The British parliament having enacted a law, to the immortal honor of
this country, for the abolition of the importation of slaves into our
settlements in the West Indies, it remains to be ascertained how this
great work of humanity can be completed, by extending it to the
_emancipation_ of the slaves already in the colonies.
As a step towards the emancipation, the _abolition_ is of the highest
importance; but if the parliament, having passed a decree, shall content
itself without proceeding to that great ultimate object—the
emancipation, England will have only the unsatisfactory consolation of
exhibiting to the world an honorable and ineffectual example; while she
leaves other nations to make a profit of her humanity: for, so long as
slavery shall be permitted to exist in our colonies, and the African
trade be continued by other countries, it may be expected that slaves
will not cease to be introduced into the English settlements. Nor can
the importation be prevented by any prohibitory law or regulation of the
British parliament, however wise in the enactment, or vigilant in the
execution; since it will be the common interest of the colonists to
encourage adventurers in this illicit traffic.
It is manifest, therefore, that unless England proceed further, the
abolition will be nugatory, or even worse; for it will not only be
inadequate to its purpose, but it will be the means of throwing the
trade into the hands of the merchants of other nations; who, in
conducting it, may not be governed by the same humane regulations, which
the traders of this country were compelled to observe.
It cannot be supposed that any of the friends of the abolition will be
adverse to the emancipation, although various opinions may be held,
respecting the best mode of effecting it. Considering themselves as
following the genuine dictates of humanity, some may contend for an
immediate enlargement; while others, with sounder policy, will plead for
a more cautious and gradual liberation.
An abrupt and unlimited enfranchisement might prove injurious to the
slave, unjust to the master, and equally cruel to both. It would have
the effect of depriving the one of his bread, without teaching the other
to earn it. The dark ignorance which overclouds the minds of the slaves;
the bitter remembrance of former toils and severities; their natural
indolence; the debilitating languor produced by the climate; and the
facility of obtaining provisions without labour, would all combine to
prevent them from engaging in the settled habits of daily toil. Devoid
of instruction, and without any knowledge of the benefits arising from
commerce and the accumulation of property, they would not discreetly
meet the change to freedom, and assume, at once, the tranquil character
of sober and industrious peasantry. It is even doubtful, whether, if
they were hastily liberated, they could ever be brought to employ
themselves in a constant round of labour: to expect it, as the necessary
result of merely granting them their freedom, would be idly romantic. In
their present state of ignorance, both humanity and policy are opposed
to a sudden emancipation; for, instead of their situation being thereby
improved, it would be rendered lamentably worse.
Having been governed by the whip, and held subservient to the will of
others, they do not contemplate any intermediate stage, between the
master and the slave. Accustomed to the degrading habits of bondage
only, their minds are unprepared for freedom, and incapable of
comprehending its high advantages. If their bonds were hastily broken,
they would be all kings, and no subjects—all planters, and no labourers!
In the gloomy imbecility of their uncultivated faculties they would be
jealous of the whites, and suspicious of future chains: hence, to give
them unbridled liberty would be to let loose an irritated race of
beings, with a two-edged sword in their hands, which, in consequence of
the many vices and infirmities arising from a life of slavery, they
would either turn upon themselves, or wield to the destruction of those
about them. They would be thrown into inveterate confusion; the
cultivation of the colonies would languish; commerce would die away; and
the mother-country preserving no control, all would be violence,
outrage, and subversion, and they would persecute or destroy those who
had governed them, until every European were exterminated from the
settlements. Or, if they should not be roused to energy, by revengeful
feelings and a distrust of their former rulers, they would sink into the
torpid state of the uncivilized Indians, or of their darker brethren of
the African forests, and relapse into a state of rude and savage nature.
Their wants being few, and their food easily procured, their exertions
would be only commensurate to their cravings: disdaining labour, they
would repose under the soft shade of the plantain, equally regardless of
the riches of commerce and the honors of industry. The yam, the
plantain, and the pepper-pot, the banjar, the merry dance, and their
beloved Wowski, would gratify all their wishes, and crown their highest
ambition.
However simple the question of emancipation may appear, to those who
reason only from an abstract principle regarding humanity and the
natural rights of man, it is a subject of no less intricacy than
importance. Although urgent and imperative, still it needs much and
serious consideration, and cannot be acted upon without the utmost
caution. To judge of it properly, requires an extensive knowledge of the
interests of the colonists, an intimate acquaintance with the character
and disposition of the slaves, and much information with regard to the
relative policy between this country and the settlements. By hasty or
inconsiderate measures a serious wound might be given to the sacred
principles of humanity and justice, and infinitely more mischief than
advantage would be the result.
