Elizabeth temporises with Alençon pending the King’s reply--
Alençon’s joy at the false news of his brother’s yielding--
Elizabeth throws upon Henry III. the blame for the failure
of the match--Fall of Oudenarde--Alençon’s ultimatum
to Elizabeth--Salcedo’s plot--Henry III. more pliable
--Alençon again hopeful--New exigencies of Elizabeth--
She again declares she will marry Alençon--Is generally
disbelieved--La Mothe’s interview with her--Alençon’s
treacherous attempt to seize the garrisons--Elizabeth’s
jealousy of the French in the Netherlands--Alençon’s flight
to Vilvorde and Dunkirk--His flight to Calais---His interview
with his mother--Reconciliation with Henry III.--Preparations
for a new expedition--Elizabeth offers her co-operation too
late--Death of Alençon--Disappearance of the last serious
suitor for Elizabeth’s hand and end of the negotiations for her
marriage.
The Queen’s bold game of brag succeeded. Castelnau wrote to his King
urging him to give way and not to drive Elizabeth into the arms of
Spain on the one hand or of the Huguenots on the other.
On the same day, May 4, 1582, the Queen wrote, from Greenwich to
Alençon a reply full of vague professions of affection, and with not
a word about his coming to marry her. God knows it is not her fault!
She is ready, as she always was, to carry out the contract “according
to my last promise on the conditions, which you alone know--very
difficult ones I confess.”[160] It is entirely the King’s fault. She is
thoroughly ashamed of writing to him so often about it. He (Henry) only
repeats that he can go no further than the conditions sent by Pinart.
“Jugez sur ce, mon tres cher, que puis je plus faire? Considerez
mon tres cher ... si tout l’univers ne s’ebahist comment la reine
d’Angleterre ayt tant oublié l’Angleterre pour amener nouveaux voisins
sur le continent prez de son pais ... et puis voyez si de ma part je
n’ay rien hazardé pour vous; m’estant l’amour de ma nation plus cher
que la vie,”[161] and so on, but not a word to cause him to come to
England. Almost at the same time as he received this letter false news
came to Alençon from his sister Margaret that the King had consented
to the whole of Elizabeth’s demands. He was almost beside himself for
joy; a letter, which is now at Hatfield,[162] was instantly sent off to
the Queen, containing the most exuberant expressions of pleasure and
relief. There never was happiness equal to his, which he can conceal
no longer. He has no further care now than to order the clothes and
everything necessary for the nuptials. But she must more than ever
fulfil her promise to him, for now that he is to be her husband she
would not like to see him perish for want of assistance so solemnly
promised by her. “I have been sorry hitherto,” he says, “to importune
you so much, being uncertain of the King’s intentions; but now that I
am sure of sleeping in the great bed and being your husband, I claim,
as the fulfilment of the treaty between us, the payment of the whole
sum of money you were good enough to promise me at your own instance.”
He begs her to send her proxy over for the marriage contract, and he
will authorise Castelnau to enter into the engagement in his name;
and concludes, “Adieu ma femme par immagination que jespere sera
bientost par effet. Celuy qui brulle de dessir Françoys.” But a few
days afterwards he was informed that his sister’s news was untrue, and
wrote in heartbroken strain to the Queen: “Quand je pense les affayres
du mariage en bon aytre je suys gai, et quand je connois le contrere la
mort nest plus hideuze que moy.” From the happy assurance that he would
soon be her husband he has now become “froit et transi de tristesse”
because of the doubt she casts on the King’s surety. “Mon Dieu,
Madame,” he writes, “en quoi esse que je vous ay esté si desagreeable
pour ne pouvoir tirer nulle resolution de vostre Majesté?”[163] Before
this letter was received by the Queen she had anticipated its contents,
and wrote a very long communication to her suitor, casting great doubt
upon Queen Margaret’s news. The delay, she said, was entirely owing to
the King of France. She, Heaven knows! had done enough, even to the
verge of impropriety. “Et pense que le Roy pour telle me reputera, que
je suis la récherchante, qui sera tousjour une belle reputation pour
une femme.” But she still kept tight hold of the money and did not send
him the aid he so confidently requested. She was, she said, a poor hand
at financial affairs and had but little love for playing the economist.
She was fain, therefore, to leave money matters in the hands of those
who understood them better than she did, and the answer would be given
to Marchaumont. This meant that she would send him no money until
the position of his brother was made clear, but she reminds him that
she has risked much already for him, and that England has nothing to
gain by the marriage and very much to lose if the French should become
masters of Flanders.[164] This letter was cool enough, and contrasts
greatly with a short note written by Alençon the next day--May 25th
--brought by one of the English courtiers who was returning. He winds
up this note by bidding her farewell: “avecque autant dafection que je
me souhet vostre mari couché entre deus dras dedans vos beaus bras.”
The fear that the French might after all dominate the Netherlands or
make terms with Spain, was not only tightening her purse-strings but
had led her to consider an entirely new combination of the European
powers, by which the North was brought in to redress the balance of
the South. Eric of Sweden had a fair daughter of fourteen, whom it was
proposed to marry to Alençon: a confederacy between England, Scotland,
Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Russia, and Poland being formed; the reversion
of the elective crown of Poland being secured to Eric, and a northern
fleet being placed at Alençon’s disposal to oppose any naval attack
upon him by Spain. Alençon and his mother, it was understood, were
not indisposed to listen to this arrangement, but the countries were
distant, their interests not identical, and whilst the negotiations
were slowly dragging, events outstripped them and rendered them
nugatory.
Oudenarde fell early in July, and Alençon immediately afterwards sent
an ultimatum to Elizabeth. He was at the end of his resources. If she
did not at once send him the money she had promised he must abandon
his task, and Spain would crush Flanders for good and for all under
the heel of Alexander Farnese. The time had gone by for high-strained
compliments and billing and cooing, and Alençon, in his letter to the
Queen, says his mind is too full of war to talk about marriage, and
he must leave Antwerp and await her answer elsewhere. Leicester and
his friends feared he might go to Flushing, and thence run over to
England, and were consequently anxious to send him £20,000 at once.
Cecil was strongly opposed to this, as at the end of July there was
in the Exchequer less than £80,000, which, with the £400,000 in gold
in the Tower, formed the whole of the national treasury. Whilst this
was being discussed there came news of the discovery of the Salcedo
plot, said to have been prompted by Spain, the Pope, and the Guises,
to assassinate Alençon and the Prince of Orange. The avowals made by
Salcedo on the rack satisfied even Henry III. that a vast Catholic
conspiracy was in progress, from which he was excluded, and this once
more drew him nearer to Elizabeth, and he instructed his ambassador to
assure her that he would accede to the conditions she demanded as soon
as she had decided upon the marriage. Her answer was that since the
King consented to defray the cost of the war she must have it under
his own hand, with an undertaking that England under no circumstances
should be called upon to contribute anything in case of a war with
Spain. The King’s readiness to accede to every demand of Elizabeth was
of itself a source of suspicion to her, and was by many attributed to
a deep Papist plot to throw the whole responsibility for breaking off
the marriage upon her, and so turn Alençon against her. To a certain
extent it had this effect, for although Alençon’s letters to the Queen
herself were a mixture of erotics and reproaches, his communications to
Sussex were in a different tone. The Queen, he said, was the cause of
his ruin, and if she will not at once come to his aid or marry him he
must join her enemies, and she will have no cause to complain. Lierre
had just been captured by the Spaniards, and all Alençon’s prayers for
money were ineffectual. A new turn of the screw was applied to the King
of France by Elizabeth nearly every day. The last demand was that he
was to defend her not against Spain alone, but against all her enemies
whatsoever, and that an undertaking to this effect, stamped with the
great seal of France, was to be sent her--anything indeed, to drag
France into open enmity with Spain before she showed her hand. Events
seemed to be working for her. Henry III. was already jealous of the
Guises, his mother’s fleet to aid the Portuguese pretender at Terceira
against Philip had been destroyed, and Catharine was vowing vengeance,
so that Henry was pliable.
Alençon, writing to the Queen early in August, “thanks God that his
brother has at last sent the despatch she asked for, and assures
himself now that, having, as all well-bred ladies must, caused herself
to be sought, she will really fulfil her promise and receive him as her
husband; me fezant jouir du fruit et contantement du mariage a quoy
je me prepare, fezant peu decquesersise (d’exercise) me nourisant si
bien que je masure que en reserveres plus de contantement que d’autre
qui soit sur la terre.” But withal he entreats her again and again for
money. He is not, he says, a mercenary soldier, but his honour is at
stake, and he cannot obtain a penny elsewhere. The answer to this was
a remittance of £20,000 and a fresh body of English auxiliaries, but
no fresh word about marriage, the main line of policy now inaugurated
being that which was subsequently followed, namely, to nullify the
presence of Frenchmen in Flanders by the sending of larger numbers of
English volunteers. Catharine de Medici also began to move in order to
have her revenge on Spain for her Terceira defeat, and both men and
money began to flow over the French frontier to Alençon. At the same
time the formal document, signed and sealed by the King, was read by
Castelnau to Elizabeth. In it Henry bound himself to relieve the Queen
of all expense of the war if she married Alençon, but would not bind
himself to break openly with Spain. Castelnau had instructions in case
the Queen were not satisfied with this to drop the fruitless marriage
negotiations, and frankly propose an offensive and defensive alliance
between the two countries. The Guises were openly discontented, and
Paris swarmed with their men-at-arms. It was clear to Henry and his
mother that they must cling to England and the Protestants, or the
house of Valois was doomed, and France must become subservient to
Spain and the bigots. So, marriage or no marriage, Elizabeth must be
conciliated.
