CHAPTER II.

GENERAL MORAL NOTIONS.

"Une différente coutume donnera d'autres principes naturels. Cela

se voit par expérience; et s'il y en a d'ineffaçables à la coutume,

il y en a aussi de la coutume ineffaçables à la nature."--PASCAL.

Next to the religion of a people, it is necessary to learn what are

their Ideas of Morals. In speaking of the popular notion of a Moral

Sense, it was mentioned that, so far from there being a general

agreement on the practice of morals, some things which are considered

eminently right in one age or country are considered eminently wrong in

another; while the people of each age or country, having grown up under

common influences, think and feel sufficiently alike to live together in

a general agreement as to right and wrong. It is the business of the

traveller to ascertain what this general agreement is in the society he

visits.

In one society, spiritual attainments will be the most highly honoured,

as in most religious communities. In another, the qualities attendant

upon intellectual eminence will be worshipped,--as now in countries

which are the most advanced in preparation for political

freedom,--France, Germany, and the United States. In others, the moral

qualities allied to physical or extrinsic power are chiefly

venerated,--as in all uncivilized countries, and all which lie under

feudal institutions.

The lower moral qualities which belong to the last class have been

characteristics of nations. The valour of the Spartans, the love of

glory of the Romans and the French, the pride of the Spaniards,--these

infantile moral qualities have belonged to a people as distinctly as to

an individual.--Those which are in alliance with intellectual eminence

are not so strikingly characteristic of entire nations; though we praise

the Athenians for their love of letters and honour of philosophy; the

Italians for their liberality towards art, and their worship of it while

a meaner glory was the fashion of the world; the Germans for their

speculative enterprise, and patience of research; and the Americans for

their reverence for intellect above military fame and the splendour of

wealth.--No high spiritual qualities have ever yet characterized a

nation, or even--in spite of much profession--any considerable

community. Hospitality and beneficence have distinguished some religious

societies: the non-resistance of Quakers, the industry of Moravians, and

of several kinds of people united on the principle of community of

property, may be cited: but this seems to be all. The enforced

temperance, piety, and chastity of monastic societies go for nothing in

this view; because, being enforced, they indicate nothing of the

sentiment subsequent to the taking of the vow. The people of the United

States have come the nearest to being characterized by lofty spiritual

qualities. The profession with which they set out was high,--a

circumstance greatly to their honour, though (as might have been

expected) they have not kept up to it. They are still actuated by

ambition of territory, and have not faith enough in moral force to rely

upon it, as they profess to do. The Swiss, in their unshaken and

singularly devoted love of freedom, seem to be spiritually distinguished

above other nations: but they have no other strong characteristic of

this highest class.

The truth is that, whatever may be the moral state of nations when the

human world emerges hereafter from its infancy, high spiritual qualities

are now matters of individual concern, as those of the intellectual

class were once; and their general prevalence is a matter of prospective

vision alone. Time was when the swampy earth resounded with the tramp

and splash of monstrous creatures, whom there was no reason present to

classify, and no language to name. Then, after a certain number of ages,

the earth grew drier; palm-groves and tropical thickets flourished where

Paris now stands; and the waters were collected into lakes in the

regions where the armies of Napoleon were of late encamped. Then came

the time when savage, animal man appeared, using his physical force like

the lower animals, and taught by the experience of its deficiency that

he was in possession of another kind of force. Still, for ages, the use

he made of reason was to overcome the physical force of others, and to

render available his own portion. On this principle, and for this

object, variously modified, and more or less refined, have societies

been formed to this day; though, as morals are the fruit of which

intellect is the blossom, spiritualism--faith in moral power--has

existed in individuals ever since the first free exercise of reason.

While all nations were ravaging one another as they had opportunity,

there were always parents who did not abuse their physical power over

their children. In the midst of a general worship of power, birth, and

wealth, the affections have wrought out in individual minds a preference

of obscurity and poverty for the sake of spiritual objects. Amidst the

supremacy of the worship of honour and social ease, there have always

been confessors who could endure disgrace for the truth, and martyrs who

could die for it.--Such individual cases have never been wanting: and,

in necessary connexion with this fact, there has always been a sympathy

in this pure moral taste,--an appreciation which could not but help its

diffusion. Thence arose the formation of communities for the fostering

of holiness,--projects which, however mistaken in their methods and

injurious in their consequences, have always commanded, and do still

command, sympathy, from the venerableness of their origin. Not all the

stories of the abuses of monastic institutions can destroy the respect

of every ingenuous mind for the spiritual preferences out of which they

arose. The Crusades are still holy, notwithstanding all their

defilements of vain-glory, superstition, and barbarism of various kinds.

The retreat of the Pilgrim Fathers to the forests of the New World

silences the ridicule of the thoughtless about the extravagances of

Puritanism in England.

Thus far has the race advanced; and, having thus advanced, there is

reason to anticipate that the age may come when the individual worship

of spiritual supremacy may expand into national; when a people may agree

to govern one another with the smallest possible application of physical

force; when goodness shall come to be naturally more honoured than

birth, wealth, or even intellect; when ambition of territory shall be

given up; when all thought of war shall be over; when the pursuit of the

necessaries and luxuries of external life shall be regarded as means to

an end; and when the common aim of exertion shall be self and mutual

perfection. It does not seem to be rash to anticipate such a state of

human affairs as this, when an aspiration like the following has been

received with sympathy by thousands of republicans united under a

constitution of ideas. "Talent and worth are the only eternal grounds of

distinction. To these the Almighty has affixed his everlasting patent of

nobility; and these it is which make the bright, 'the immortal names,'

to which our children may aspire, as well as others. It will be our own

fault if, in our land, society as well as government is not organized on

a new foundation."--"Knowledge and goodness,--these make degrees in

heaven, and they must be the graduating scale of a true democracy."[F]

Meantime, it is the traveller's business to learn what is the species of

Moral Sentiment which lies deepest in the hearts of the majority of the

people.

* * * * *

He will find no better place of study than the Cemetery,--no more

instructive teaching than Monumental Inscriptions. The brief language of

the dead will teach him more than the longest discourses of the living.

