1. A dead body is unclean, and the uncleanness extends to things and
persons which touch it. Hence the Jewish law (Num. v. 2) enacted that
"whoever is unclean by the dead shall be put outside the camp, that they
defile not the camp in the midst whereof the Lord dwells." Such persons
were unclean until the even, and might not eat of the holy things unless
they bathed their flesh in water. A high priest might on no account "go
in to any dead body" (Lev. xxi. 11). Why a corpse is so widely tabooed
is not certain; but it is natural to see one reason in the corruption
which in warm climates soon sets in. The common experience that where
one has died another is likely to do so may also have contributed,
though, of course, there was no scientific idea of infection. The old
Persian scriptures are full of this taboo. He who has touched a corpse
is "powerless in mind, tongue and hand" (_Zend Avesta_ in _Sacred Books
of the East_, pt. i. p. 120), and the paralysis is inflicted by the
innumerable _drugs_ or evil spirits which invest a corpse. Fire and
earth, being alike creations of the good and pure god Ahuramazda, a
body must not be burned or buried; and so the ancient Persians and their
descendants the Parsees build Dakmas or "towers of silence" on hill-tops
far from human habitations. Inside these the corpses are laid on a
flagged terrace which drains into a central pit. Twice a year the bones,
picked clean by dogs and birds of prey, are collected in the pit, and
when it is full another tower is built. In ancient times perhaps the
bodies of the magi or priests alone were exposed at such expense; the
common folk were covered with wax and laid in the earth, the wax saving
the earth from pollution. In Rome and Greece the corpse was buried by
night, lest it should pollute the sunlight; and a trough of water was
set at the door of the house of death that men might purify themselves
when they came out, before mixing in general society. Priests and
magistrates in Rome might not meet or look on a corpse, for they were
thereby rendered unclean and incapable of fulfilling their official
duties without undergoing troublesome rites of purification. At a Roman
funeral, when the remains had been laid in the tomb, all present were
sprinkled with lustral water from a branch of olive or laurel called
_aspergillum_; and when they had gone home they were asperged afresh and
stepped over a fire. The house was also swept out with a broom, probably
lest the ghost of the dead should be lying about the floor. Many races,
to avoid pollution, destroy the house and property of the deceased. Thus
the Navahos pull down the hut in which he died, leaving its ruins on the
ground; but if it be an expensive hut, a shanty is extemporized
alongside, into which the dying man is transferred before death. No one
will use the timbers of a hut so ruined. A burial custom of the Solomon
Islands, noted by R.H. Codrington (_The Melanesians_, p. 255), may be
dictated by the same scruple. There "the mourners having hung up a dead
man's arms on his house make great lamentations; all remains afterwards
untouched, the house goes to ruin, mantled, as time goes on, with the
vines of the growing yams, a picturesque and indeed, perhaps, a touching
sight; for these things are not set up that they may in a ghostly manner
accompany their former owner." H. Oldenberg (_Religion des Veda_, p.
426) describes how Hindus shave themselves and cut off their nails after
a death, at the same time that they wash, renew the hearth fire, and
furnish themselves with new vessels. For the hair and nails may harbour
pollution, just as the medieval Greeks believed that evil spirits could
lurk in a man's beard (Leo Allatius, _De opinionibus quorundam
Graecorum_). The dead man's body is shorn and the nails cut for a
kindred reason; for it must be purified as much as can be before it is
burned as an offering on the pyre and before he enters on a new sphere
of existence.
2. We are accustomed to regard mourning costume as primarily an outward
sign of our grief. Originally, however, the special garb seems to have
been intended to warn the general public that persons so attired were
unclean. In ancient Rome mourners stayed at home and avoided all feasts
and amusements; laying aside gold, purple and jewels, they wore black
dresses called _lugubria_ or even skins. They cut neither hair nor
beard, nor lighted fire. Under the emperors women began to wear white.
On the west coast of Africa negroes wear white, on the Gold Coast red.
The Chinese wear hemp, which is cheap, for mourning dress must as a rule
be destroyed when the season of grief is past to get rid of the taboo.
Among the Aruntas of Australia the wives of a dead man smear themselves
with white pipe-clay until the last ceremonies are finished, sometimes
adding ashes--this not to conceal themselves from the ghost (which may
partly be the aim of some mourning costumes), but to show the ghost that
they are duly sorrowing for their loss. These widows must not talk
except on their hands for a whole year. "Among the Maoris," says Frazer
(_Golden Bough_, i. 323), "anyone who had handled a corpse, helped to
convey it to the grave, or touched a dead man's bones; was cut off from
all intercourse and almost all communication with mankind. He could not
enter any house, or come into contact with any person or thing, without
utterly bedevilling them. He might not even touch food with his hands,
which had become so frightfully tabooed or unclean as to be quite
useless. Food would be set for him on the ground, and he would then sit
or kneel down, and, with his hands carefully held behind his back, would
gnaw at it as best he could." Often a degraded outcast was kept in a
village to feed mourners. Such a taboo is strictly similar to those
which surround a sacred chief or his property, a menstruous woman or a
homicide, rendering them dangerous to themselves and to all who approach
them.