The task was not an easy one, for she knew the position as well as
anybody, and was hard to please. She was dissatisfied with the formal
undertaking, which was read to her, and demanded that the King should
add a personally binding confirmation in his own handwriting; but this
he refused to do. When the Queen again talked about marrying Alençon
immediately, if certain new conditions were granted, Castelnau besought
her to speak frankly and state her final terms, so that, in any case,
a firm national alliance might be arranged. She affected to fly into
a passion at this, and said she was not such a simpleton as to trust
Frenchmen if she did not marry Alençon. She then broke into strong
language, as was her wont, and called curses down upon her own head
if she did not instantly marry the Prince after the King granted her
demands. Calling Cecil as witness to her words, she renewed her vows,
swearing like a trooper, until, as Castelnau says, it made his blood
run cold, and Cecil himself whispered to Lady Stafford as he left the
chamber that if the Queen did not fulfil her word this time God would
surely send her to hell for such blasphemy.[165]
The French, however, strongly backed up by Leicester, were now all for
a national alliance, having lost belief in a marriage; the Queen for
her part stoutly maintaining that one thing was impossible without
the other; and when Cobham, early in December, approached the King
with regard to the new conditions demanded, he was made clearly to
understand that there was no belief whatever in the Queen’s sincerity,
and that her object was what we now know it to have been, namely, to
pledge France to a war with Spain, whilst her own hands were free.
The “monk” Marchaumont, too, was equally undeceived and sick of the
whole affair; blamed by Alençon for his ill-success, and ceaselessly
begging for his recall. Indeed, by this time there was not a soul who
believed any more in the marriage negotiations, and Elizabeth began
to grow angry that the trusty weapon which had served her well for so
many years had lost its point. So when La Mothe Fénélon, on his way to
Scotland, spoke to her about the relations between France and England,
she gave him a piece of her mind. She told him that, notwithstanding
all his professions, the King of France was the worst enemy she had.
The Dauphin and Marshal de Biron, she said, although on the frontier
of Flanders with troops, had tarried long there, and had refused to go
to the aid of the States; besides which France, Spain, and the Pope,
were all intriguing against her in Scotland and elsewhere; and the
King was making friends with the Guises again. Having thus tried to
alarm La Mothe, a desperate attempt was made once more to drag up the
marriage. Walsingham assured him that the Queen really was in earnest,
and a suggestion was made that if the King of France would break with
Spain and help Alençon, the Queen would declare the latter heir to the
English crown. As all this was obviously only to delay La Mothe, and
after some days the Queen was peremptorily told that if she did not
allow him to proceed at once to Scotland, he would return to France,
and another ambassador would be sent by sea. She was very angry, and
came to high words with La Mothe, threatening Mary Stuart, in whose
behalf she said she knew all these plots were being carried on. But as
La Mothe was leaving she gave him a last message for the King about
the marriage, saying that if she were exonerated from expense in the
Flemish war, and a regular donation was given to Alençon, she would
marry him. La Mothe replied that they had no longer the slightest
belief in her sincerity, either about the marriage or the Netherlands,
and the King was not much concerned on those points; but if she sent a
single man into Scotland, or interfered there in any way, he would send
four times as many, and take the matter up strongly. He softened this
somewhat by saying that, although the King would not openly make war
upon Spain, the Queen-mother would do so; but all this fencing ended
in talk alone, and La Mothe proceeded on his way to Scotland, leaving
matters in their former condition.
In the meanwhile Alençon’s position was getting more and more
unpleasant. He had succeeded in alienating his Protestant subjects, the
backbone of resistance to Spain; Orange was disgusted with and tired
of him, and was praying Elizabeth and her councillors to have him back
in England, or anything to rid him, Orange, of a profitless burden.
The Dutchmen hated the French more than ever, and Alençon himself was
chafing in impotent fury at his lack of means, his failure, and the
undignified figure he cut before the world. By the aid of his mother,
a number of Frenchmen flocked over the frontier during the winter of
1582-3, and at length Marshal de Biron himself joined the Prince, and
the plot that had long been hatching was attempted. This was nothing
less than by a _coup-de-main_ to seize and garrison all the strong
places in Flanders with Frenchmen. If this succeeded, Alençon might
demand his own terms, either from Philip or Elizabeth, and the combined
attempt was made on the 16th of January, 1583. Alençon himself took
charge of the affair at Antwerp, wherein one thousand additional
Frenchmen had secretly entered. This being noticed by the burghers
aroused suspicion, and certain despatches from Alençon to Marchaumont
in England having been intercepted and read by Orange, the latter gave
timely warning to the Antwerpers. A large body of Frenchmen arrived
suddenly before the town, and an excuse was made that Alençon was to
review them outside the Burgerhout gate. As he sallied from the gate of
the town with his Swiss and French Guard of four hundred men, he was
joined by three hundred French horsemen, and turning towards the gate
he cried to his countrymen, “Courage, comrades, Antwerp is yours!” This
was the signal, and the Flemings at the gate were massacred. The slight
resistance overcome, the main force of the French, with banners flying,
entered the town with cries of “The Duke and the mass.” The burghers,
unaware at first what the tumult meant, were taken by surprise, and
sought refuge in their houses. But soon pillage and murder began to
remind them of the “Spanish fury” of six years before. Alençon and
Biron, however, were very different men from Sancho de Avila and Julian
Romero; and the stout Antwerpers turned upon their false friends,
blocked the streets, mustered their companies, and fought like the
heroes they were in defence of their homes. Fire-eating Fervaques was
taken prisoner, as were du Fargis, le Rieux, and Bodin. Biron’s son,
the nephew of Cardinal Rambouillet, the Duke of St. Aignan, and his
son, and two hundred and fifty other gentlemen were killed; the French
loss altogether reaching two thousand men, one-half of their entire
force, whilst the burghers lost only about one hundred. Alençon, from
afar, outside the town, watched with sinking heart the failure of his
treachery, and when he saw that all was lost, fled with difficulty, by
the swollen rivers hotly pursued until he arrived at Vilvorde, where
the French had succeeded in gaining the upper hand, as they also had
at Ostend, Dixmunde, Alost, and Dunkirk, whilst they had failed at
Antwerp, Ghent and Bruges.
The news came to England confusedly and in fragments at first, and the
Queen was inclined to bring her suitor over to England for safety; but
when full accounts came from the Prince of Orange, and the treason
was thoroughly understood, all England growled at the falseness of
Frenchmen in general and Alençon in particular. Orange sought to fasten
some of the responsibility upon Elizabeth, because, in answer to all
remonstrances as to his action and the increased number of Frenchmen
with him, Alençon had invariably said that he was there as the Queen
of England’s lieutenant, and was acting with her full connivance.
She was, moreover, he said, already his wife before God and man, and
on this plea had obtained large sums of money from her adherents for
his own purposes. Orange was strongly of opinion that Alençon was
acting in concert with the Spaniards, with the ultimate object of
avenging himself upon the English Queen; and entreated her to help
the States in the trouble that had befallen them mainly through their
attachment to her, which had led them to trust Alençon. On the other
hand, Marchaumont tried his best to stem the torrent that was setting
in against his master, and to persuade the Queen that he was forced
to take the step he did; and Elizabeth, who could not yet entirely
turn against him, sent Captain the Honourable John Russell to inquire
into the real facts of the case, and, if necessary, to offer Alençon a
refuge in England. But the Prince’s power, such as it was, had fled,
and with it his spirit and his health. Biron kept command of the French
garrisons in the conquered towns, whilst Alençon wandered from Vilvorde
to Dendremond and thence to Dunkirk, disavowed by his brother, and
cursed even by his mother for his perversity.
Whilst Alençon was at Dendremond, in March, the Queen made an attempt
through Darcy, whom she sent, to patch up a reconciliation between
him and the States. She made an elaborate pretence of disavowing and
threatening Sir John Norris and the Englishmen who had abandoned him
when he attempted to assail the Flemings; but when he asked her to
withdraw them all and leave him to deal with the States alone, she
thought better of it, and the attempts at reconciliation fell through.
But all this time not a word of the marriage. Letter after letter came
from the Prince reproaching the Queen for leaving him unsuccoured in
his misery, and complaining of Norris, who disregarded his authority;
but even he apparently was undeceived now.