He will learn what are the prevalent views of death; and when he knows

what is the common view of death, he knows also what is the aspect of

life to no small number;--that is, he will have penetrated into the

interior of their morals.--If it should ever be fully determined that

the pyramids of Egypt were designed solely as places of sepulture, they

will cease to be the mute witness they have been for ages. They will

tell at least that death was not regarded as the great leveller,--that

kings and peasants were not to sleep side by side in death, any more

than in life. How they contrast with the Moravian burial-grounds, where

all are laid in rows as they happen to be brought to the grave, and

where memorial is forbidden!--The dead of Constantinople are cast out

from among the living in waste, stillness, and solitude. The cemeteries

lie beyond the walls, where no hum from the city is heard, and where the

dark cypresses overhanging the white marble tombs give an air of

mourning and desolation to the scene. In contrast with these are the

church-yards of English cities, whose dead thus lie in full view of the

living; the school-boy trundles his hoop among them, and the news of the

day is discussed above their place of rest. This fact of where the dead

are laid is an important one. If out of sight, death and religion may or

may not be connected in the general sentiment; if within or near the

places of worship, they certainly are so connected. In the cemeteries of

Persia, the ashes of the dead are ranged in niches of the walls: in

Egypt we have the most striking example of affection to the body, shown

in the extraordinary care to preserve it; while some half-civilized

people seem to be satisfied with putting their dead out of sight, by

summarily sinking them in water, or hiding them in the sand; and the

Caffres throw their dead to the hyenas,--impelled to this, however, not

so much by disregard of the dead, as by a superstitious fear of death

taking place in their habitations, which causes them to remove the

dying, and expose them in this state to beasts of prey. The burial of

the dead by the road-side by some of the ancients, seems to have brought

death into the closest relation with life; and when the place chosen is

taken in connexion with the inscriptions on the tombs,--words addressed

to the wayfarer as from him who lies within,--from the pilgrim now at

rest to the pilgrim still on his way, they give plain indications of the

views of death and life entertained by those who placed them.

Much may be learned from the monumental inscriptions of all nations. The

first epitaph is supposed to be traced back to the year of the world

2700, when the scholars of Linus, the Theban poet, bewailed their master

in verses which were inscribed upon his tomb. From that day to this,

wherever there have been letters, there have been epitaphs; and, where

letters have been wanting, there have been symbols. Mysterious symbolic

arrangements are traced in the monumental mounds in the interior of the

American continent, where a race of whom we know nothing else flourished

before the Red man opened his eyes upon the light. One common rule,

drawn from a universal sentiment, has presided at the framing of all

epitaphs for some thousands of years. "De mortuis nil nisi bonum" is the

universal agreement of mourners.[G] It follows that epitaphs must

everywhere indicate what is there considered good.

The observer must give his attention to this. Among a people "whose

merchants are princes," the praise of the departed will be in a

different strain from that which will be found among a warlike nation,

or a community of agriculturists. Here one may find monumental homage to

public spirit, in the form of active citizenship; there to domestic

virtue as the highest honour. The glory of eminent station, of ancient

family, of warlike deeds, and of courtly privileges may be conspicuously

exhibited in one district; while in another the dead are honoured in

proportion to their contempt of human greatness, even when won by

achievements; to their having lived with a sole regard "to things unseen

and eternal." An inscription which breathes the pride of a noble family

in telling that "all the sons were brave, and all the daughters chaste,"

presents a summary of the morals of the age and class to which it

belongs. It tells that the supreme honour of men was to be brave, and of

women to be chaste; excluding the supposition of each sharing the virtue

of the other: whereas, when courage and purity shall be understood in

their full signification, it will have become essential to the honour of

a noble family that all the sons should be also pure, and all the

daughters brave. Then bravery will signify moral rather than physical

courage, and purity of mind will be considered no attribute of sex.

Even the nature of the public services commemorated, where public

service is considered the highest praise, may indicate much. It is a

fact of no small significance whether a man is honoured after death for

having made a road, or for having founded a monastery, or endowed a

school; whether he introduced a new commodity, or erected a church;

whether he marched adventurously in the pursuit of conquest, or fought

bravely among his native mountains to guard the homes of his countrymen

from aggression. The German, the French, the Swiss monuments of the

present century all tell the common tale that men have lived and died:

but with what various objects did they live! and in what a variety of

hope and heroism did they die! All were proud of their respective

differences while they lived; and, now that their contests are at an

end, they afford materials of speculation to the stranger who ponders

upon their tombs.

A variety, perhaps a contrariety of praise, may be found in the epitaphs

of a country, a city, or a single cemetery. Where this diversity is

found, it testifies to the diversity of views held, and therefore to the

freedom of the prevailing religious sentiment. Everywhere, however,

there is an affection and esteem for certain virtues. Disinterestedness,

fidelity, and love are themes of praise everywhere. Some may have no

sympathy for the deeds of the warrior, and others for the discoveries of

the philosopher and the adventurer; but the honoured parent, the devoted

child, the philanthropic citizen, are sure of their tribute from all

hearts.

Even if there were a variety of praise proportioned to the diversity of

hearts and minds that utter it, the inscriptions of a cemetery cannot

but breathe a spirit which must animate, more or less, the morals of the

society. For instance, the cemetery of Père la Chaise utters, from end

to end, one wail. It is all mourning, and no hope. Every expression of

grief, from tender regret to blank despair, is to be found there; but

not a hint of consolation, except from memory. All is over, and the

future is vacant. A remarkable contrast to this is seen in the cemetery

of Mount Auburn, Massachusetts. The religious spirit of New England is

that which has hope for one of its largest elements, and which was

believed by the Puritan fathers to forbid the expression of sorrow. One

of those fathers made an entry in his journal, in the early days of the

colony, that it had pleased God to take from him by an accident his

beloved son Henry, whom he committed to the Lord's mercy;--and this was

all. In a similar spirit are the epitaphs at Mount Auburn framed. There

is a religious silence about the sorrows of the living, and every

expression of joy, thanksgiving, and hope for the dead. One who had

never heard of death, might take this for the seed-field of life; for

the oratory of the happy; for the heaven of the hopeful. Parents invite

their children from the grave to follow them. Children remind their

parents that the term of separation will be short; and all repose their

hopes together on an authority which is to them as stable and

comprehensive as the blue sky which is over all.--What a contrast is

here! and how eloquent as to the moral views of the respective nations!

There is not a domestic attachment or social relation which is not

necessarily modified, elevated, or depressed by the conviction of its

being transient or immortal,--an end or means to a higher end. Though

human hearts are so far alike as that there must be a hope of reunion,

more or less defined and assured, in all who love, and a practical

falling below the elevation of this hope in those even who enjoy the

strongest assurance,--yet the moral notions of any society must be very

different where the ground of hope is taken for granted, and where it is

kept wholly out of sight.

* * * * *

The observer may obtain further light upon the moral ideas of a people

by noting the degree of their Attachment to Kindred and Birth-place.

