My other remark on this portion of your letter is this:--

Suppose a declaration to the effect that this treaty should not be

considered as sacrificing any American rights had been appended, and the

treaty, thus fortified, had been sent to Great Britain, as you propose;

and suppose that that government, with equal ingenuity, had appended an

equivalent written declaration that it should not be considered as

sacrificing any British right, how much more defined would have been the

rights of either party, or how much clearer the meaning and

interpretation of the treaty, by these reservations on both sides? Or,

in other words, what is the value of a protest on one side, balanced by

an exactly equivalent protest on the other?

No nation is presumed to sacrifice its rights, or give up what justly

belongs to it, unless it expressly stipulates that, for some good reason

or adequate consideration, it does make such relinquishment; and an

unnecessary asseveration that it does not intend to sacrifice just

rights would seem only calculated to invite aggression. Such

proclamations would seem better devised for concealing weakness and

apprehension, than for manifesting conscious strength and self-reliance,

or for inspiring respect in others.

Toward the end of your letter you are pleased to observe: "The rejection

of a treaty, duly negotiated, is a serious question, to be avoided

whenever it can be without too great a sacrifice. Though the national

faith is not actually committed, still it is more or less engaged. And

there were peculiar circumstances, growing out of long-standing

difficulties, which rendered an amicable arrangement of the various

matters in dispute with England a subject of great national interest.

But the negotiation of a treaty is a far different subject. Topics are

omitted or introduced at the discretion of the negotiators, and they are

responsible, to use the language of an eminent and able Senator, for

'what it contains and what it omits.' This treaty, in my opinion, omits

a most important and necessary stipulation; and therefore, as it seems

to me, its negotiation, in this particular, was unfortunate for the

country."

The President directs me to say, in reply to this, that in the treaty of

Washington no topics were omitted, and no topics introduced, at the mere

discretion of the negotiator; that the negotiation proceeded from step

to step, and from day to day, under his own immediate supervision and

direction; that he himself takes the responsibility for what the treaty

contains and what it omits, and cheerfully leaves the merits of the

whole to the judgment of the country.

I now conclude this letter, and close this correspondence, by repeating

once more the expression of the President's regret that you should have

commenced it by your letter of the 3d of October.

It is painful to him to have with you any cause of difference. He has a

just appreciation of your character and your public services at home and

abroad. He cannot but persuade himself that you must be aware yourself,

by this time, that your letter of October was written under erroneous

impressions, and that there is no foundation for the opinions respecting

the treaty which it expresses; and that it would have been far better on

all accounts if no such letter had been written.

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