By the time he arrived at Dunkirk he was humble indeed. The very sight
of the coast ruled by his “belle Majesté” revives him, and he beseeches
her favour: “a mins jointes avecques les petits dois.” He feels a sweet
and gracious air from her proximity, which he has not experienced since
his sad parting from her; and finally, on the 30th of May, when the
dreaded Farnese was already approaching his refuge, he ventures to
remind her of her “promise and contract with him, and throws himself on
her favour.”[166] But all to no purpose; he had served her turn, and
was now useless to her. A month later he was forced to fly to Calais,
and from thence went to Chaulnes, where his mother saw him for the
first time since his adventure. She had gone with anger on her lips,
but found her son with death in his heart, and had nothing but loving
words for him and consolation for his disappointment. Once more for a
short time an attempt was made by Catharine to maintain an appearance
of keeping up the idea of marriage with Elizabeth, to prevent a closer
approach between England and Spain; but it was only momentary and
meant nothing. A cold, almost severe letter was written by the Queen
to Alençon on the 10th of September, 1583, which really sounds the
death-knell of the marriage.[167] She has not, she says, been favoured
with his letters for a very long time, but now M. de Reaux had visited
her from him. She is much surprised at his message asking what help she
will give him to hold the Netherlands. “My God, Monsieur!” she says,
“is this the way to keep our friends--to be always draining them?
Is the King your brother so weak that he cannot defend his own blood
without the help of his neighbours?” ... It is not her fault, she says,
that things have turned out as they have, and she will not bear the
blame; and she ends the cruel letter with: “God save you from painted
counsels, and enable you to follow those who respect you more than you
respect yourself.”
In January, 1584, Catharine sought her son at Chateau-Thierry, and at
last persuaded him to a reconciliation with his brother, and took him
to Paris with her. There, with tears and repentance on both sides, the
brothers embraced each other, and the King promised his help towards
another expedition to Flanders. Alençon returned to Chateau-Thierry
to make his preparations, and there fell gravely ill. Guise, the
Spaniards, and the Archbishop of Glasgow in Paris, were busy at the
time planning the invasion of England and the liberation of Mary
Stuart; and Catharine, in April, hastened to Alençon with a new project
--that he should share in the plot and marry his sister-in-law, the
Scottish Queen. But his health was broken. For the next two months he
was battling with approaching death, though still actively preparing
for his new expedition. But Elizabeth could not afford to allow the
French to go alone to Flanders, and when she saw that Henry III. was
helping his brother, she suddenly proposed to Castelnau to join her aid
with that of the King. By the time the offer reached Paris Alençon was
dying, and shortly afterwards, on the 11th of June, 1584, he breathed
his last. Catharine cursed the Spaniards, and swore to be revenged
upon them for her dead son, though how they were to blame for his
death is not very clear; but the messages, both from the King and
his mother to Elizabeth, kept up to the last the fiction of the love
and marriage negotiations between her and the dead Prince. Catharine,
indeed, sent to the English Queen the mourning which she wore for her
so-called affianced husband; and the letter in which Elizabeth sent
her condolence to Catharine is carefully conceived in the same strain.
“Your sorrow,” she says, “cannot exceed mine, although you were his
mother. You have another son, but I can find no other consolation than
death, which I hope will soon enable me to rejoin him. If you could see
a picture of my heart, you would see a body without a soul; but I will
not trouble you with my grief, as you have enough of your own.”[168]
In very truth the farce of marriage by this time had been played out
to the bitter end. Elizabeth was now fifty years of age and there were
no princes left in Europe marriage with whom would have given her any
advantage. From the far-off Ivan the Terrible, who had been dismissed
with a gibe, to the youngest of the Valois, with whom she had played
for years, every marriageable prince in Christendom had, in his turn,
been suggested as a suitor for Elizabeth’s hand. The long juggle she
had carried on had resulted in so much advantage to her country that
she was in any case strong enough now to discard the pretence. Her old
enemy, Philip, was a sad and broken recluse, sorely pressed even to
hold his own, unable to avenge his ruined commerce, swept from the seas
by the ubiquitous Drake, whilst his destined successor was too young
to be feared, and he had no man of his house to second him. One more
despairing effort was he to make in which he was to risk his all and
lose it on the hazard of regaining the paramount position from which he
had allowed himself to be ousted by the bold chicanery of the English
Queen. But the armada was beaten by anticipation years before it was
launched amid so much pompous mummery; for the English seamen knew full
well that fast, well-handled ships that would sail close to the wind
could harass the cumbrous galleons of Philip as they pleased, and the
victory for England was a foregone conclusion. The King of France was a
childless cipher, incapable of great designs or important action; his
mother, whose busy brain had for so long been the dominant factor in
France, was rapidly sinking to her rest. Protestantism was now firmly
rooted in England, and had nothing to fear from within during the life
of the great Queen, whose popularity was unbounded amongst all sections
of her subjects, whilst in the rest of Europe it was evidently a waxing
rather than a waning power. The Huguenot Henry of Navarre was next heir
to the French crown, and could be trusted to give a good account of
the Pope, the Guises, and the league; the strong Protestant princes of
Germany rendered the Emperor harmless as a Catholic force, whilst the
stubborn determination of the brave Dutchmen to hold to their faith at
all costs, gave to their sympathetic English neighbours the certainty
of a guiding voice in their affairs.
Elizabeth had, in fact, begun her long marriage juggle in 1559 in
hourly danger of being overwhelmed and crushed by her own Catholic
subjects, in union with one or the other of her great Continental
neighbours; she ended it in 1583, triumphant all along the line, with
both her rivals crippled and distracted, whilst she really held the
balance of peace and war in Europe in her hands.
So at length the elaborate pretence of marriage negotiations, which for
many years had been her great card, always ready to be played in the
interests of England, could safely be abandoned. But it was too much to
expect an elderly woman of Elizabeth’s temperament, who for the whole
of her adult lifetime had fed her colossal vanity with the tradition
of her irresistible beauty, who had gained great ends and derived the
keenest enjoyment from the comedy of love-making, to give up entirely
what for so long had brought her pleasure, profit, and power.
It was no longer a question of marriage, of course, but many gallant
gentlemen, Raleigh, Essex, Blount, Harrington, and the rest of them,
were yet to keep her hand in at the courtly old game, and bow their
handsome heads before the perennial beauty which had now become an
article of the national faith. With these one-sided courtships, the
vain amusements of the Queen in her declining age, we have nought to
do in these pages. The death of François de Valois, Duke of Anjou, and
Alençon, removed from the scene the last serious suitor for the Queen’s
hand in marriage; and his passing bell rang down the curtain upon the
longest and most eventful comedy in the history of England.
THE END.
[Illustration]
INDEX.
A.
Adolphus, Duke of Holstein, a suitor for the Queen’s hand, 26-7.
Alençon François de Valois, Duke of, suggested match with Elizabeth,
143, 148-51;
formal offer of his hand, 154;
description of his person, 155-9;
free from blame for St. Bartholomew, 166;
his first letter to Elizabeth, 166-7;
his plan to visit England, 167;
at Rochelle, 169-71;
revival of his suit, 172;
Dale’s description of him, 173;
projected escape and visit to England, 175-6;
the plan divulged by Margaret, 177-8;
ill and indurance, 178-81;
his escape and flight, 182-3;
in revolt against Henry III., 183-4;
is induced to make peace, 186;
made Duke of Anjou, 186;
suggested marriage with the Infanta, &c., 186;
becomes ostentatiously Catholic, 187;
quarrels with his brother’s Court, 187;
his arrest, 187-8;
escape, 178-90;
is approached by the Flemish Catholics, 189;
enters Flanders to relieve Mons, 192;
sends envoys to Elizabeth, 193;
his position in Flanders, 196-8;
sends Simier to London, 199;
his love-letters to Elizabeth, 201-2;
unpopularity of the match in England, 203;
discussion of his conditions, 204-7;
his visit to England, 210-11;
he captivates Elizabeth, 212-13;
departs, 214;
presses his suit, 218;
raises scruples about religion, 225;
his plans in Flanders, 225-30;
against an alliance of England and France, 230;
accepts the sovereignty of Flanders, 230-1;
Catholic efforts to dissuade him, 233;
sends Marchaumont, 236;
_La belle jarretière_, 236;
his alleged sudden visit to England, 245-50;
determined to relieve Cambrai, 252-3;
his mother’s attempts to dissuade him, 256;
his anger with Elizabeth, 257;
he enters Flanders, 258;
prays Elizabeth for money, 259-60;
his visit to England, 262-9;
he refuses to leave England, 268;
Elizabeth’s pledge to him, 269-70;
his rage at her inconstancy, 273, 279;
the States offer him the sovereignty, 279;
his unwillingness to leave England, 280-1;
threats of vengeance against Elizabeth, 284;
his romantic appeal to Elizabeth, 286;
English discontent at his stay, 287;
the States press him, 287;
his joy at his brother’s acceptance of Elizabeth’s conditions, 288;
Elizabeth again cool, 289;
he insists upon Simier’s leaving England, 290;
he swears to raise civil war in France;
Pinart and the Dauphin reproach him, 295;
at last sails for Holland, 299-300;
arrives at Flushing, 302;
crowned Duke of Brabant, 302-3;
Elizabeth’s feigned anger thereat, 303-5;
begs for money, 305-8;
Elizabeth’s fickleness with him, 309-11;
new hopes of the marriage, 313, 317, 318;
in despair begs for more money, 320, 322;
again hopeful, 322-3;
desperate position in Flanders, 325;
his seizure of the fortresses, 325-7;
his flight, 327;
his humble appeals to Elizabeth, 329;
her cold reply, 329-30;
illness, 330;
Catharine’s proposal to marry him to Mary Stuart, 330;
his proposed new expedition to Flanders, 330;
his death, 331.