This species of attachment is so natural, that none are absolutely

without it; but it varies in degree, according as the moral taste of the

people goes to enhance or to subdue it. The Swiss and the American

parent both send their children abroad; but with what different feelings

and views! The Swiss father dismisses his daughter to teach in a school

at Paris or London, and his sons to commerce or war. He resigns himself

to a hard necessity, and supports them with suggestions of the honour of

virtuous independence, and of the delight of returning when it is

achieved. They, in their exile, can never see a purple shade upon a

mountain side, a gleaming sheet of water, or a nestling village, without

a throb of the heart, and a sickening longing for home.--The New

England mother, with her tribe of children around her on her hill-side

farm, nourishes them with tales of the noble extent of their

country,--how its boundary is ever shifting westwards, and what a wild

life it is there in the forest, with the Red men for neighbours, and

inexhaustible wealth in the soil, ready for the hand which shall have

enterprise to work for it. She tells of one and another, but lately boys

like her children, who are now judges and legislators,--founders of

towns, or having counties named after them. As her young people grow up,

they part off eagerly from the old farm,--one into a southern city,

another into the western forest, a third to a prairie in a new

territory; and the daughters marry, and go over the mountains too. The

mother may have sighs to conceal, but she does conceal them; and the

sons, so far from lingering,--are impatient till they are gone. Their

idea of national honour,--both their patriotic and their personal

ambition,--is concerned; and they welcome the hour of dispersion as the

first step towards the great objects of their life. Some return to the

old neighbourhood to take a wife; but they do not think of passing their

second childhood where they spent their first,--any more than the Greek

colonists who swarmed from their narrow native districts. The settlers

of the west go there, not to obtain a certain amount of personal

property, but land, station, and power.--How different again are the

Scotch--the people of the strongest family attachments! In the modified

and elevated feudalism of clanship, pride and love of kindred constitute

the animating social principle. Their clan-music is to them what the

Ranz de Vaches is to the Swiss: the one echoing the harmonics of social

intercourses, as the other revives the melodies of mountain life.

Through the love of kindred, the love of birth-place flourishes among

the Scotch. The Highland emigrants in Canada not only clasp hands when

they hear played the march of their clan, but wept when they found that

heather would not grow in their newly-adopted soil.

* * * * *

The traveller must talk with Old People, and see what is the character

of the garrulity of age. He must talk with Children, and mark the

character of the aspirations of childhood. He will thus learn what is

good in the eyes of those who have passed through the society he

studies, and in the hopes of those who have yet to enter upon it. Is it

the aged mother's pride that her sons are all unstained in honour, and

her daughters safe in happy homes? or does she boast that one is a

priest, and another a peeress? Does the grandmother relate that all her

descendants who are of age are "received church-members"? or that her

favourite grandchild has been noticed by the emperor? Do the old men

prose of a single happy love, or of exploits of gallantry? or of

commercial success, or of political failure? What is the section of life

to which the greatest number of ancient memories cling? Is it to

struggles for a prince in disguise, or to a revolutionary conflict? Is

it to the removal of a social oppression, or to a season of domestic

trial, or to an accession of personal consequence? Is it the having

acquired an office or a title? or the having assisted in the abolition

of slavery? or the having conversed with a great author? or the having

received a nod from a prince, or a curtsey from a queen? or have you to

listen to details of the year of the scarcity, or the season of the

plague?--What are the children's minds full of? The little West Indian

will not talk of choosing a profession, any more than the infant

Portuguese will ask for books. One nation of children will tell of the

last saint's day, and another will refer every thing to the emperor.

Elsewhere you will be treated with legends without end; or you will be

instructed about bargains and wages; or the boys will ask you why a

king's son should be king whether the people like him or not; and the

girls will whisper something to you about their brother being President

some day. As the minds of the young are formed, generally speaking, to

an adaptation to the objects presented to them, their preference of

warlike to commercial, or literary to political honour, is an eloquent

circumstance: and so of their sense of greatness in any

direction,--whether it be of the physical order, or the intellectual, or

the spiritual.

* * * * *

From this, the transition is natural to the study of the character of

the Pride of each nation. Learn what people glory in, and you learn much

of both the theory and practice of their morals. All nations, like all

individuals, have pride, sooner or later, in one thing or another. It is

a stage through which they have to pass in their moral progression, and

out of which the most civilized have not yet advanced, nor discerned

that they will have to advance, though the passion becomes moderated at

each remove from barbarism. It is by no means clear that the essential

absurdity of each is relieved by its dilution. Hereafter, the most

modern pride of the most civilized people may appear as ridiculous in

its nature as the grossest conceit of utter barbarians now appears to

us; but, still, the direction taken by the general pride must show what

class of objects is held in most esteem.

The Chinese have no doubt that all other countries are created for the

benefit of theirs; they call their own "the central empire," as certain

philosophers once called our earth the centre round which everything

else was to revolve. They call it the Celestial Empire, of which their

ruler is the Sun: "they profess to rule barbarians by misrule, like

beasts, and not like native subjects." Here we have the extreme of

national pride, which must involve various moral qualities;--all the bad

ones which are the consequence of ignorance, subservience to domestic

despotism, and contempt of the race of man; and the good ones which are

the consequence of national seclusion,--cheerful industry, social

complacency, quietness, and order.--The Arab pride bears a resemblance

to the Chinese, but is somewhat refined and spiritualized. The Arabs

believe that the earth, "spread out like a bed," and upheld by a

gigantic angel (the angel standing upon a rock, and the rock upon a

bull, and the bull upon a fish, and the fish floating upon water, and

the water upon darkness,)--that the earth, thus upheld, is surrounded by

the Circumambient Ocean; that the inhabited part of the earth is to the

rest but as a tent in the desert; and that in the very centre of this

inhabited part is--Mecca. Their exclusive faith makes a part of their

nationality, and their insolence shows itself eminently in their

devotions. Their spiritual supremacy is their strong point; and they can

afford to be somewhat less outwardly contemptuous to the race at large,

from the certainty they have that all will be made plain and

indisputable at last, when the followers of the Prophet alone will be

admitted to bliss, and the punishments of the future world will be

eternal to all but wicked Mahomedans. There will be found among the

Arabs, in accordance with this pride, a strong mutual fidelity; and,

among the best class of believers, a real devotion and a kindly

compassion towards outcasts; while, among lower orders of minds, we may

expect to witness the extreme exasperation of vindictiveness, insult,

and rapacity.--We may pass over the pride of caste in India, of royal

race in Africa, and the wild notions of Caribbean and Esquimaux dignity,

which are almost as painful to contemplate as the freaks of pride in

Bedlam. There is quite enough to look upon in the most civilized parts

of the earth.--The whole national character of the Spaniards might be

inferred from their particularly notorious pride; the quarterings of

German barons are a popular joke; the French pride of military glory is

an index to the national morals of France; while, in the United States,

the pride of Washington and of territory is oddly combined and

contrasted. Nothing can be more indicative of the true moral state of

the Americans; they hang between the past and the future, with many of

the feudal prepossessions of the past, mingled with the democratic

aspirations which relate to the future. The ambition and pride of

territory belong to the first, and their pride in the leader of their

revolution to the last: he is their personification of that moral power

to which they profess allegiance. The consequences of this arbitrary

union of two kinds of national pride may be foreseen. The Americans

unite some of the low qualities of feudalism with some of the highest of

a more equal social organization. Without the first, slavery, cupidity,

and ostentation could not exist to any great extent; without the others,

there could not be the splendid moral conflict which we now see going on

in opposition to slavery, nor the reverence for man which is the

loveliest feature of American morals and manners.

