This is commonly called Mr. Webster's "Free Trade" speech. It has been
found difficult to select one among his many speeches in support of the
policy of Protection which would fully represent his views on the
subject; but the reasons for his change of opinion, and for his advocacy
of Protection, are fully stated in many of the speeches printed in this
volume, delivered after the year 1830. Perhaps as good a statement as
can be selected from his many speeches on the Tariff, in explanation of
his change of position as to the need, policy, and duty of protection to
American manufactures, may be found in his speech delivered in the
Senate of the United States, on the 25th and 26th of July, 1846, on the
Bill "To reduce the Duties on Imports, and for other Purposes." In this
speech, he made the following frank avowal of the reasons which induced
him to reconsider and reverse his original opinions on the subject:--
"But, Sir, before I proceed further with this part of the case, I
will take notice of what appears, latterly, to be an attempt, by
the republication of opinions and expressions, arguments and
speeches of mine, at an earlier and later period of life, to found
against me a charge of inconsistency, on this subject of the
protective policy of the country. Mr. President, if it be an
inconsistency to hold an opinion upon a subject at one time and in
one state of circumstances, and to hold a different opinion upon
the same subject at another time and in a different state of
circumstances, I admit the charge. Nay, Sir, I will go further; and
in regard to questions which, from their nature, do not depend upon
circumstances for their true and just solution, I mean
constitutional questions, if it be an inconsistency to hold an
opinion to-day, even upon such a question, and on that same
question to hold a different opinion a quarter of a century
afterwards, upon a more comprehensive view of the whole subject,
with a more thorough investigation into the original purposes and
objects of that Constitution, and especially after a more thorough
exposition of those objects and purposes by those who framed it,
and have been trusted to administer it, I should not shrink even
from that imputation. I hope I know more of the Constitution of my
country than I did when I was twenty years old. I hope I have
contemplated its great objects more broadly. I hope I have read
with deeper interest the sentiments of the great men who framed it.
I hope I have studied with more care the condition of the country
when the convention assembled to form it. And yet I do not know
that I have much to retract or to change on these points.
"But, Sir, I am of the opinion of a very eminent person, who had
occasion, not long since, to speak of this topic in another place.
Inconsistencies of opinion, arising from changes of circumstances,
are often justifiable. But there is one sort of inconsistency which
is culpable. It is the inconsistency between a man's conviction and
his vote; between his conscience and his conduct. No man shall ever
charge me with an inconsistency like that. And now, Sir, allow me
to say, that I am quite indifferent, or rather thankful, to those
conductors of the public press who think they cannot do better than
now and then to spread my poor opinions before the public.
"I have said many times, and it is true, that, up to the year 1824,
the people of that part of the country to which I belong, being
addicted to commerce, having been successful in commerce, their
capital being very much engaged in commerce, were averse to
entering upon a system of manufacturing operations. Every member in
Congress from the State of Massachusetts, with the exception, I
think, of one, voted against the act of 1824. But what were we to
do? Were we not bound, after 1817 and 1824, to consider that the
policy of the country was settled, had become settled, as a policy,
to protect the domestic industry of the country by solemn laws? The
leading speech[11] which ushered in the act of 1824 was called a
speech for the 'American System.' The bill was carried principally
by the Middle States. Pennsylvania and New York would have it so;
and what were we to do? Were we to stand aloof from the occupations
which others were pursuing around us? Were we to pick clean teeth
on a constitutional doubt which a majority in the councils of the
nation had overruled? No, Sir; we had no option. All that was left
us was to fall in with the settled policy of the country; because,
if any thing can ever settle the policy of the country, or if any
thing can ever settle the practical construction of the
Constitution of the country, it must be these repeated decisions of
Congress, and enactments of successive laws conformable to these
decisions. New England, then, did fall in. She went into
manufacturing operations, not from original choice, but from the
necessity of the circumstances in which the legislation of the
country had placed her. And, for one, I resolved then, and have
acted upon the resolution ever since, that, having compelled the
Eastern States to go into these pursuits for a livelihood, the
country was bound to fulfil the just expectations which it had
inspired."
[Footnote 1: Mr. Clay.]
[Footnote 2: Lord Lansdowne.]
[Footnote 3: Lord Liverpool.]
[Footnote 4: Mr. Huskisson, President of the English Board of Trade.]
[Footnote 5: The Marquess of Lansdowne.]
[Footnote 6: Lord Liverpool.]
[Footnote 7: Mr. Tod.]
[Footnote 8: "The present equable diffusion of moderate wealth cannot be
better illustrated, than by remarking that in this age many palaces and
superb mansions have been pulled down, or converted to other purposes,
while none have been erected on a like scale. The numberless baronial
castles and mansions, in all parts of England, now in ruins, may all be
adduced as examples of the decrease of inordinate wealth. On the other
hand, the multiplication of commodious dwellings for the upper and
middle classes of society, and the increased comforts of all ranks,
exhibit a picture of individual happiness, unknown in any other
age."--_Sir G. Blane's Letter to Lord Spencer, in_ 1800.]
[Footnote 9: The price of labor in Russia may be pretty well collected
from Tooke's "View of the Russian Empire." "The workmen in the mines and
the founderies are, indeed, all called master-people; but they
distinguish themselves into masters, under-masters, apprentices,
delvers, servants, carriers, washers, and separators. In proportion to
their ability their wages are regulated, which proceed from fifteen to
upwards of thirty roubles per annum. The provisions which they receive
from the magazines are deducted from this pay." The value of the rouble
at that time (1799) was about twenty-four pence sterling, or forty-five
cents of our money.
"By the edict of 1799," it is added, "a laborer with a horse shall
receive, daily, in summer, twenty, and in winter, twelve copecks; a
laborer without a horse, in summer, ten, in winter, eight copecks."
A copeck is the hundredth part of a rouble, or about half a cent of our
money. The price of labor may have risen, in some degree, since that
period, but probably not much.]
[Footnote 10: Since the delivery of this speech, an arrival has brought
London papers containing the speech of the English Chancellor of the
Exchequer (Mr. Robinson), on the 23d of February last, in submitting to
Parliament the annual financial statement. Abundant confirmation will be
found in that statement of the remarks made in the preceding speech, as
to the prevailing sentiment, in the English government, on the general
subject of prohibitory laws, and on the silk manufacture and the wool
tax particularly.]
[Footnote 11: That of Mr. Clay.]