Angoulême, Duke of, offered in infancy as a suitor for Elizabeth, 5.
Anjou, Duke of (see also Henry III.), proposal to marry him to
Elizabeth, 114-43;
personal descriptions of him, 120-1;
is persuaded by the Catholics against the match, 122;
formal offer of his hand, 128;
proposed conditions, 129-30;
his reported Huguenot leanings, 133, 137-8;
the religious question to be omitted from the conditions, 134, 136;
stands firm about religion, 140-1;
refuses to marry Elizabeth, 143;
renewed negotiations for his marriage, 145-9;
besieges Rochelle, 169;
elected King of Poland, 171, 175;
succeeds to the crown of France, 182.
Antonio, Don, the Portuguese pretender, 264.
Antwerp, Alençon’s treacherous attempt to seize, 325-7.
Aquila, Bishop of, _see_ Quadra.
Arques, D’, 299.
Arran, Earl of (Duke of Chatelherault), Elizabeth’s hand offered to him, 6;
his proposed marriage with Elizabeth, 40-1, 47, 49;
proposed marriage with Mary Stuart, 66.
Arundel, Earl of (Fitzalan), his son offered to Elizabeth, 15-16;
becomes a suitor himself, 16, 21, 23-6, 29, 37, 41;
falls to fisticuffs with Clinton, 47;
inquires into Lady Robert Dudley’s death, 63;
favours the Archduke Charles’ suit, 96.
Arundel, Earl of (Philip Howard), 263.
Ashley, Mrs., governess to Princess Elizabeth, 8-11.
Avila, Sancho de, 326.
B.
Bacon, Lady, 96.
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, 101, 103, 110;
his posthumous papers against the Alençon match, 204.
Bacqueville, M. de, sent by Alençon to England, 192, 193;
received by Elizabeth, 194-6, 313.
Baden, Margravine of (Cecilia of Sweden), her visit to England, 95-6.
Balagny, 231.
Bayonne, the Catholic interviews at, 76, 84-6.
Bedford, Earl of, 37, 41, 51;
sent to Catharine de Medici to propose joint action on Council of
Trent, 58, 72;
action respecting the Alençon match, 242.
Bertie, Richard, proposed envoy to the Emperor, 103.
Bex de, Alençon’s secretary, 234, 249-50, 263-4.
Biron, Marshal de, 324-6, 328.
Bôchetel de la Forest, French ambassador, 105.
Bodin, Jean, sent to England by Alençon, 233, 327.
Boleyn, Anne, 5-6.
Boulogne, siege of, 6.
Bourg, Captain, an envoy from Alençon, 214, 227.
Briant, execution of, 266.
Brisson Barnabé, 238, 240, 242, 251.
Bromley, Sir Thomas, Lord Chancellor, against the Alençon
match, 206, 273.
Bussy d’Amboise, 187, 189-90;
sent to England, 196;
killed in a duel, 213.
C.
Calais, suggested recession to England, 49;
demanded as a pledge by Elizabeth, 288, 294, 297.
Cambrai, the relief of, 246, 250, 252, 256, 258-60, 275.
Campion, execution of, 266.
Carew, 17.
Carlos Don, proposed marriage with Mary Stuart, 66, 70;
Elizabeth hints at him as a suitor, 76, 83, 89.
Carnavalet, Madame, 137.
Carrouge, Count de, 238, 240.
Castelnau de la Mauvissière, French ambassador, 149;
sent to England, 166, 168, 184, 187, 200, 202, 207-8, 210-11, 214;
threatens Elizabeth with the publication of her letters to
Alençon, 225-6;
his interviews with Elizabeth, 264, 269, 306;
declines to believe Elizabeth’s professed desire to marry
Alençon, 309;
his scandalous words to Elizabeth, 312;
shocked at Elizabeth’s profanity, 323.
Catharine de Medici, Queen-mother of France, 3-4, 57, 66, 69, 71, 76;
offers Charles IX. to Elizabeth, 79-80, 82-7, 103;
favours Leicester’s suit, 104-5;
proposals to marry Anjou to Mary Stuart, 114;
her negotiations for Anjou’s marriage with Elizabeth, 115-17, 123-5;
her interview with Buckhurst, 124-5;
her interviews with Walsingham, 127, 135, 137;
anxiety for the Anjou match, 140-1;
plans to marry Anjou elsewhere, 144;
her renewed negotiations for the Anjou match, 145-9;
proposes Alençon to Elizabeth, 149 _passim_;
her action after St. Bartholomew, 166, 168-71;
again offers Alençon, 172-3;
keeps Alençon and Navarre in durance, 175-81;
pursues Alençon in his flight, 183;
again pursues Alençon, 190;
her plans against the Huguenots, 197-8;
Elizabeth praises her, 215;
she opposes Alençon’s entrance into Flanders, 246, 251;
her interview with Walsingham, 256;
attempts to bribe Alençon, 256;
makes light of Elizabeth’s pledge to Alençon, 275;
her anger with Alençon for trusting Elizabeth, 286;
helps Alençon in the Netherlands, 322;
meets Alençon on his flight from Flanders, 329;
proposes to marry him to Mary Stuart, 330;
swears to be revenged upon the Spaniards for Alençon’s death, 330;
Elizabeth’s letter to her on Alençon’s death, 331.
Catharine of Aragon, 5, 16-17.
Catharine of Navarre, her suggested marriage with Alençon, 186.
Catholics, persecution of, during Alençon’s stay in England, 266.
Cavalcanti, Guido, Catharine de Medici’s envoy to Elizabeth, about the
Anjou match, 116, 128-9, 131, 136-7, 138, 140, 142;
his negotiations for the Alençon match, 148-50, 154, 173.
Cecil, Lady, 96.
Cecil, Sir Thomas, 224.
Cecil, William, Lord Burleigh, 2, 12, 32, 35, 40, 41, 43;
favours the Swedish match, 49;
complains of Dudley, 50-2;
frustrates Dudley’s Catholic intrigues, 57-63;
opposed to the match with Charles IX., 79-80, 81, 89;
in favour of the Archduke, 101, 103-4, 110;
his attitude towards the Anjou match, 129-30, 139, 142, 144;
his attitude towards the Alençon match, 161-3, 195-6, 202, 204, 216,
226-7, 234, 241-2, 256, 258, 266, 270, 273, 281, 287-8, 298,
305, 307, 310, 313, 323.
Challoner, Sir Thomas, 32, 34.
Champigny (Perennot), Flemish envoy to England, 184.
Champvallon accompanies Alençon to England, 278.
Charles, Archduke, a suitor for the Queen’s hand, 34-6, 41-8;
proposed marriage with Mary Stuart, 66-9;
renewed proposals to Elizabeth, 78, 81-2, 88-95, 97-105;
the negotiations finally abandoned, 111-13, 116.
Charles V. 5-6, 17.
Charles IX. of France, 71;
proposals for his marriage with Elizabeth, 77-8, 83-7;
his marriage with a daughter of the Emperor, 113;
urges the Anjou match with Elizabeth, 123-4, 128, 131-2, 135, 140-1;
his new alienation from England and the Protestants, 160-1, 164;
his explanation of St. Bartholomew, 165;
renewed approaches to England, 168-71;
illness of, 174;
his death, 179-81.
Chartres, Vidame de, proposes the Anjou match, 115, 118, 169.
Chastelard, 79.
Chateauneuf, Mdlle., Anjou’s mistress, 138, 145.
Chatillon, Cardinal, proposes the Anjou match, 115, 118.
Chelsea, 7.
Cigogne reports Alençon’s departure for England, 248.
Cleves, Princess of, suggested marriage with Alençon, 186.
Clinton, Earl of Lincoln, 51;
sent to France to ratify the alliance, 154-5, 156-8;
his attitude towards the Alençon match, 216.
Clinton, Lady, 119.
Cobham, Henry, sent to the Emperor, 113, 116;
sent to Spain, 185;
English ambassador in France, 233, 252, 257, 281;
his accounts of the attitude of Henry III. towards Alençon and
Elizabeth, 305-7, 323.
Cobham, Lady, 96, 119.
Cobham, Lord, 96, 238.
Coconas, Count, his plan for Alençon’s escape discovered, 177;
his execution, 178, 186.
Coligny, 143, 144, 145, 157, 161, 165.