From the aristocratic pride of the English the stranger might draw

inferences no less correct. If it is found that there is scarcely a

gamekeeper or a tradesman among us who is not stiffened with prejudices

about rank; that gossips can tell what noblemen pay, and which do not

pay, their tradesmen's bills; that persons who have never seen a lord

can furnish all information about the genealogy and intermarriages of

noble families; that every class is emulating the manners of the one

above it; and that democratic principles are held chiefly in the

manufacturing districts, or, if in country regions, among the tenantry

of landlords of liberal politics;--the moral condition of such a people

lies, as it were, mapped out beneath the eye of the observer. They must

be orderly, eminently industrious, munificent in their grants to rulers,

and mechanically oppressive to the lowest class of the ruled; nationally

complacent, while wanting in individual self-respect; reverentially

inclined towards the lofty minority, and contemptuously disposed

towards the lowly majority of their race; a generous devotion being

advantageously mingled, however, with the select reverence, and a kindly

spirit of protection with the gross contempt. Such, to the eye of an

observer, are the qualities involved in English pride. Upon this moral

material, everywhere diffused, should the traveller observe and reflect.

* * * * *

Man-worship is as universal a practice as that of the higher sort of

religion. As men everywhere adore some supposed agents of unseen things,

they are, in like manner, disposed to do homage to what is venerable

when it is presented to their eyes in the actions of a living man. This

man-worship is one of the most honourable and one of the most hopeful

circumstances in the mind of the race. An individual here and there may

scoff at the credulity of others, and profess unbelief in human virtue;

but no society has ever yet wanted faith in man. Every community has its

saints, its heroes, its sages,--whose tombs are visited, whose deeds are

celebrated, whose words have become the rules by which men live.

Now, the moral taste of a people is nowhere more clearly shown than in

its choice of idols. Of these idols there are two kinds;--those whose

divinity is confirmed by the lapse of time, like Gustavus Adolphus among

the Swedes, Tell in Switzerland, Henri IV. among the French, and

Washington among the Americans; and those who are still living, and upon

whose daily doings a multitude of eyes are fixed.

Those of the first class reign singly; their uncontested sway is over

national character, as well as the affections of individual minds; and

from their character may that of the whole people be, in certain

respects, inferred. Who supposes that the Swiss would have been the same

as they are, if Tell's character and deeds could have been hidden in

oblivion from the moment those deeds were done? What would the Americans

have been now if every impression of Washington could have been effaced

from their minds fifty years ago? This is not the place in which to

enlarge on the power--the greatest power we know of--which man exercises

over men through their affections; but it is a fact which the observer

should keep ever in view. The existence of a great man is one of those

gigantic circumstances,--one of those national influences,--which have

before been mentioned as modifying the conscience--the feelings about

right and wrong--in a whole people. The pursuits of a nation for ever

may be determined by the fact of the great man of five centuries being a

poet, a warrior, a statesman, or a maritime adventurer. The morals of a

nation are influenced to all eternity by the great man's being ambitious

or moderate, passionate or philosophical, licentious or self-governed.

Certain lofty qualities he must have, or he could not have attained

greatness,--energy, perseverance, faith, and consequently earnestness.

These are essential to his immortality; upon the others depends the

quality of his influence; and upon these must the observer of the

present generation reflect.

It is not by dogmas that Christianity has permanently influenced the

mind of Christendom. No creeds are answerable for the moral revolution

by which physical has been made to succumb to moral force; by which

unfortunates are cherished by virtue of their misfortunes; by which the

pursuit of speculative truth has become an object worthy of

self-sacrifice. It is the character of Jesus of Nazareth which has

wrought to these purposes. Notwithstanding all the obscuration and

defilement which that character has sustained from superstition and

other corruption, it has availed to these purposes, and must prevail

more and more now that it is no longer possible to misrepresent his

sayings and conceal his deeds, as was done in the dark ages. In all

advancing time, as corruption is surmounted, there are more and more who

vividly feel that life does not consist in the abundance that a man

possesses, but in energy of spirit, and in a power and habit of

self-sacrifice: there are perpetually more and more who discern and live

by the persuasion that the pursuit of worldly power and ease is a matter

totally apart from the function of Christianity; and this persuasion has

not been wrought into activity by declarations of doctrine in any form,

but by the spectacle, vivid before the eye of the mind, of the Holy One

who declined the sword and the crown, lived without property, and

devoted himself to die by violence, in an unparalleled simplicity of

duty. The being himself is the mover here; and every great man is, in a

similar manner, however inferior may be the degree, a spring by which

spirits are moved. By the study of them may much of the consequent

movement be understood. The observer of British morals should gather up

the names of their idols; he will hear of Hampden, Bacon, Shakspeare,

Newton, Howard, and Wesley. In Scotland, he will hear of Bruce and

Knox. What a flood of light do these names shed on our _morale_! It is

the same with the Englishman abroad when his attention is referred in

France to Henri IV, Richelieu, Turenne, and Napoleon, to Bossuet and

Fenelon, to Voltaire, and their glorious list of natural philosophers:

in Italy, to Lorenzo de' Medici, Galileo, and their constellations of

poets and artists: in Germany, to Charles V, Luther, Schwartz, Göthe,

Copernicus, Handel, and Mozart. There is in every nation a succession of

throned gods, each of whom is the creator of some region of the national

mind, and has formed men into more or less of his own likeness.

The other kind of idols are those who are still living, and whose

influence upon morals and manners is strong, but may or may not be

distinguishably permanent. These afford a less faithful evidence,--but

yet an evidence which is not to be neglected. The spirit of the times is

seen in the character of the idols of the day, however the nation may be

divided in its choice of idols, and however many sects there may be in

the man-worship of the generation. In our own day, for instance, how

plainly is the movement of society discerned, from the fact of the

eminence of philanthropists in many countries! Whether they presently

sink, or continue to rise, they testify to a prevailing feeling in

society. Père Enfantin in France, Wilberforce in England, Garrison in

America,--these are watchmen set on a pinnacle (whoever may object to

their being there) who can tell us "what of the night," and how a new

morning is breaking. Whether they may be most cause or effect, whether

they have more or less decidedly originated the interest of which they

are the head, it is clear that there is a certain adaptation between

themselves and the general mind, without which they could not have risen

to be what they are.--Every society has always its idols. If there are

none by merit, at any moment, station is received as a qualification.