It is possible that, by proceeding with great care and discretion, the
loud calls of humanity may be obeyed, and the emancipation effected to
the great benefit of the slaves, and without serious injury to their
masters: but to force upon the blacks and their descendants, at all
hazards, a freedom, which they know not how to value or to use, would be
cruel and fatal.
It should be held, always, in remembrance that, in a mental point of
view, the slaves are but as children, having their untutored minds in a
more abject state of imbecility, than the lowest of the poor in the
meanest state of Europe. Much has been done, during many years past, to
meliorate their condition; but, in order to make it consistent with the
policy of the parent-country, the safety of the West India proprietors,
or the benefit of the negro race themselves, to abolish slavery
altogether, this beneficent and glorious achievement must be
accomplished by a steady perseverance in the use of slow and gradual
means.
A general system of education and moral improvement should be
established among the slaves; a due sense of their religious duties
should be inculcated; and they should be taught to estimate the high
value of freedom, and social intercourse: private punishments should be
prohibited; all invidious distinctions between the different colours
done away; and every man, of whatever hue, should be made subject to the
same laws, and the same rules of government.
The degrading ignorance, the sullen perverseness, and revengeful
feelings of the slaves should be softened by liberal instruction; they
should be gradually associated, and brought to a level with those who
are better informed, and more conversant with the arts of industry; and
they should be taught to understand the advantages which would arise
from continuing the cultivation and commerce of the colonies. A general
change in their minds and habits, must be either in progress, or
effected, before it can be safe or useful to grant them so great a boon;
or, rather, to restore to them so manifest a right.
Perhaps the best preparatory step would be, to bring a considerable
proportion of the _people of colour_, between the whites and the
negroes, to England to be educated, together with such of the blacks
themselves, as might display any peculiar marks of intellect; allowing
them to return as free subjects, possessing all the privileges of
citizens; and, in addition to these, annually to enfranchise a certain
number of the best-disposed slaves, until the whole should be free;
taking care, always to preserve a due proportion between the number
educated, and the number emancipated, and to make their liberation a
reward to superior merit.
In this manner, the individuals of all shades, and all degrees, might be
brought to mix together as people of the same state, subject to the same
laws, following the same pursuits, and feeling the same interests and
propensities. The coloured inhabitants would be made fellow-citizens
with the whites, and they would aspire to be—Englishmen! Among them
would be found merchants and planters, as well as tradesmen, mechanics,
and labourers: all hurtful jealousies would be done away, and the
Africans and their offspring having acquired a knowledge of the benefits
to be derived from industry, and the accumulation of property, the
cultivation of the colonies would be continued, and the commercial
influence preserved to the mother-country.
To attempt to enumerate the manifold advantages which would result from
such a system of enfranchisement, would be to enter too much into
detail. Among the most important of them would be that of preventing the
sad waste of human life, and of treasure, which is at present incurred,
by the necessity of sending out unacclimated Europeans to garrison the
colonies, and to execute the offices of managers, clerks, book-keepers,
and the like. These would not, as at present, be indispensably required.
The danger of revolt and insurrection would no longer exist; and the
people of colour being capable of performing all the duties of the
plantation and the counting-house, they would soon become possessed of
stores and estates; and the garrisons might be safely intrusted to them,
as the best defenders of their own property.
England having set a generous and splendid example, in being the first
to forego the unhallowed profits of a cruel and impious traffic in human
beings, might it not be an object worthy the magnanimity of the Prince
Regent of this nation, to carry the august work of humanity to its
consummation, by establishing an institution, for the emancipation of
the slaves, and for their education and improvement after they became
free?
If _a school_ were endowed, somewhat upon the plan of Christ’s Hospital,
or the Royal Military Asylum[20], and appropriated to the education of
the creole children of colour, it would immortalize the name, and prove
a lasting monument of the wisdom and benevolence of the Prince, who
should have the happiness of being its founder. Such an institution
might stamp the Regent’s government, which has been already
distinguished by such auspicious events, with unparalleled glory. It
would mark the period as an _era of humanity_, and His Royal Highness
could not fail to experience the grateful reward of feeling, that his
name would be uttered with prayers and blessings, not only by hundreds
of thousands of fellow-beings now existing, but by millions yet unborn!