3. Primitive folk cannot conceive of a man's soul surviving apart from
his body, nor of another life as differing from this, and the dead must
continue to enjoy what they had here. Accordingly the Patagonians kill
horses at the grave that the dead may ride to _Alhuemapu_, or country of
the dead. After a year they collect a chief's bones, arrange them, tie
them together and dress them in his best garments with beads and
feathers. Then they lay him with his weapons in a square pit, round
which dead horses are placed set upright on their feet by stakes. As
late as 1781 in Poland F. Casimir's horse was slain and buried with him.
In the Caucasus a Christian lady's jewels are buried with her. The
Hindus used to burn a man's widow on his pyre, because he could not do
without her; and St Boniface commends the self-sacrifice of the Wend
widows who in his day burned themselves alive on their husbands' pyres.
The tumuli met with all over the north of Europe (in the Orkneys alone
2000 remain) are regular houses of the dead, models of those they
occupied in life. The greater the dignity of the deceased, the loftier
was his barrow. Silbury hill is 170 ft. high; the tomb of Alyattes,
father of Croesus, was a fourth of a league round; the Pyramids are
still the largest buildings in existence; at Oberea in Tahiti is a
barrow 267 ft. long, 87 wide and 44 high. Some Eskimo just leave a dead
man's body in his house, and shut it up, often leaving by his side a
dog's head to guide him on his last journey, along with his tools and
kayak. The Sea Dyaks set a chief adrift in his war canoe with his
weapons. So in Norse story Hake "was laid wounded on a ship with the
dead men and arms; the ship was taken out to sea and set on fire." The
Viking was regularly buried in his ship or boat under a great mound. He
sailed after death to Valhalla. In the ship was laid a stone as anchor
and the tools, clothes, weapons and treasures of the dead. The
Egyptians, whose land was the gift of the river Nile, equally believed
that the dead crossed over water, and fashioned the hearse in the form
of a boat. Hence perhaps was derived the Greek myth of Charon and the
Styx, and the custom, which still survives in parts of Europe, of
placing a coin in the mouth of the dead with which to pay the ferryman.
The Egyptians placed in the tomb books of a kind to guide the dead to
the next world. The Copts in a later age did the same, and to this
custom we owe the recovery in Egypt of much ancient literature. The
Armenians till lately buried with a priest his missal or gospel.
In Egyptian entombments of the XIIth to the XIVth dynasties were added
above the sepulchres what Professor Petrie terms soul-houses, viz. small
models of houses furnished with couch and table, &c., for the use of the
_ka_ or double whenever it might wish to come above ground and partake
of meats and drinks. They recall, in point of size, the hut-urns of the
Etruscans, but the latter had another use, for they contain incinerated
remains. Etruscan tombs, like those of Egypt and Asia Minor, were made
to resemble the dwelling-houses of the living, and furnished with
coffered ceilings, panelled walls, couches, stools, easy chairs with
footstools attached, all hewn out of the living rock (Dennis, _Cities
and Cemeteries of Etruria_, vol i. p. lxx.).
Of the old Peruvian mummies in the Kircherian Museum at Rome, several
are of women with babies in their arms, whence it is evident that a
mother had her suckling buried with her; it would console her in the
next world and could hardly survive her in this. The practice of burying
ornaments, tools and weapons with the dead characterizes the inhumations
of the Quaternary epoch, as if in that dim and remote age death was
already regarded as the portal of another life closely resembling this.