Large numbers are always worshipping the heads of the aristocracy, of

whatever kind they may be; and there is rarely a long interval in which

there is not some warrior, some poet, artist, or philanthropist on whom

the multitude are flinging crowns and incense. The popularity of Byron

testified to the existence of a gloomy discontent in a multitude of

minds, as the adoration of De Béranger discloses the political feelings

of the French. Statesmen rarely command an overwhelming majority of

worshippers, because interest enters much more than sentiment into

politics: but every author, or other artist who can reach the general

mind,--every preacher, philanthropist, soldier, or discoverer, who has

risen into an atmosphere of worship in pursuit of a purpose, is a fresh

Peter the Hermit, meeting and stimulating the spirit of his time, and

exhibiting its temper to the observer,--foreign as to either clime or

century. The physical observer of a new region might as well shut his

eyes to the mountains, and omit to note which way the streams run, as

the moral observer pass by the idols of a nation with a heedless gaze.

* * * * *

Side by side with this lies the inquiry into the great Epochs of the

society visited. Find out what individuals and nations date from, and

you discover what events are most interesting to them. A child reckons

from his first journey, or his entrance upon school: a man from his

marriage, his beginning practice in his profession, or forming a fresh

partnership in trade; if he be a farmer, from the year of a good or bad

crop; if he be a merchant, from the season of a currency pressure; if he

be an operative, from the winter of the Strike: a matron dates from the

birth of her children; her nursemaid from her change of place. Nations,

too, date from what interests them most. It is important to learn what

this is. The major date of American citizens is the Revolution; their

minor dates are elections, and new admissions into the Union. The people

at Amsterdam date from the completion of the Stadt Huis; the Spaniards

from the achievement of Columbus; the Germans from the deed of Luther;

the Haytians from the abduction of Toussaint L'Ouverture; the Cherokees

from treaties with the Whites; the people of Pitcairn's Island from the

mutiny of the Bounty; the Turks, at present, from the massacre of the

Janissaries; the Russians from the founding of St. Petersburgh and the

deaths of its monarchs; the Irish (for nearer times than the battle of

the Boyne) by the year of the fever, the year of the rebellion, the year

of the famine. There is a world of instruction in this kind of fact; and

if a new species of epoch, of which there is a promise, should

arise,--if the highest works of men should come to be looked upon as the

clearest operations of Providence,--if Germany or Europe should date

from Göthe as the civilized world does from Columbus,--this sole test

might reveal almost the entire moral state of society.

* * * * *

The treatment of the Guilty is all-important as an index to the moral

notions of a society. This class of facts will hereafter yield

infallible inferences as to the principles and views of governments and

people upon vice, its causes and remedies. At present, such facts must

be used with great caution, because the societies of civilized countries

are in a state of transition from the old vindictiveness to a purer

moral philosophy. The ancient methods, utterly disgraceful as they are,

must subsist till society has fully agreed upon and prepared for better

ones; and it would be harsh to pronounce upon the humanity of the

English from their prisons, or the justice of the French from their

galley system. The degrees of reliance upon brute force and upon public

opinion are yet by no means proportioned to the civilization of

respective societies, as at first sight might be expected, and as must

be before punishments and prisons can be taken as indications of morals

and manners.

The treatment of the guilty in savage lands, and also in countries under

a despotism, indicates the morals of rulers only,--except in so far as

it points out the political subservience of the people. It is true that

the Burmese must needs be in a deplorable social state, if their king

can "spread out" his prime minister in the sun, as formerly described:

but the mercy or cruelty of his subjects can be inferred only from the

liberty they may have and may use to treat one another in the same

manner. In their case, we see that such a power is possessed and put to

use. The creditor exposes his debtor's wife, children, and slaves, to

the same noon-day sun which broils the prime minister. In Austria, it

would be harsh to suppose that subjects have any desire to treat one

another as the Emperor and his minister treat political offenders within

the walls of the castle of Spielburg. The Russians at large are not to

be made answerable for the transportation of coffles of nobles and

gentlemen to the silver mines of Siberia, and the regiments on the

frontier. It is only under a representative government that prisons, and

the treatment of criminals under the law, can be fairly considered a

test of the feelings of the majority.

It is too true, however, that punishments are almost everywhere

vindictive in their character; and have more relation to some supposed

principle of "not letting vice go unpunished," than either to the

security of society, or the reformation of the offender. The few

exceptions that exist are a far more conclusive testimony to an

advancing state of morals than the old methods are to the vindictiveness

of the mind of the society which they corrupt and deform. The

Philadelphia penitentiary is a proof of the thoughtful and laborious

humanity of those who instituted it; but Newgate cannot be regarded as

the expressed decision of the English people as to how criminals should

be guarded. Such a prison would not now be instituted by any civilized

nation. Its existence is to be interpreted, not as a token of the

cruelty and profligacy of the mind of society, but of its ignorance of

the case, or of its bigoted adherence to ancient methods, or of its

apathy in regard to improvements to which there is no peremptory call of

self-interest. Any one of these is enough, Heaven knows, for any

society to have to answer for; enough to yield, by contrast, surpassing

honour to the philanthropy which has pulled down the pillory, and is

labouring to supersede the hangman, and to convert every prison in the

civilized world into an hospital for the cure of moral disease. But the

reform has begun; the spirit of Howard is on its pilgrimage; and

barbarous as is still our treatment of the guilty, better days are in

prospect.

What the traveller has to observe then is, first, whether there has been

any amelioration of the treatment of criminals in countries where the

people have a voice upon it: and, in countries despotically ruled,

whether public sentiment is moved about the condition of state

criminals, and whether men treat one another vindictively in their

appeals to the laws of citizenship: whether there is a Burmese cruelty

in the exercise of the legal rights of the creditor; whether there is a

reluctance to plunge others into the woes of legal penalties; or whether

offenders are considered as beyond the pale of sympathy. It may thus

appear whether the people entertain the pernicious notion that there is

a line drawn for human conduct, on one side of which all is virtue, and

on the other all vice; or whether they are approximating to the more

philosophical and genial belief that all wickedness is weakness and woe,

and that therefore the guilty need more care and tenderness in the

arrangement of the circumstances under which they live than those who

enjoy greater strength against temptation, and an ease of mind which

criminals can never know. In some parts of the United States this

general persuasion is remarkably evident, and is an incontestable proof

of the advanced state of morals there. In some prisons of the United

States, as much care is bestowed on the arrangements by which the guilty

are preserved from contaminating one another, are exposed to good

influences and precluded from bad, as in any infirmary on the

ventilation of the wards, and the diet and nursing of the sick. In such

a region, vindictiveness in social punishments must be going out, and

Christ-like views of human guilt and infirmity beginning to prevail.

The same conclusions may be drawn from an observation of the methods of

legal punishment. Recklessness of human life is one of the surest

symptoms of barbarism, whether life is taken by law or by assassination.