Coloredo, his description of Elizabeth, 60.
Condé, Prince of, 76, 168-9, 183, 227;
visits Elizabeth, 228.
Corbet, English envoy to Flanders, 184.
Correro, Venetian ambassador, his description of Anjou, 120.
Cossé, Marshal de, 178, 227, 238, 240, 252.
Courtney, proposed marriage with Mary, 13;
proposed marriage with Elizabeth, 14-15.
Cranmer, 16.
Crofts, Sir James, 204, 234, 257, 269, 275.
Crusol, Madame de, 79.
D.
Dale, Dr. Valentine, English Ambassador in France, his negotiations
with Catharine concerning the Alençon match, 172-3, 174;
intercedes for La Mole, 178;
intercedes for Alençon, 180-1.
Danett, Thomas, sent to the Emperor, 105.
Darcy sent by Elizabeth to reconcile Alençon with the States, 328.
Darnley, Lord, 66-7;
married to Mary Stuart, 71, 74, 88, 90, 95, 100.
Dassonleville, Philip’s Flemish agent, 21.
Dauphin, Prince (of Auvergne), special ambassador to England,
237-40, 242;
accompanies Alençon to England, 264, 267;
rebukes Alençon for his treasonable talk, 295;
on the Flemish frontier, 324.
Denny, 10.
Dorset, Earl of, concerned in Seymour’s plot, 9.
Drake, Sir Francis, 231, 233;
knighted by Marchaumont, 235.
Dudley, Lady Robert, her husband’s alleged plot to murder, 31, 45;
her death, 50, 54, 63, 83.
Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, 2, 29-31, 33-4, 36, 38-40;
intrigues to prevent the Austrian match, 41-6, 48-9, 50;
presses his own suit, 53-65;
solicits Spanish aid, 53-9;
solicits Huguenot aid, 63-4;
favours Darnley’s marriage with Mary Stuart, 67;
proposed marriage with Mary Stuart, 69-70;
made Earl of Leicester, 73;
his fresh Catholic intrigues, 75;
ostensibly favours the Archduke Charles, 82-3;
Spanish approaches to, 89-90;
French approaches to, 94;
suggested marriage with an Austrian princess, 95;
again feigns approval of the Austrian match, 97-8;
quarrel with Heneage, 98;
reproached by Norfolk, 102;
his suit again in the ascendant, 103;
favoured by the French, 104-5, 106;
quarrels with Sussex and Ormond, 107;
reproached by the Queen, 108-9;
feigns support to the Anjou match, 116-17;
proposed marriage with the Princess of Cleves, 138;
his attitude towards Alençon’s suit, 163, 197, 200, 202-3, 204, 207;
his jealousy of Simier, whom he attempts to murder, 209;
his second marriage, 210;
is against the Alençon match, 216, 222, 228, 239, 241-2, 244, 248-9,
250-1, 261, 265, 267, 268, 270-1, 273, 275, 278, 292, 297, 298;
accompanies Alençon to Holland, 299-301-3;
his return to England, 304-6;
anger of the Queen with him, 305;
in favour of an English protectorate of the Netherlands, 310;
fears of Alençon’s again visiting England, 320;
opposes the marriage, 323.
Durham Place, 9, 46, 96.
E.
Edward VI., 6-7.
Egmont, Count, 15.
Elector Palatine, 71-2.
Elizabeth, Queen, objects of her diplomacy, 1-4;
proposed betrothal to Philip II., 7;
her connection with Seymour, 8-11;
various proposals for her marriage, 12-13;
Courtney, 14-17;
Duke of Savoy, 16-20, 22;
her imprisonment, 17;
released at the request of Philip, 17-18;
Eric of Sweden offers his hand, 19-21;
her accession, 21-3;
her English suitors, 25-6;
Philip’s offer to her, 27-8;
Pickering, 29-30, 33-4;
Dudley, 33-4;
the Archdukes, 34-9;
rumoured plot to kill her and Dudley, 41-2;
the Archduke Charles, 42-8, 49-52;
her relations with Dudley, 53-70;
description of her, 60;
alleged marriage with Dudley, 67-8;
falls ill of small-pox, 68;
offers Dudley to Mary Stuart, 69, 72-4;
fresh approaches to the house of Austria, 76-7;
proposals to marry Charles IX., 77-81, 83-87, 88-95;
the Archduke Charles, 89-94;
the Swedish suit, 95-6;
the Austrian conditions, 97-9;
Heneage, 98-100;
she confesses her attachment to Leicester, 102-3, 104;
renewed hints to Charles IX., 106;
her rage with her councillors and Parliament, 108-9;
end of the Austrian negotiations, 111-13;
proposed marriage with the Duke of Anjou, 114-128;
draft conditions for the marriage, 129-30;
obstinacy of Anjou about religion, 133-43, 144-51;
Alençon proposed, 148;
draft treaty with France and the Huguenots, 154;
her reception of Montmorenci and de Foix, 155-6;
she objects to Alençon’s appearance, 158-9;
desires to see him, 159-60;
reception of La Mole, 161-4;
first letter from Alençon, 166-7;
consents to stand sponsor to Charles IX.’s daughter, 169;
renewed negotiations with Alençon, 172-5;
she cools towards the match, 176-81;
marriage negotiations with Alençon again renewed, 184;
she again approaches the Spaniards, 184-5;
her fresh approach to Alençon rejected, 187;
she opposes French interference in Flanders, 191-2;
she urges Don John to make peace, 192-3;
Alençon’s suit again revived, 193 _passim_;
her reception of Simier, 200;
her letters to Alençon, 201-2;
her preparations for Alençon’s visit, 204;
is offended at the Council’s opposition to the match, 206;
her attachment for Simier, 207-8, 209-10;
her rage at Leicester’s marriage, 210;
Alençon’s arrival, 211;
she falls in love with him, 212-13;
her anger with the Council, 216-17;
her farewell to Simier, 221-2;
she cools towards the match, 225;
her perplexity, 226-7;
decides to aid Alençon in Flanders, 227-30, 233;
her favour to Marchaumont, 234-5;
the incident of the garter, 236;
reception of the special French embassy, 237-244;
plans with Marchaumont Alençon’s secret visit, 245-6;
her reception of Alençon, 247-9;
her change of tone; letter to Alençon, 253;
her attempts to draw Henry III. into war with Spain, 255-6;
her alarm, 257;
the marriage negotiations again resumed, 257-8;
her hesitancy, 258;
opposes Alençon’s coming, 261;
gives way, 262;
her reception of him, 264-6;
solemnly pledges herself to Alençon, 269-70;
she minimises the pledge at the instance of Leicester, 272;
Alençon’s anger, 273;
her negotiations with Pinart, 273-4;
offers Alençon a subsidy, 274-5;
her demands, 276;
her rage with Leicester and Fervaques about Simier, 278;
her anxiety to get rid of Alençon, 279;
her intrigues with this end, 281-6;
Henry III. accepts all her conditions, 288;
she demands Calais as security, 288;
her alarm at Henry III.’s complaisance, 291;
she dashes Alençon’s hopes, 294;
alarmed at Pinart’s threats, 297;
prevails upon Alençon to go, 299;
her anger at Leicester, 305;
her fear of the consequences of Alençon’s action in Flanders, 305-6;
her intrigues to induce him to retire, 306-8;
again beguiles him with hopes of marriage, 309-12;
her attempts to cajole Henry III., 309-11;
her fear of French influence in Flanders, 311, 314-15;
her letter to Alençon, 316-17, 318-19;
her plan for a confederation of Northern powers, 319;
Henry III. again approaches her, 320-1;
she swears to marry Alençon, 323;
promises to make him her heir, 324;
her sincerity now generally distrusted, 323-5;
her coldness to Alençon after his flight, 329-30;
but offers to aid his new expedition, 330;
her mourning for Alençon, 331;
the marriage plans at an end, 331;
success of Elizabeth’s policy, 332-3.
Elizabeth de Valois, Queen of Spain, 76.
Eric XIV. of Sweden, his approaches to Elizabeth, 19-21, 31-2, 40, 45,
47, 49-52, 62;
proposes to Mary Stuart, 66;
renews his suit to Elizabeth, 83, 95-6.
Essex, Countess of (Lettice Knollys), 98;
her marriage to Leicester, 209-10.
Este, Francesco d’, 12.
F.
Fargis, M. de, 327.
Ferdinand, Archduke, a suitor for Elizabeth, 22-3, 24-5, 32-6, 38.
Ferdinand, Emperor, 35, 43-4, 48, 71;
death of, 78, 88.
Fere, La, interview between Walsingham and Alençon at, 256.
Feria, Count de, Spanish ambassador, 19-20, 21-3, 24-5, 26-7,
31, 33, 43.
Ferrara, Duke of, his son suggested as a suitor for Elizabeth, 12.
Fervaques, 231, 246, 276-8, 327.
Figueroa, Spanish ambassador, 20.
Finland, Duke of, offers his hand, 47.