The cups, tools, weapons, ornaments and other articles deposited with
the dead are often carefully broken or turned upside down and inside
out; for the soul or _manes_ of objects is liberated by such fracture or
inversion and so passes into the dead man's use and possession. For the
same reason where the dead are burned, their properties are committed to
the flames. The ghost of the warrior has a ghostly sword and buckler to
fight with and a ghostly cup to drink from, and he is also nourished by
the impalpable odour and reek of the animal victims sacrificed over his
grave. Instead of valuable objects cheap images and models are often
substituted; and why not, if the mere ghosts of the things are all that
the wraith can enjoy? Thus Marco Polo (ii. 76) describes how in the land
of Kinsay (Hang-chau) "the friends and relations make a great mourning
for the deceased, and clothe themselves in hempen garments, and follow
the corpse, playing on a variety of instruments and singing hymns to
their idols. And when they come to the burning place they take
representations of things cut out of parchment, such as caparisoned
horses, male and female slaves, camels, armour, suits of cloth of gold
(and money), in great quantities, and these things they put on the fire
along with the corpse so that they are all burned with it. And they tell
you that the dead man shall have all these slaves and animals of which
the effigies are burned, alive in flesh and blood, and the money in
gold, at his disposal in the next world; and that the instruments which
they have caused to be played at his funeral, and the idol hymns that
have been chaunted shall also be produced again to welcome him in the
next world." The manufacture of such paper _simulacra_ for consumption
at funerals is still an important industry in Chinese cities. The
ancient Egyptians, assured that a man's _ka_ or double shall revivify
his body, took pains to guard the flesh from corruption, steeping the
corpse in natron and stuffing it with spices. A body so prepared is
called a mummy (q.v.), and the custom was already of a hoary antiquity
in 3200 B.C., when the oldest dated mummy we have was made. The bowels,
removed in the process, were placed in jars over the corpse in the tomb,
together with writing tablets, books, musical instruments, &c., of the
dead. Cemeteries also remain full of mummies of crocodiles, cats, fish,
cows and other sacred animals. The Greeks settled in Egypt learned to
mummify their dead, but the custom was abhorrent to the Jews, although
the Christian belief in the resurrection of the flesh must have been
formed to a large extent under Egyptian influence. Half the superiority
of the Jewish to other ancient religions lay in this, that it prescribed
no funeral rites other than the simplest inhumation.
The dead all over the world and from remote antiquity have been laid not
anyhow in the earth, but with the feet and face towards the region in
which their future will be spent; the Samoans and Fijians towards the
far west whither their souls have preceded them; the Guarayos with head
turned eastwards because their god Tamoi has in that quarter "his happy
hunting grounds where the dead will meet again" (Tylor, _Prim. Cult._
ii. 422). The legend is that Christ was buried with His head to the
west, and the church follows the custom, more ancient than itself, of
laying the dead looking to the East, because that is the attitude of
prayer, and because at the last trump they will hurry eastwards. So in
Eusebius (_Hist. Eccl._ 430.19) a martyr explains to his pagan judge
that the heavenly Jerusalem, the fatherland of the pious, lay exactly in
the east at the rising place of the sun. Where the body is laid out
straight it is difficult to discern the presence of any other idea than
that it is at rest. In Scandinavian barrows, e.g. in the one opened at
Goldhavn in 1830, the skeletons have been found seated on a low stone
bench round the wall of the grave chamber facing its opening, which
always looks south or east, never north. Here the dead were continuing
the drinking bouts they enjoyed on earth.
The Peruvians mummified their dead and placed them jointed and huddled
up with knees to chin, looking toward the sunset, with the hands held
before the face. In the oldest prehistoric tombs along the Nile the
bodies are doubled up in the same position. It would seem as if in these
and numerous other similar cases the dead were deliberately given in
their graves the attitude of a foetus in the womb, and, as Dr Budge
remarks (_Egyptian Ideas of the Future Life_, London, 1899, p. 162), "we
may perhaps be justified in seeing in this custom the symbol of a hope
that, as the child is born from this position into the world, so might
the deceased be born into the life beyond the grave." The late
Quaternary skeletons of the Mentone cave were laid in a layer of
ferrugineous earth specially laid down for them, and have contracted a
red colour therefrom. Many other prehistoric skeletons found in Italy
have a reddish colour, perhaps for the same reason, or because, as often
to-day, the bones were stripped of flesh and painted. Ambrose relates
that the skeletons of the martyrs Gervasius and Protasius, which he
found and deposited A.D. 386 under the altar of his new basilica in
Milan, were _mirae magnitudinis ut prisca aetas ferebat_, and were also
coloured red. He imagined the red to be the remains of the martyrs'
blood! _Hic sanguis clamat coloris indicio._ Salomon Reinach has rightly
divined that what Ambrose really hit upon was a prehistoric tomb. Red
earth was probably chosen as a medium in which to lay a corpse because
demons flee from red. Sacred trees and stones are painted red, and for
the most solemn of their rites savages bedaub themselves with red clay.
It is a favourite taboo colour.
4. A feast is an essential feature of every primitive funeral, and in
the Irish "wake" it still survives. A dead man's soul or double has to
be fed at the tomb itself, perhaps to keep it from prowling about the
homes of the survivors in search of victuals; and such food must also be
supplied to the dead at stated intervals for months or years. Many races
leave a narrow passage or tube open down to the cavity in which the
corpse lies, and through it pour down drinks for the dead. Traces of
such tubes are visible in the prehistoric tombs of the British Isles.
