INTRODUCTION

Whilst engaged on the Translations contained in these volumes, and on the

Notes appended to the various Tales, I have found myself led unavoidably

into a much more extensive course of reading than I had originally

contemplated, and one which in great measure bears directly upon the

earlier Mediæval Romance.

Before commencing these labours, I was aware, generally, that there

existed a connexion between the Welsh Mabinogion and the Romance of the

Continent; but as I advanced, I became better acquainted with the

closeness and extent of that connexion, its history, and the proofs by

which it is supported.

At the same time, indeed, I became aware, and still strongly feel, that

it is one thing to collect facts, and quite another to classify and draw

from them their legitimate conclusions; and though I am loth that what

has been collected with some pains, should be entirely thrown away, it is

unwillingly, and with diffidence, that I trespass beyond the acknowledged

province of a translator.

In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries there arose into general

notoriety in Europe, a body of “Romance,” which in various forms retained

its popularity till the Reformation. In it the plot, the incidents, the

characters, were almost wholly those of Chivalry, that bond which united

the warriors of France, Spain, and Italy, with those of pure Teutonic

descent, and embraced more or less firmly all the nations of Europe,

excepting only the Slavonic races, not yet risen to power, and the Celts,

who had fallen from it. It is not difficult to account for this latter

omission. The Celts, driven from the plains into the mountains and

islands, preserved their liberty, and hated their oppressors with fierce,

and not causeless, hatred. A proud and free people, isolated both in

country and language, were not likely to adopt customs which implied

brotherhood with their foes.

Such being the case, it is remarkable that when the chief romances are

examined, the name of many of the heroes and their scenes of action are

found to be Celtic, and those of persons and places famous in the

traditions of Wales and Brittany. Of this the romances of Ywaine and

Gawaine, Sir Perceval de Galles, Eric and Enide, Mort d’Arthur, Sir

Lancelot, Sir Tristan, the Graal, &c., may be cited as examples. In some

cases a tendency to triads, and other matters of internal evidence, point

in the same direction.

It may seem difficult to account for this. Although the ancient dominion

of the Celts over Europe is not without enduring evidence in the names of

the mountains and streams, the great features of a country, yet the loss

of their prior language by the great mass of the Celtic nations in

Southern Europe (if indeed their successors in territory be at all of

their blood), prevents us from clearly seeing, and makes us wonder, how

stories, originally embodied in the Celtic dialects of Great Britain and

France, could so influence the literature of nations to whom the Celtic

languages were utterly unknown. Whence then came these internal marks,

and these proper names of persons and places, the features of a story

usually of earliest date and least likely to change?

These romances were found in England, France, Germany, Norway, Sweden,

and even Iceland, as early as the beginning of the thirteenth and end of

the twelfth century. The Germans, who propagated them through the

nations of the North, derived them certainly from France. Robert Wace

published his Anglo-Norman Romance of the Brut d’Angleterre about 1155.

Sir Tristan was written in French prose in 1170; and The Chevalier au

Lion, Chevalier de l’Epée, and Sir Lancelot du Lac, in metrical French,

by Chrestien de Troyes, before 1200.

From these facts it is to be argued that the further back these romances

are traced, the more clearly does it appear that they spread over the

Continent from the North-west of France. The older versions, it may be

remarked, are far more simple than the later corruptions. In them there

is less allusion to the habits and usages of Chivalry, and the Welsh

names and elements stand out in stronger relief. It is a great step to

be able to trace the stocks of these romances back to Wace, or to his

country and age. For Wace’s work was not original. He himself, a native

of Jersey, appears to have derived much of it from the “Historia

Britonum” of Gruffydd ab Arthur, commonly known as “Geoffrey of

Monmouth,” born 1128, who himself professes to have translated from a

British original. It is, however, very possible that Wace may have had

access, like Geoffrey, to independent sources of information.

To the claims set up on behalf of Wace and Geoffrey, to be regarded as

the channels by which the Cymric tales passed into the Continental

Romance, may be added those of a third almost contemporary author.

Layamon, a Saxon priest, dwelling, about 1200, upon the banks of the

upper Severn, acknowledges for the source of his British history, the

_English_ Bede, the _Latin_ Albin, and the _French_ Wace. The last-named

however is by very much his chief, and, for Welsh matters, his only

avowed authority. His book, nevertheless, contains a number of names and

stories relating to Wales, of which no traces appear in Wace, or indeed

in Geoffrey, but which he was certainly in a very favourable position to

obtain for himself. Layamon, therefore, not only confirms Geoffrey in

some points, but it is clear, that, professing to follow Wace, he had

independent access to the great body of Welsh literature then current.

Sir F. Madden has put this matter very clearly, in his recent edition of

Layamon. The Abbé de la Rue, also, was of opinion that Gaimar, an

Anglo-Norman, in the reign of Stephen, usually regarded as a translator

of Geoffrey of Monmouth, had access to a Welsh independent authority.