As men grow civilized, and learn to rate the spiritual higher and higher

above the physical life, human life grows sacred. The Turk orders off

the head of a slave almost without a serious thought. The New Zealanders

have murdered men by scores, to supply their dried and grinning heads to

English purchasers, who little imagined the cost at which they were

obtained. This is the way in which life is squandered in savage

societies. Up to a comparatively high point of civilization, the law

makes free with life, long after the private expenditure of it has been

checked or has ceased. Duels, brawls, assassinations, have nearly been

discontinued, and even war in some measure discountenanced, before the

law duly recognises the sacredness of human life. But the time comes.

One generation after another grows up with a still improving sense of

the majesty of life,--of the mystery of the existence of such a being as

man,--of the infinity of ideas and emotions in the mind of each, and of

the boundlessness of his social relations. These recognitions may not be

express; but they are sufficiently real to hold back the hand from

quenching life. The reluctance to destroy such a creation is found to be

on the increase. Men prefer suffering wrong to being accessary to so

fearful an act as what now appears a judicial murder: the law is left

unused,--is evaded,--and it becomes necessary to alter it. Capital

punishments are restricted,--are further restricted,--are abolished.

Such is the process. It is now all but completed in the United States:

it is advancing rapidly in England. During its progress further light is

thrown on the moral notions of a represented people by a change in the

character of other (called inferior) punishments. Bodily torments and

disfigurements go out. Torture and mutilation are discontinued, and

after a while the grosser mental inflictions. The pillory (as mere

ignominious exposure) was a great advance upon the maiming with which it

was once connected; but it is now discontinued as barbarous. All

ignominious exposure will ere long be considered equally

barbarous,--including capital punishment, of which such exposure is the

recommendatory principle. To refer once more to the Pennsylvania

case,--these notions of ignominious exposure are there so far outgrown,

that avoidance of it is the main principle of the management. Seclusion,

under the guardianship of the law, is there the method,--on the

principle of consideration to the weak, and of supreme regard to the

feeling of self-respect in the offender,--the feeling in which he is

necessarily most deficient. When we consider the brutalizing methods of

punishment in use in former times, and now in some foreign countries,

in contrast with the latest instituted and most successful, we cannot

avoid perceiving that such are indications of the moral notions of those

at whose will they exist, be they a council of despots, or an

association of nations. We cannot avoid perceiving from them what

barbarism is held to be justice in some ages and countries; and how that

which would then and there be condemned as culpable leniency, comes

elsewhere to be considered less than justice. The treatment of the

guilty is one of the strongest evidences as to the general moral notions

of society, when it is evidence at all; that is, when the guilty are in

the hands of society.

* * * * *

There is another species of evidence of which travellers are not in the

habit of making use, but which is well worth their attention,--the

Conversation of convicted Criminals. There are not many places in the

world where it is possible to obtain this, without a greater sacrifice

of comfort than the ordinary tourist is disposed to make. There is

little temptation to enter prisons where squalid wretches are crowded

together in dirt, noise, and utter profligacy; where no one of them

could speak seriously for fear of the ridicule of his comrades; where

the father sees his young son corrupted before his eyes, and the mother

utters cruel jests upon the frightened child that hides its face in her

apron. In scenes like these, there is nothing for the stranger to do and

to learn. The whole is one great falsehood, where the people are acting

falsely under false circumstances. It affords an enterprise for the

philanthropist, but no real knowledge for the observer. He may pass by

such places, knowing that they are pretty much alike in all countries

where they exist. Criminals herded together in virtue of their

criminality, and outraged into a diabolical hardihood, must present one

uniform aspect of disgust. What variety should there be in them? About

as much as in the leper settlements in the wildernesses of the world two

thousand years ago.

The traveller will not be permitted to see the state prisoners of any

despotic government; but wherever the subject of prison reform has been

entertained, (and Howard's spirit is at work in many countries of the

world,) there will probably be opportunity to converse with offenders in

a better way than by singling them out from the crowd, in a spirit of

condescension, and asking them a few questions, in the answers to which

you can place no confidence. If you can converse face to face with a

convict, as man with man, you can hardly fail to be instructed. If he

has been long deprived of equal conversation, his heart will be full;

his disposition will be to trust you; his impulse will be to confide to

you his offence, and all the details connected with it. By thus

conversing with a variety of offenders, you will be put in possession of

the causes of crime, of the views of society upon the relative gravity

of offences, and of the condition of hope or despair in which those are

left who have broken the laws, and are delivered over to shame.

Much light will also be thrown upon the seat of the disorders of

society. Putting political offences aside, as varying in number in

proportion to the nature of the government, almost all the rest are

offences against property. Nine out of ten convicts, perhaps, are

punished for taking the money or money's worth of another. Here is a

hint as to the respects in which society is most mistaken in its

principles, and weakest in its organization. Of the offences against the

person, some are occasioned by the bad habits which attend the practice

of depredation on property; thieves are drunkards, and drunkards are

brawlers:--but the greater number arise out of domestic miseries. Where

there are fewest assaults occasioned by conjugal injuries and domestic

troubles, the state of morals is the purest. Where they abound, it is

clear that the course of love does not run smooth; and that, from the

workings of some bad principles, domestic morals are in a low state. In

Austria and Prussia, state criminals abound; while in America such a

thing is rarely heard of. In America, a youthful and thriving country,

offences against property for the most part arise out of bad personal

habits, which again are occasioned by domestic misery of some kind; this

domestic misery, however, being itself less common than in an older

state of society. In England almost all the offences are against

property, and are so multitudinous as to warrant a stranger's conclusion

that the distribution of property among us must be extremely faulty, the

oppression of certain classes by others very severe, and our political

morals very low; in short, that the aristocratic spirit rules in

England. From the tales of convicts,--how they were reared, what was the

nature of the snares into which they fell, what opportunity of

retrieving themselves remained, and what was the character of the

influences which sank them into misery,--much cannot but be learned of

the moral atmosphere in which they were reared. From their present state

of mind,--whether they revert in affection to their homes, or to the

society from which they have been snatched,--whether they look forward

with hope or fear, or are incapable of looking forward at all,--it will

appear whether the justice and benevolence of the community have secured

the commonest blessings of moral life to these its lowest members, or

whether they have been utterly crushed by the selfishness of the society

into which they were born. To have criminals at all may in time come to

be a disgrace to a community; meantime, their number and quality are an

evidence as to its prevalent moral notions, which the intelligent

observer will not disregard.