Foix, Paul de, French ambassador, 79-80, 81-2, 83-7, 89-94, 103-5;
his negotiations for the Anjou match, 125, 127, 135, 136-7,
141-2, 145-9;
his visit to England about the Alençon match, 148, 155;
reception by Elizabeth, 155-6.
Fleix, the peace of, 231.
Florent (Ajacet), 49.
Francis I., 5.
Francis II. of France, 41, 49;
his death, 57.
French special embassy to England about the Alençon match, 237-44;
dismay at Alençon’s sudden visit, 248;
departure of the embassy, 251.
Frog, the Queen’s pet name for Alençon.
G.
Gardiner, Bishop, won over to the Spanish match, 15, 20.
Genlis, his rout in Flanders, by Don Fadrique de Toledo, 160-1.
Gerau de Spes, Spanish ambassador, 131, 133, 139.
Gondi, Count de Retz, sent to England about Alençon’s match, 173-4.
Granvelle, Cardinal, 42, 60, 65.
Greenwich, 41;
scene with Dudley at, 61-2;
meeting of the Council at, 216.
Grey, Lady Catharine, Spanish plan to marry her to Archduke
Charles, 46.
Guidotti, Sir Anthony, 12.
Guises, the, 66, 69, 114, 122-3, 138, 140, 160, 166-7, 177, 224, 234,
256, 320, 322, 330.
Guzman de Silva, Spanish ambassador, 75, 81-3, 86;
his attitude towards the Austrian match, 89-93, 96;
his belief in Leicester’s success, 99, 102-3, 105;
his interview with the Queen concerning Parliament, 108.
H.
Hampton Court, 41;
Queen falls ill of small-pox at, 69;
receives Melvil at, 72;
receives La Mothe at, 117.
Hans Casimir, Duke, proposes to Elizabeth, 71-2;
raises mercenaries for the Huguenots, &c., 183, 186, 192, 233.
Hans Frederick of Saxony, his son suggested as a suitor for
Elizabeth, 12, 47.
Hanworth, 7.
Harrington, concerned in Seymour’s plot, 9.
Hatfield, 10, 20-21.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, 203, 204, 218, 222, 242, 250, 261, 270-1,
297, 300, 304, 310.
Havre, English occupation of, 68.
Havrey, Marquis d’, 193.
Helfenstein, Imperial ambassador, 47-48.
Heneage, Sir Thomas, 98-100, 101, 113.
Henry VIII., 5-6, 16.
Henry III., King of France, 182, 186;
arrests Alençon, 187-91;
his attitude towards the Alençon match, 222-3, 229, 231, 233;
opposes Alençon’s plans in Flanders, 246-7, 250-1, 252-3, 255-6,
268-9, 281, 287;
he accepts all of Elizabeth’s conditions, 288;
refuses to countenance Alençon in Flanders, 305;
his anger with Elizabeth, 306;
Elizabeth’s distrust of him, 311-15;
fears of the Guises again draw him to Elizabeth, 320-2;
favours an alliance but disbelieves in the marriage, 323;
reconciled to Alençon, 330;
now powerless to harm England, 332.
Horsey, Edmund, English envoy in France, 172.
Howard, Admiral Lord, 214.
Howard, Lord, his son suggested as a suitor, 25.
Howard, Lord Harry, 263.
Hunsdon, Lord, accompanies Alençon to Holland, 300, 302.
I.
Isabel, Clara Eugenia Infanta, suggested marriage with Alençon, 186.
J.
James V. of Scotland, 6.
James VI. of Scotland, birth of, 107.
Jauregui, his attempt to assassinate Orange, 308.
John Don, of Austria, Elizabeth suggests marriage with him, he seizes
Namur, 188, 191;
Elizabeth urges him to make peace, 192.
K.
Kenilworth, Elizabeth takes La Mole thither, 162-3;
Elizabeth receives news of St. Bartholomew at, 164.
Killigrew, 40-1.
Killigrew, Henry, English envoy in France, 144;
interview with the Queen-mother, 145-7, 149-51.
Knollys, Sir Francis, remonstrates with the Queen about the Alençon
match, 218.
L.
Lafin, pursued by Fervaques into Elizabeth’s presence, 278.
Lansac, 238, 240, 287.
L’Archant, Captain of Anjou’s guard, sent to England, 136-9, 140.
L’Aubespine, Secretary, special envoy to Elizabeth, 197.
Leicester, Earl of, _see_ Dudley.
Leighton, Thomas, special envoy to France, 179-80.
Lennox, Earl of, 72.
Lethington, William Maitland, laird of, 67, 68-9, 70, 89.
Lignerolles, his murder, 141, 144.
Limoges, Bishop of, 147.
Lincoln, Earl of, _see_ Clinton.
Lippomano, his story respecting the Queen and Alençon, 265.
L’isle, Madame, cipher name for Elizabeth, 168.
Long Melford, Suffolk, De Bacqueville received by the Queen at, 194.
Lorraine, Cardinal, 69, 76, 137, 140.
Lucidor, Don, cipher name for Alençon, 168, 176.
Lumley, Lady, 25.
M.
Maisonfleur, his mission to Elizabeth, 167-8, 175-6.
Mansfeldt, Count, 48.
Marchaumont, Alençon’s agent in England, 233;
knights Drake, 235;
sends Elizabeth’s garter to Alençon, 236;
urges Alençon to visit England, 241, 244-5, 248-9, 250, 252;
again urges Alençon to visit England, 260, 262;
his reception of Alençon, 262-3, 276;
complains to Elizabeth of Leicester’s talk about Alençon, 304;
continually begs for money for Alençon, 305, 307-8, 313-14, 324.
Margaret de Valois, Queen of Navarre, divulges the plot for Alençon’s
escape, 177, 181, 189-90;
opposes the Alençon match, 231, 277-8, 317-18.
Martyr, Peter, 41.
Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, 2, 6, 28, 40;
the question of her re-marriage, 61-3, 65-6, 68-75, 77-8,
88, 101, 107;
Catholic proposal to marry her to Anjou, 114, 123, 134, 138, 143;
her imprudent letter to Elizabeth about Simier, 208;
plots in her favour, 224, 330;
proposal to marry her to Alençon, 330.
Mary Tudor, Queen of England, 6;
her accession, 13;
projected marriage with Courtney, 13;
captured by the Spanish interest, 13;
married to Philip, 13-18;
her treatment of Elizabeth, 14-20;
her death, 21, 27.
Mary of Lorraine, Queen Dowager of Scotland, 6.
Mathias, Archduke, 188.
Maximilian, Emperor, 78, 88-9, 97-9, 102-3, 105.
Medici, Duke of Florence, his son suggested as a suitor for
Elizabeth, 12;
a daughter of, suggested as a match for Alençon, 301.
Melvil, Sir James, his visits to Elizabeth, 71-74;
his description of her, 74-5.
Mendoza, Bernardino de, Spanish ambassador, 190, 194, 197, 202, 204-5,
208, 212, 214, 226-7, 228, 241, 243, 248, 256-7, 261-3, 266,
275, 309.
Mery, M. de, 234;
carries the Queen’s garter to Alençon, 236.
Michaeli, Venetian ambassador, his description of Anjou, 120.
Moine, _see_ Marchaumont.
Mole, La, his mission to England, 161;
reception by Elizabeth, 162-4;
to accompany Alençon to England, 168;
plans Alençon’s escape, 177;
his execution, 178, 186.
Monkey, the Queen’s pet name for Simier.
Montgomeri, Count de, 169;
at the siege of Rochelle, 170-1.
Montmorenci, Marshal, 60, 135, 136, 145;
reception by Elizabeth, 154-6;
splendid entertainment of him, 156;
consulted by Charles IX., 161;
his party joins the Huguenots, 175, 178;
released from prison, 183.
Morette, envoy of the Duke of Savoy, 59.
Morysine, Sir Richard, 12.
Mothe Fénélon, La, his negotiations in favour of the Anjou match,
116-18, 119-24, 127-8, 131-4, 137;
suggests Alençon as a suitor, 150;
his negotiations respecting Alençon, &c., 161-4;
visits the Queen after St. Bartholomew’s, 165-6, 170;
renewed negotiations for Alençon, 176;
sent to England, 238, 240, 244-5, 251;
his interviews with Elizabeth on his way to Scotland, 324-5.
Mowbray sent by Dudley to Henry of Navarre, 64.
N.
Navarre, King Henry of, approached by Dudley, 63;
marriage with Margaret de Valois, 138, 140, 142, 154, 166;
to accompany Alençon to England, 168-9;
kept tightly by Catharine, 175-6, 177;
he escapes and heads the Huguenots, 186, 197, 230;
next heir to the crown of France, 332.
Navarre, Queen of, _see_ Margaret.
Nemours, Duke of, proposed as a suitor, 59.
Nerac, the treaty of, 215.
Nevers, Duke de, his son proposed as a suitor, 49.
Noailles, French ambassador, his intrigues against the Spanish
marriages, 14-18.
Norfolk, Duchess of, 26.