In addition to these, is to be mentioned the English version of Sir

Tristrem, which Sir Walter Scott considered to be derived from a distinct

Celtic source, and not, like the later Amadis, Palmerin, and Lord

Berners’s Canon of Romance, imported into English literature by

translation from the French. For the Auntours of Arthur, recently

published by the Camden Society, their Editor, Mr. Robson, seems to hint

at a similar claim.

Here then are various known channels, by which portions of Welsh and

Armoric fiction crossed the Celtic border, and gave rise to the more

ornate, and widely-spread romance of the Age of Chivalry. It is not

improbable that there may have existed many others. It appears then that

a large portion of the stocks of Mediæval Romance proceeded from Wales.

We have next to see in what condition they are still found in that

country.

That Wales possessed an ancient literature, containing various lyric

compositions, and certain triads, in which are arranged historical facts

or moral aphorisms, has been shown by Sharon Turner, who has established

the high antiquity of many of these compositions.

The more strictly Romantic Literature of Wales has been less fortunate,

though not less deserving of critical attention. Small portions only of

it have hitherto appeared in print, the remainder being still hidden in

the obscurity of ancient Manuscripts: of these the chief is supposed to

be the Red Book of Hergest, now in the Library of Jesus College, Oxford,

and of the fourteenth century. This contains, besides poems, the prose

romances known as Mabinogion. The Black Book of Caermarthen, preserved

at Hengwrt, and considered not to be of later date than the twelfth

century, is said to contain poems only. {1}

The Mabinogion, however, though thus early recorded in the Welsh tongue,

are in their existing form by no means wholly Welsh. They are of two

tolerably distinct classes. Of these, the older contains few allusions

to Norman customs, manners, arts, arms, and luxuries. The other, and

less ancient, are full of such allusions, and of ecclesiastical terms.

Both classes, no doubt, are equally of Welsh root, but the former are not

more overlaid or corrupted, than might have been expected, from the

communication that so early took place between the Normans and the Welsh;

whereas the latter probably migrated from Wales, and were brought back

and re-translated after an absence of centuries, with a load of Norman

additions. Kilhwch and Olwen, and the dream of Rhonabwy, may be cited as

examples of the older and purer class; the Lady of the Fountain, Peredur,

and Geraint ab Erbin, of the later, or decorated.

Besides these, indeed, there are a few tales, as Amlyn and Amic, Sir

Bevis of Hamtoun, the Seven Wise Masters, and the story of Charlemagne,

so obviously of foreign extraction, and of late introduction into Wales,

not presenting even a Welsh name, or allusion, and of such very slender

intrinsic merit, that although comprised in the Llyvr Coch, they have not

a shadow of claim to form part of the Canon of Welsh Romance. Therefore,

although I have translated and examined them, I have given them no place

in these volumes.

There is one argument in favour of the high antiquity in Wales of many of

the Mabinogion, which deserves to be mentioned here. This argument is

founded on the topography of the country. It is found that Saxon names

of places are very frequently definitions of the nature of the locality

to which they are attached, as Clifton, Deepden, Bridge-ford, Thorpe,

Ham, Wick, and the like; whereas those of Wales are more frequently

commemorative of some event, real or supposed, said to have happened on

or near the spot, or bearing allusion to some person renowned in the

story of the country or district. Such are “Llyn y Morwynion,” the Lake

of the Maidens; “Rhyd y Bedd,” the Ford of the Grave; “Bryn Cyfergyr,”

the Hill of Assault; and so on. But as these names could not have

preceded the events to which they refer, the events themselves must be

not unfrequently as old as the early settlement in the country. And as

some of these events and fictions are the subjects of, and are explained

by, existing Welsh legends, it follows that the legends must be, in some

shape or other, of very remote antiquity. It will be observed that this

argument supports _remote_ antiquity only for such legends as are

connected with the greater topographical features, as mountains, lakes,

rivers, seas, which must have been named at an early period in the

inhabitation of the country by man. But there exist, also, legends

connected with the lesser features, as pools, hills, detached rocks,

caves, fords, and the like, places not necessarily named by the earlier

settlers, but the names of which are, nevertheless, probably very old,

since the words of which they are composed are in many cases not retained

in the colloquial tongue, in which they must once have been included, and

are in some instances lost from the language altogether, so much so as to

be only partially explicable even by scholars. The argument applies

likewise, in their degree, to camps, barrows, and other artificial

earth-works.

Conclusions thus drawn, when established, rest upon a very firm basis.

They depend upon the number and appositeness of the facts, and it would

be very interesting to pursue this branch of evidence in detail. In

following up this idea, the names to be sought for might thus be

classed:—

The Mabinogion · 第 4 / 18 题