* * * * *

[H]"The SONGS of every nation must always be the most familiar and truly

popular part of its poetry. They are uniformly the first fruits of the

fancy and feeling of rude societies; and, even in the most civilized

times, are _the only_ poetry of the great body of the people. Their

influence, therefore, upon the character of a country has been

universally felt and acknowledged. Among rude tribes, it is evident that

their songs must, at first, take their tone from the prevailing

character of the people. But, even among them, it is to be observed

that, though generally expressive of the fiercest passions, they yet

represent them with some tincture of generosity and good feeling, and

may be regarded as the first lessons and memorials of savage virtue. An

Indian warrior, at the stake of torture, exults, in wild numbers, over

the enemies who have fallen by his tomahawk, and rejoices in the

anticipated vengeance of his tribe. But it is chiefly by giving

expression to the loftiest sentiments of invincible courage and

fortitude, that he seeks to support himself in the midst of his

torments. 'I am brave and intrepid!' he exclaims,--'I do not fear death

nor any kind of torture! He who fears them is a coward--he is less than

a woman. Death is nothing to him who has courage!' As it is thus the

very best parts of their actual character that are dwelt upon even in

the barbarous songs of savages, these songs must contribute essentially

to the progress of refinement, by fostering and cherishing every germ of

good feeling that is successively developed during the advancement of

society. When selfishness begins to give way to generosity,--when mere

animal courage is in some degree ennobled by feelings of patriotic

self-devotion,--and, above all, when sensual appetite begins to be

purified into love,--it is then that the popular songs, by acquiring a

higher character themselves, come to produce a still more powerful

reaction upon the character of the people. These songs, produced by the

most highly-gifted of the tribe,--by those who feel most strongly, and

express their feelings most happily,--convey ideas of greater elevation

and refinement than are as yet familiar; but not so far removed from the

ordinary habits of thinking as to be unintelligible. The hero who

devotes himself to death for the safety of his country, with a firmness

as yet almost without example in the actual history of the race,--and

the lover, who follows his mistress through every danger, and perhaps

dies for her sake,--become objects on which every one delights to dwell,

and models which the braver and nobler spirits are thus incited to

emulate. The songs of rude nations, accordingly, and those in which they

take most pleasure, are filled with the most romantic instances of

courage, fidelity, and generosity; and it cannot be supposed that such

delightful and elevating pictures of human nature can be constantly

before the eyes of any people, without producing a great effect on their

character. The same considerations are applicable to the effects of

popular ballads upon the most numerous classes of society, even in

civilized nations."

It appears that popular songs are both the cause and effect of general

morals: that they are first formed, and then react. In both points of

view they serve as an index of popular morals. The ballads of a people

present us, not only with vivid pictures of the common objects which are

before their eyes,--given with more familiarity than would suit any

other style of composition,--but they present also the most prevalent

feelings on subjects of the highest popular interest. If it were not so,

they would not have been popular songs. The traveller cannot be wrong in

concluding that he sees a faithful reflection of the mind of a people in

their ballads. When he possesses the popular songs of former centuries,

he holds the means of transporting himself back to the scenes of the

ancient world, and finds himself a spectator of its most active

proceedings. Wars are waged beneath his eye, and the events of the chase

grow to a grandeur which is not dreamed of now. Love, the passion of all

times, and the staple of all songs, varies in its expression among

every people and in every age, and appears still another and yet the

same. The lady of ballads is always worthy of love and song; but there

are instructive differences in the treatment she receives. Sometimes she

is oppressed by a harsh parent; sometimes wrongfully accused by a wicked

servant, or a false knight; sometimes her soft nature is exasperated

into revenge; sometimes she is represented as fallen, but always, in

that case, as enduring retribution. Upon the whole, the testimony is

strong in favour of bravery in men, and purity in women, and constancy

in both;--and this in the whole range of popular poetry, from ancient

Arabic effusions, through centuries of European song, up to the Indian

chants which may yet be heard on the shores of the wide western lakes.

The distinguishing attributes of great men bear a strong resemblance,

from the days when all Greece rang with the musical celebration of

Harmodius and Aristogiton, through the age of Charlemagne, up to the

triumphs of Bolivar: and women have been adored for the same qualities,

however variously set forth, from the virgin with gazelle eyes of three

thousand years ago, to the dames who witnessed the conflicts of the Holy

Land, and onwards to the squaw who calls upon her husband not to forget

her in the world of spirits, and to our Burns' Highland Mary.

What the traveller has to look to is, that he does not take one aspect

of the popular mind for the whole, or a temporary state of the popular

mind for a permanent one,--though, from the powerful action of national

song, this temporary state is likely to become a permanent one by its

means. As an instance of the first, the observer would be mistaken in

judging of more than a class of English from some of the best songs they

have,--Dibdin's sea songs. They are too fair a representation of the

single class to which they pertain, though they have done much to foster

and extend the spirit of generosity, simplicity, activity, gaiety, and

constant love, which they breathe. They have undoubtedly raised the

character of the British navy, and are to a great degree indicative of

the naval spirit with us: but they present only one aspect of the

national mind. In Spain, again, the songs with which the mountains are

ringing, and whose origin is too remote to be traced, are no picture of

the conventional mind of the aristocratic classes. As an instance of the

false conclusions which might be drawn from the popular songs of a brief

period, we may look to the revolutionary poetry of France. It would be

unfair to judge of the French people by their _ça ira_ or the

_Carmagnole_, however true an expression such songs may be of the spirit

of the hour. The nation had lived before under "une monarchie absolue

tempérée par des chansons;" the absolutism grew too galling; and then

the songs took the tone of fury which protracted oppression had bred. It

was not long before the tone was again changed. Napoleon was harassed on

his imperial throne by tokens of a secret understanding, unfriendly to

his interests: those tokens were songs ambiguously worded, or set to

airs which were used as signs; and treason, which he could not reach,

was perpetually spoken and acted within ear-shot and before his eyes.

When the royal family returned, the songs of De Béranger passed in like

manner from lip to lip, and the restored throne trembled to the echo. In

France, morals have for many years found their chief expression in

politics; and from the songs of Paris may the traveller learn the

political feelings of the time. Under representative governments, where

politics are the chief expression of morals, the songs of the people

cannot but be an instructive study to the observer; and scarcely less so

in countries where, politics being forbidden, the domestic and friendly

relations must be the topics through which the most general ideas and

feelings will flow out.

The rudest and the most advanced nations abound in songs. They are heard

under the plantain throughout Africa, as in the streets of Paris. The

boatmen on the Nile, and the children of Cairo on their way to school,

cheer the time with chants; as do the Germans in their vineyards, and in

the leisure hours of the university. The Negro sings of what he sees and

feels,--the storm coming over the woods, the smile of his wife, and the

coolness of the drink she gives him. The Frenchman sings the woes of the

state prisoner, and the shrewd self-cautionings of the citizen. The

songs of the Egyptian are amatory, and of the German varied as the

accomplishments of the nation,--but in their moral tone earnest and

pure. The more this mode of expression is looked into, the more

serviceable it will be found to the traveller's purposes of observation.

* * * * *

The subject of the Literature of nations, as a means of becoming

familiar with their moral ideas, is too vast to be enlarged on here. The

considerations connected with it are so obvious, too, that the traveller

to whom they would not occur can be but little qualified for the work

of observing.