Norfolk, Duke of, 23, 29;
in favour of the match with Archduke Charles, 45-6, 47;
admitted to the Privy Council, 68;
pressing the Archduke’s suit, 95-6, 100-3;
reproached by the Queen, 108, 110;
his conspiracy, 134, 144, 152, 178.
Norris, Sir John, with Alençon in Holland, 302, 328.
North, Lord, special envoy to France, 180;
conversation with Catharine, 181;
quarrels with Sussex, 195.
Northampton, Marquis of, the Queen’s anger with him, 108.
Northumberland, Duke of, his plans for Elizabeth’s marriage,
11-12, 13.
Noue, La, 227, 230.
Nuncio, proposed dispatch of, to England, 59.
O.
Obterre, Marchaumont’s secretary, 234.
Orange, Prince of, 185, 188, 225, 227, 291, 301-3, 305;
attempted assassination of, 308-9, 311-12;
Salcedo’s plot to murder, 320;
tired of Alençon, 325, 326-7.
Ormond, Earl of, 103, 107.
Oudenarde, fall of, 319.
Oxford, Earl of, 29.
P.
Paget, Lord, 14-15.
Parr, Catharine, marries Thomas Seymour, 7;
her treatment of Elizabeth, 7-8.
Parry, Sir Thomas, Cofferer to Princess Elizabeth, 8-11.
Paulet, Sir Amyas, English minister in France, 198.
_Pelican_, the, Drake’s ship, 235.
Pembroke, Earl of, 58, 67;
the Queen’s anger with him, 108;
receives the special French embassy, 238.
Philip II., 3-4;
his suggested marriage with Elizabeth, 7;
marries Mary, 13-20;
his approaches to Elizabeth, 21-3;
his attitude towards an Austrian match, 24-5;
offers his hand to Elizabeth, 27-8;
inclined to aid Dudley, 57, 62, 83, 100;
rejoices at St. Bartholomew, 166;
his fleet well received by Elizabeth, 184;
Henry Cobham sent to him, 185;
disbelieves in the Alençon match, 197;
his pretensions to the crown of Portugal, 215;
plots with Mary Stuart for the invasion of England, 224;
crippled by Elizabeth’s policy, 331.
Pickering, Sir William, a suitor for Elizabeth’s hand, 25, 29-30;
arrives in England, 33-4, 36-7;
quarrels with Bedford and Arundel, 37.
Pinart, Secretary, 238, 244, 251, 273-4, 276, 279, 288;
reproaches Alençon for his treasonable talk, 295;
threatens Elizabeth, 297-8.
Porte, La, sent to England by Alençon, 184.
Pruneaux, M. de, 311.
Q.
Quadra, Alvaro de, Bishop of Aquila, Spanish ambassador, 24, 26, 32,
34-6, 38-9, 41-4, 45-50, 53-62, 64-5;
accused of slandering Elizabeth, 67.
Quélus, M. de, 190.
Quincy, M. de, an envoy from Alençon, 193-4, 195-6, 276, 277.
R.
Rambouillet, Marquis de, special French envoy to Elizabeth, 197.
Randolph, Sir Thomas, 40;
sent to report on Alençon’s appearance, 175-6.
Ravenstein, Baron, Imperial ambassador, 34-6, 37, 38, 39, 48.
Renard, Simon, proposes Mary’s marriage with Philip, 13-14;
proposes Elizabeth’s marriage with Emmanuel Philibert of
Savoy, 16-20.
Reaux, M. de, visits Elizabeth from Alençon, 329.
Richmond, 17-18;
Alençon lodged at, 263-4.
Ridolfi plot, 122, 131, 139.
Rochelle, siege of, 168-71, 172, 177.
Rochetaillé, an envoy from Alençon, 203, 207.
Romero, Julian, 326.
Russell, Honble. John, sent to Alençon, 328.
S.
Sackville, Sir Thomas, proposed envoy to the Emperor, 103, 104-5.
Saint Aignan, Duke de, 327.
Saint Aldegonde, 265, 291, 296.
St. Bartholomew, 144, 148;
reception of the news in England, 164-5.
Salcedo’s plot to murder Alençon and Orange, 320.
Sancerre, Count de, 238.
Savoy, Duke of, a suitor for Elizabeth’s hand, 16-20, 22.
Schafanoya, 28-9, 33.
Serpente, Madame la, cipher name for Catharine de Medici, 168, 176.
Seymour, Thomas, Lord Seymour of Sudeley, his treatment of
Elizabeth, 7-8;
his plot, 9-11.
Sharington concerned in Seymour’s plot, 9.
Sherwin, execution of, 266.
Sidney, Lady Mary, 41, 55.
Sidney, Sir Henry, bespeaks Spanish aid for Dudley’s suit, 53-4, 58-9.
Sidney, Sir Philip; he remonstrates with the Queen about the Alençon
match, 218-19;
with Alençon in the Netherlands, 302.
Simier, Jehan de, aids Alençon to escape, 185, 190;
his mission to London, 199-200;
urges Alençon to come to England, 202;
his conditions for the match, 204-6;
Elizabeth’s intimacy with him, 207-8, 209;
divulges Leicester’s secret marriage, 209-10;
his letters to Elizabeth, 214;
his departure with the draft conditions, 220-1;
his letters to Elizabeth, 222, 227-8;
in disgrace with Alençon, 231;
his extraordinary letter to Elizabeth, 232, 244;
Elizabeth intercedes for him, 246;
sent to England by Henry III., 277-8;
another attempt to murder him, 278;
Elizabeth’s rage thereat, 278;
his action against Alençon’s suit, 282;
quarrel with Alençon, 283;
his betrayal of Elizabeth, 289-90;
interview between him and Alençon, 291-2;
he departs from England, 290.
Smith, Sir Thomas, English envoy to France, 77-8;
his interviews with Catharine de Medici and Charles IX., 84-5;
sent to France about the Anjou match, 142, 144;
audience with the Queen-mother, 145-7;
Alençon is suggested to him for the Queen, 148-151;
interview with the Queen-mother, 152-3;
present at La Mole’s interview with Elizabeth, 162.
Soissons, Count de, 238.
Somers sent to France, 252-3.
Somerset, Duke of, Protector, 7, 9-10, 11.
Stafford, Edward, 214;
sent to France with Simier, 222-3;
sent to Alençon, 230;
Alençon lodges in his house, 264.
Stafford, Lady, Mistress of the Robes, 264, 297, 323.
Stamford, 106.
Stuart, James, Earl of Murray, 66, 70.
Stubbs, his book against the Alençon match, 217-18.
Stukeley, Thomas, his descent upon Ireland, 122.
Succession to the Crown, question of, urged upon the Queen by
Parliament, 107-9.
Sussex, Earl of, Thomas Ratcliff, in favour of an Austrian match, 24,
32, 93-5, 98-9, 100, 101, 103-4, 107-8, 110;
sent to the Emperor, 110-11;
failure of his mission, 112-13;
his attitude towards the Alençon match, 193;
the Queen’s treatment of him in the presence of Alençon’s
envoys, 194-5;
bribed by Spain, 204-5;
in favour of the Alençon match, 206, 216, 234, 241-2, 244-5, 251,
265, 268, 273, 285, 289, 296-7, 298, 305, 307, 310, 313.
Sussex, Lady, 96.
Sweden, King of (Gustavus), 19, 31, 51-2.
Sweden, King of (Eric), _see_ Eric XIV.
Swedish ambassador offends Queen Mary, 20, 31-2.
Swetkowitz, Adam, sent by the Emperor on behalf of Archduke Charles,
83-94, 97-9.
T.
Tavannes, Marshal, 138.
Téligny, 124, 131.
Throgmorton, English ambassador in France, 40, 89-90, 94.
Trent, Council of, Dudley’s intrigues with regard to, 53-60.
Turenne, 255.
Tyrwhitt, Lady, 10.
Tyrwhitt, Sir Robert, 10-11.
V.
Valdez, Don Pedro de, Spanish admiral, 184.
Valette, La, 299.
Viteau, Baron de, 278.
Vray, De, Alençon’s secretary, 206-7, 228, 238, 245, 249, 257.
Vulcob, his interview with the Queen, 105-6.
W.
Walsingham, Sir Francis, sent to France about the Anjou match, 119;
his description of Anjou, 120-1;
considers the Queen’s marriage necessary, 123;
his negotiations, 124-8;
interviews with Catharine, 127, 132, 134-5, 137;
his opinion of Anjou’s religion, 138;
desires to bring about the match, 139, 141-2, 143, 144;
his negotiations for the Alençon match, 152-63;
sends news of St. Bartholomew, 164;
remonstrates with the Queen about the Alençon match, 218-19, 222,
241-2, 244, 250, 253-4;
his mission to France, 255;
his interview with Alençon at La Fère, 256-7;
he warns Elizabeth of her fickleness, 257-8, 259-61;
returns to London, 261-2, 263, 265, 267, 272;
Elizabeth’s anger with him, 305, 306, 311.
Wanstead, Elizabeth’s visits to Leicester there, 205, 209.
