, like a swarm
of bees, issued from their trenches close to the doomed Malakoff,
scrambled up its face, and were through the embrasures in the twinkling
of an eye. They took the Russians by surprise, and their musketry was
very feeble at first, but they soon recovered themselves, and from
twelve o’clock till past seven in the evening the French had to meet
and repulse the repeated attempts of the enemy to regain the work....
At length, despairing of success, the Muscovite general withdrew his
exhausted legions.”
The retreat was by way of the Redan, which our men now prepared to
assault.
“As soon as the tricolour was observed waving through the smoke and
dust, over the parapet of the Malakoff, four rockets were sent up as a
signal for our assault upon the Redan. They were almost borne back by
the violence of the wind, and the silvery jet of sparks they threw out
on exploding were scarcely visible against the raw grey sky.”
The force selected for the attack was composed as follows:--160 men of
the 3rd Buffs under Captain F. F. Maude, with 160 of the 77th under
Major Welshford. These constituted the scaling-ladder party. Covering
them were 100 more of the Buffs led by Captain John Lewes, with 100 of
the 2nd battalion of the Rifles led by Captain Hammond. The remainder
of the force comprised 260 of the Buffs, 300 of the 41st, 200 of
the 62nd, with a working party of a hundred more. The 47th and 49th
regiments were in reserve, together with Warren’s brigade.
To Colonel Unett of the 19th fell the honour of leading the gallant
party into the fray, and at the outset he fell, badly wounded.
Sharp came the order: “Forward! ladders to the front; eight men per
ladder!” and instantly our devoted men crept from the shelter of their
trenches to the assault. At a furious pace they dashed up the slope
leading to the Redan, and planted several ladders in the ditch against
the wall.
But the slaughter was terrific. In less than a minute the slope of the
Redan was thickly covered with red coats. In the ditch itself matters
were worse. Wounded and dead, bleeding and shapeless, screaming or
silent, our men lay heaped in scores, and still the murderous fire
poured down from every window and embrasure in the work.
To add to the terrors of their position, our men were now met by
overwhelming numbers, who streamed down the trenches from the abandoned
Malakoff to the assistance of their comrades in the Redan, the scaling
ladders were found to be too short, and after an hour and a half of
a disastrous fight our men fell back upon their trenches, firing
steadily, but, for the time being, worsted.
The slaughter had been awful. Colonel Handcock of the Perthshire
regiment, Captains Hammond, Preston, Corry and Lockhart, Colonel James
Ewan of the 41st, and others too numerous to mention lay dead upon the
slope or within the fatal Redan, where many of our men had penetrated
in the first fierce rush, and scarcely a man was unwounded.
After this set back, it was decided to attack again at five a.m.--this
time with the Guards and Highlanders.
“As the night wore on,” says one of them, “the Highland Brigade
advanced and took up position in the advanced trench, and we kept up a
sharp fire with our rifles. Sir Colin came along the trenches later,
and came down to where we were (by this time) making a new trench.
I heard him say: ‘That is your job in the morning,’ pointing to the
Redan.”
But the attack was not to be. While searching for wounded comrades,
Corporal John Ross of the Sappers wandered far from our foremost lines,
and suddenly becoming aware of the absence of the Russian outpost, he
crept forward up the slope and entered the Redan!
The place was empty! The Russians had deserted it earlier in the
evening, and the retreat from Sebastopol was even then begun.
Graphically Tolstoy has described it:--
“Along the whole line of the bastions no one was to be seen. All was
dead, ghastly, terrible, but not silent; the destruction still went
on. Everywhere on the ground, blasted and strewn around by fresh
explosions, lay shattered gun-carriages, crushing the corpses of foes
and Russians alike. Bombs and cannon-balls and more dead bodies, then
holes and splintered beams, and again silent corpses in grey and blue
and red uniforms.... The Sebastopol army, surging and spreading like
the sea on a rough night, moved through the dense darkness, slowly
swaying by the bridge (of boats) over the roadstead away from the place
which it had held for eleven months, but which it was now commanded to
abandon without a struggle.... On reaching the north side, almost every
man took off his cap and crossed himself.”
In the grey dawn of a Sunday morning, the allied armies entered the
abandoned city. The Russians blew up magazine after magazine as they
left the city, and it was sheeted in flame as the allies entered into
possession of it. The fleet was even then settling down in the lurid
waters of the harbour, scuttled by the retreating foe.
In the Redan many a British soldier was found stark and stiff with
outstretched hand upon a Russian’s throat; some were even found
clinging to the parapet as if alive! One of the most heroic episodes
recalled with the assault of the Redan is that of Lieutenant Massy of
the 19th, who, to hearten his men, stood long exposed in the open to
the heaviest Russian fire. Though badly wounded he survived, being long
known among his countrymen as “Redan Massy.”
Though Sebastopol had fallen, it was not till the last day of February,
1856, that an armistice was concluded with Russia. Shortly before
eight o’clock on that day a telegram reached the Russian army, then
camped upon the north side of the Sebastopol roadstead, whither it had
retreated, and announced the temporary peace. On Wednesday, the 2nd
April, a salute of 101 guns announced the conclusion of the war.
By the 11th April preparations for the return home were commenced, and
went briskly forward, but alas! how many stayed behind. No fewer than
130 cemeteries in the Crimea mark the last resting place of British
dead; in the French great Campo Santo are 28,000 sons of France!