It is clear that we cannot know the mind of a nation, any more than of

an individual, by merely looking at it, without hearing any speech.

National literature is national speech. By this are its prevalent ideas

and feelings uttered. It is necessarily so; for books which do not meet

sympathy from numbers die immediately, and books which strike upon the

sympathies of all never die. Between the two extremes, of books which

command the sympathies of a class, and those which are the delight of

all, there is an extensive gradation, from which the careful observer

may almost frame for himself a scale of popular morals and manners. I

mean, of course, in countries where there is a copious classical, or a

growing modern literature. A people which happens to be without a

literature,--the Americans, for instance,--must be judged of, as

cautiously as may be, by such other means of utterance as they may

have,--the political institutions which the present generation has

formed or assented to,--their preferences in selection from the

literature of other countries; and so on. But there is a far greater

danger of their being misunderstood than there can ever be with regard

to a nation which speaks for itself through books. "A country which has

no national literature," writes a student of man, "or a literature too

insignificant to force its way abroad, must always be to its neighbours,

at least in every important spiritual respect, an unknown and

misestimated country. Its towns may figure on our maps; its revenues,

population, manufactures, political connexions, may be recorded in

statistical books: but the character of the people has no symbol and no

voice; we cannot know them by speech and discourse, but only by mere

sight and outward observation of their habits and procedure."[I]

The very fact of there being no literature in a nation may, however,

yield inferences as to its mental and moral state. There is a very

limited set of reasons why a people is without speech. They are

barbarous, or they are politically oppressed; or the nation is young,

and busy in providing and securing the means of national existence; or

it has the same language with another people, and therefore the full

advantage of its literature, as if it were not foreign. These seem to be

nearly all the reasons for national silence; and any one of them affords

some means of insight into the morals and manners of the dumb people.

As for those which have utterance, they either speak freshly from day to

day, or they show their principles and temper by the choice they make

from among their own classics. Whatever is most accordant with their

sympathies, they dwell upon; so that the selection is a sure indication

of what the popular sympathies are. The same may be said of the

comparative popularity of modern books; but they may reveal only a

temporary state of feeling, and the traveller has to separate this

species of evidence from the more important kind which testifies to the

permanent affections and convictions of a people. The revelling of the

French in Voltaire, of the Germans in Werter, and of the English in

Byron, was, in each case, a highly important revelation of popular

feeling; but it is not a circumstance from which to judge of the fixed

national character of any of the three. It was a sign of the times, and

not signs of nations. Voltaire pulled down certain erections which could

not stand any longer, and was worshipped as a denier of untruths,--the

popular mind being then ripe for the exploding of errors. But here ended

the vocation of Voltaire. The French are now busy, to the extent of

their energy, in doing what ought to follow upon the exposure of

errors;--they are searching after truth. Pretences having been

destroyed, they are now propounding and trying principles; and works

which propose new and sounder erections find favour in preference to

such as only expose and ridicule old sins and mistakes.--Werter was

popular because it expressed the universal restlessness and discontent

under which not only Germany, but Europe was suffering. Multitudes found

their uncomfortable feelings uttered for them; and Werter was, in fact,

the groan of a continent. Old superstitions, tyrannies, and ignorance

were becoming intolerable, and no way was seen out of them; and the

voice of complaint was hailed with universal sympathy. So it was with

the poetry of Byron, adopted and echoed as it was, and will for some

time continue to be, by the sufferers under an aristocratic constitution

of society, whether they be oppressed by force from without, or by

weariness, satiety, and disgust from within. The permanent state of the

English mind is not represented in Byron, and could not be guessed at

from his writings, except by inference from the woes of a particular

order of minds: but his popularity was an admirable sign of the times,

for such observers as were capable of interpreting it. Probably, in all

ages since the pen and the press began their work, literature has been

the expression of the popular mind; but it seems to have become

peculiarly forcible, as a general utterance, of late. Whatever truth

there may be in speculations about the growing infrequency of "immortal

works,"--about the age being past for the production of books which

shall become classics,--it appears that literature is assuming more and

more the character of letters written to those whom their subjects may

concern, and becoming more and more a familiar utterance of the general

mind of the day. In the popular modern works of Germany there is deep

and warm religious sentiment, while the most unflinching examination

into the philosophy and fact of revelation is widely encouraged. In

England, there is a growing taste for works which exhibit the life of

the lower orders of society, though all aristocratic prepossessions

appear in practice as strong as ever. This seems to indicate that our

philosophy has a democratic tendency under which a general opinion will

be formed, which will, in time, be expressed in practice. The French,

again, are devouring, at the rate of two new volumes every three days,

novels which are, in fact, letters to those whom they may concern on the

condition and prospects of men and women in society. The pictures are

something more than mere delineations. They carry with them principles

by which the position of the members of the community is to be tested.

The social position of Woman is a prominent topic. The first principles

of social organization are involved in the groundwork of the simplest

stories: and the universal reception of this product of literature shows

that those whom it concerns are all. What an enormous loss of knowledge

must the traveller sustain who omits to observe and reflect upon the

spirit of the fresh literature of a people, or of its preferences among

the literature of the past!

He must note whether a people has recent dramatic productions: if not,

whether and why the times are unfavourable to that kind of literature;

and if there is dramatic production, what are the pictures of life that

it presents.

He must obtain at least some general idea of what the mental philosophy

of the society is,--not so much because mental philosophy affects the

national mind, as because it emanates from it. Is it a gross material,

or a refined analytical, or a massy mystical philosophy? The first is

usually found in the sceptical stage of the mind of a nation; the last

in its healthy infancy; while the other is rarely to be found at all,

except as the product of an individual mind of a high order. Few

travellers will have occasion to give much attention to this part of

their task of observation; as, among all the nations of the earth, there

is not one in ten that has any mental philosophy at all.

All have Fiction (other than dramatic); and this must be one of the

observer's high points of view. There is no need to spend words upon

this proposition. It requires no proof that the popular fictions of a

people, representing them in their daily doings and common feelings,

must be a mirror of their moral sentiments and convictions, and of their

social habits and manners. The saying this is almost like offering an

identical proposition. The traveller should stock his carriage with the

most popular fictions, whether of the present day, or of a recent or

ancient time. He should fill up his leisure with them. He should

separate what they have that is congenial with his own habit of mind,

from that with which he can least sympathize, and search into the origin

of the latter. This will be something of a guide to him as to what is

permanent and universal in the sentiments and convictions of the people,

and what is to be regarded as a distinctive feature of the particular

society or time.

It is impossible but that, by the diligent use of these means, the

observer must learn much of the general moral notions of the people he

studies,--of what they approve and disapprove,--what they eschew and

what they seek,--what they love and hate, desire and fear;--of what, in

short, yields them most internal trouble or peace.

How to Observe: Morals and Manners · 第 2 / 6 章