Warwick, Earl of, 70.
Westmoreland, Earl of, 25.
Wightman concerned in Seymour’s plot, 9.
Wilkes, Clerk of the Privy Council, 183.
Willoughby, Lord, with Alençon in Holland, 302.
Winchester, Marquis of, 21.
Woodstock, 16-17, 18;
Elizabeth receives La Mothe at, after St. Bartholomew, 165.
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 17.
Y.
York, Archbishop of (Sandys), 226.
[Illustration]
FOOTNOTES
[1] “Projets de Mariage de la Reine Elizabeth.” Ferrière, Paris.
[2] Calendar of Spanish State Papers (Elizabeth), Rolls Series. Edited
by Martin A. S. Hume.
[3] Confessions of Mrs. Ashley and Thomas Parry. Hatfield Papers.
Historical MSS. Commission.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Tyrwhitt to the Protector, January 23, 1549. Hatfield Papers.
Historical MSS. Commission.
[6] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign).
[7] Ibid.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Renard Correspondence, Transcripts, MSS. Record Office.
[10] Renard to Charles V., October 12, 1553. Renard transcripts. Record
Office.
[11] Renard to Charles V., October 31, 1553. Record Office.
[12] “Papiers d’Etat de Granvelle,” vol. iv. p. 256.
[13] Correspondence de Noailles.
[14] Feria to Philip II., May 1, 1558. MSS. Simancas.
[15] Calendar of Spanish State Papers (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[16] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[17] Calendar of Venetian State Papers.
[18] Calendar of Venetian State Papers.
[19] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[20] Venetian Calendar.
[21] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[22] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[23] Quadra’s letters, Spanish Calendar, and Michieli’s letters,
Venetian Calendar.
[24] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[25] Venetian Calendar.
[26] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[27] Michieli to the Doge, August 16, 1560. Venetian Calendar.
[28] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[29] Coloredos account. Tiepolo to the Senate, December 10, 1559.
Venetian Calendar.
[30] Castelnau de la Mauvissière, “Mémoires,” and “Melvil Memoirs.”
[31] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[32] “Melvil Memoirs.”
[33] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[34] Foreign Calendar, 1563.
[35] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[36] “Dépèches de De Foix,” Bibliothèque Nationale. Ferrière.
[37] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[38] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[39] De Foix despatches, Bib. Nat., Paris.
[40] Foreign Calendar.
[41] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[42] La Ferrière, “Projets de Mariage.”
[43] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[44] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. p. 436.
[45] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[46] Michaeli Surnian in Venetian Calendar.
[47] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[48] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i.
[49] Bib. Nat. Paris. De la Ferrière.
[50] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[51] La Mothe Fénélon Correspondence.
[52] Correspondence de La Mothe Fénélon. La Ferrière.
[53] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. ii. Spes to Philip II.
[54] Walsingham Correspondence.
[55] Baschet La Diplomatie venitienne. La Ferrière.
[56] Mémoires de Nevers.
[57] Walsingham to Cecil, February 8, 1571. “Compleat ambassador.”
[58] Walsingham Correspondence.
[59] Walsingham Correspondence.
[60] Correspondence de La Mothe Fénélon.
[61] Spes to Philip, 10th and 15th of April, 1571. Spanish Calendar
(Elizabeth), vol. ii.
[62] Foreign Calendar, Walsingham to Cecil, May 25, 1571.
[63] Foreign Calendar.
[64] Venetian Calendar.
[65] Foreign Calendar.
[66] Mémoires de Tavannes. La Ferrière.
[67] Foreign Calendar.
[68] Foreign Calendar.
[69] Foreign Calendar.
[70] Foreign Calendar.
[71] La Mothe Fénélon Correspondence. La Ferrière.
[72] Foreign Calendar, May 25, 1572.
[73] “Compleat ambassador.”
[74] Tomaseo, “Ambassadeurs venetiens.” Ferrière.
[75] Foreign Calendar.
[76] Foreign Calendar.
[77] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[78] Ibid.
[79] Ibid.
[80] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2.
[81] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), and La Mothe Correspondence.
[82] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., parts 2 and 3.
[83] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2.
[84] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2.
[85] Foreign Calendar.
[86] Foreign Calendar.
[87] Record Office State Papers (France).
[88] La Ferrière, and “Mémoires de la Reine Marguerite” (The Hague,
1715), p. 78.
[89] Le Labourer’s continuation of Castelnau’s “Mémoires.”
[90] Foreign Calendar.
[91] La Ferrière, “Projets de Mariage.”
[92] La Mothe Fénélon Correspondence.
[93] Foreign Calendar.
[94] Hatfield Papers, part 2.
[95] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[96] Gachard, Correspondence de Philippe II.
[97] La Ferrière, “Projets de Mariage.”
[98] “Mémoires de la Reine Marguerite.”
[99] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2, p. 179.
[100] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[101] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2.
[102] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), August 14, 1578.
[103] Castelnau Correspondence. La Ferrière, “Projets de Mariage.”
[104] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com. part 2.
[105] Domestic Calendar, April 25, 1579.
[106] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[107] Castelnau Correspondence. La Ferrière, “Projets de Mariage.”
[108] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[109] Hatfield Papers, part 2, p. 468.
[110] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[111] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2.
[112] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2.
[113] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2, and Spanish Calendar
(Elizabeth).
[114] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[115] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2, p. 298.
[116] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii.
[117] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii.
[118] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2.
[119] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii.
[120] Alençon and Simier to the Queen, July 21st and August 4th, 1580.
Hatfield Papers, part 2.
[121] Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2.
[122] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[123] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[124] Hatfield Papers, part 2.
[125] Mendoza to Philip, April 6, 1581. Spanish Calendar, vol. iii.
[126] Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. Fonds francais, 3308. La Ferrière.
[127] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[128] Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. Fonds francais, 3308. La Ferrière.
[129] Mendoza to Philip, May 4, 1581. Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[130] Probably the important letter misdated 1580 in the Hatfield
Papers (MSS. Com., part 2, p. 358) wherein the Queen urges Alençon to
obtain a distinct pledge of aid from his brother against the Spanish
power in the Netherlands. The main object of her policy was, of course,
to bring about a complete rupture between France and Spain, which would
have ruined the Guises, raised the Huguenots, weakened Spain, and have
rendered England secure on all sides.
[131] Hatfield Papers, part 2.
[132] Spanish Calendar. Mendoza to the King, 2nd and 5th of June, 1581.
[133] Hatfield Papers, part 2, pp. 360, 362, 483.
[134] The original draft of the treaty is in the British Museum, MSS.
Add. 33963.
[135] Hatfield Papers, part 2, p. 400.
[136] Walsingham to the Queen. Hatfield Papers, part 2, p. 415.
[137] Memorandum to the Queen, August 13, 1581. Hatfield Papers, part 2.
[138] Hatfield Papers, part 2, p. 458.
[139] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[140] Walsingham to the Queen, September 12th. Hatfield Papers, part 2.
[141] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. p. 182.
[142] Hatfield Papers, part 2.
[143] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth).
[144] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii., November 11, 1581.
[145] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. p. 226.
[146] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. p. 229.
[147] “Mémoires du Duc de Nevers.”
[148] Bibliothèque Nationale, Ambassadeurs venetiens. La Ferrière.
[149] Hatfield Papers, part 2, p. 468.
[150] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. p. 243.
[151] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. p. 244.
[152] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. p. 351.
[153] “Mémoires du Duc de Nevers.”
[154] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii.
[155] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii.
[156] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii.
[157] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii.
[158] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii.
[159] Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii.
[160] Hatfield Papers, part 3.
[161] Ibid.
[162] Ibid.
[163] Hatfield Papers, part 3.
[164] Hatfield Papers, part 3.
[165] Spanish Calendar, vol. iii., Mendoza to the King, November 15,
1582.
[166] Hatfield Papers, part 3.
[167] Ibid.
[168] British Museum, MSS. Cotton Galba vi.
Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a
predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not
changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced
quotation marks retained.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained.
Uncaptioned illustrations are decorative.
Index not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page references.
Occasional references to “Castlenau” have been changed to the
predominantly-used “Castelnau”.
Page 52: “and the rest of her advisers” was missing “her”; changed here.
Page 57: “plenipotentaries” was printed that way.
Page 77: “considering their ages.” ends with a closing quotation mark
for which there is no matching opening mark.
Page 144: “negotiate the bases of a treaty” was printed that way.
Page 146: There is no closing quotation mark for the phrase beginning
“that is the principal point”.
Page 148: “of an alliance without a marriage” was printed as “or an
alliance without a marriage”; changed here.
Page 185: There is an extra or a missing quotation mark in “making him
many fine promises”; and then he said something about a marriage which
I did not very well understand.”
Page 216: “projected match was undertaken” was printed that way.
Page 216: “she might lay upon them.” ends with a closing quotation mark
for which there is no matching opening mark.
Page 238: There is no closing quotation mark for the sentence beginning
“The Queen went to the length”.