However, such provision of food is not properly a funeral feast unless
the survivors participate. In the Eastern churches and in Russia the
departed are thus fed on the ninth, twelfth and fortieth days from
death. "Ye appease the shades of the dead with wine and meals," was the
charge levelled at the Catholics by the 4th-century Manichaeans, and it
has hardly ceased to be true even now after the lapse of sixteen
centuries. The funeral feast proper, however, is either a meal of
communion with or in the dead, which accompanies interment, or a banquet
off the flesh of victims slain in atonement of the dead man's sins. Some
anthropologists see in the common meal held at the grave "the pledge and
witness of the unity of the kin, the chief means, if not of making, at
least of repairing and renewing it."[1] The flesh provided at these
banquets is occasionally that of the dead man himself; Herodotus and
Strabo in antiquity relate this of several half-civilized races in the
East and West, and a similar story is told by Marco Polo of certain
Tatars. Nor among modern savages are funeral feasts off the flesh of the
dead unknown, and they seem to be intended to effect and renew a
sacramental union or kinship of the living with the dead. The Uaupes in
the Amazons incinerate a corpse a month after death, pound up the ashes,
and mix them with their fermented drink. They believe that the virtues
of the dead will thus be passed on to his survivors. The life of the
tribe is kept inside the tribe and not lost. Such cannibal sacraments,
however, are rare, and, except in a very few cases, the evidence for
them weak. The slaying and eating of animal victims, however, at the
tomb is universal and bears several meanings, separately or all at once.
The animals may be slain in order that their ghosts may accompany the
deceased in his new life. This significance we have already dwelt upon.
Or it is believed that the shade feeds upon them, as the shades came up
from Hades and lapped up out of a trench the blood of the animals slain
by Ulysses. The survivors by eating the flesh of a victim, whose blood
and soul the dead thus consume, sacramentally confirm the mystic tie of
blood kinship with the dead. Or lastly, the victim may be offered for
the sins of the dead. His sins are even supposed to be transferred into
it and eaten by the priest. Such expiatory sacrifices of animals for the
dead survive in the Christian churches of Armenia, Syria and of the East
generally. Their vicarious character is emphasized in the prayers which
accompany them, but the popular understanding of them probably combines
all the meanings above enumerated. It has been suggested by Robertson
Smith (_Religion of the Semites_, 336) that the world-wide customs of
tearing the hair, rending the garments, and cutting and wounding the
body were originally intended to establish a life-bond between the dead
and the living. The survivors, he argues, in leaving portions of their
hair and garments, and yet more by causing their own blood to stream
over the corpse from self-inflicted wounds, by cutting off a finger and
throwing it into the grave, leave what is eminently their own with the
dead, so drawing closer their tie with him. Conversely, many savages
daub themselves with the blood and other effluences of their dead
kinsmen, and explain their custom by saying that in this way a portion
of the dead is incorporated in themselves. Often the survivors,
especially the widows, attach the bones or part of them to their persons
and wear them, or at least keep them in their houses. The retention of
the locks of the deceased and of parts of his dress is equally common.
There is also another side to such customs. Having in their possession
bits of the dead, and being so far in communion with him, the survivors
are surer of his friendship. They have ensured themselves against ghosts
who are apt to be by nature envious and mischievous. But whatever their
original significance, the tearing of cheeks and hair and garments and
cutting with knives are mostly expressions of real sorrow, and, as
Robertson Smith remarks, of deprecation and supplication to an angry god
or spirit. It must not be supposed that the savage or ancient man feels
less than ourselves the poignancy of loss.
6. Death-witchery has close parallels in the witch and heretic hunts of
the Christians, but, happily for us, only flourishes to-day among
savages. Sixty % of the deaths which occur in West Africa are, according
to Miss Mary Kingsley--a credible witness--believed to be due to
witchcraft and sorcery. The blacks regard old age or effusion of blood
as the sole legitimate causes of death. All ordinary diseases are in
their opinion due to private magic on the part of neighbours, just as a
widespread epidemic marks the active hatred "of some great outraged
nature spirit, not of a mere human dabbler in devils."[2] Similarly in
Christian countries an epidemic is set down to the wrath of a God
offended by the presence of Jews, Arians and other heretics. The duty of
an African witch-doctor is to find out who bewitched the deceased, just
as it was of an inquisitor to discover the heretic. Every African
post-mortem accordingly involves the murder of the person or persons who
bewitched the dead man and caused him to die. The death-rate by these
means is nearly doubled; but, since the use of poison against an
obnoxious neighbour is common, the right person is occasionally
executed. It is also well for neighbours not to quarrel, for, if they do
and one of them dies of smallpox, the other is likely to be slain as a
witch, and his lungs, liver and spleen impaled on a pole at the entrance
of the village. It is the same case with the Australian blacks: "no such
thing as natural death is realized by the native; a man who dies has of
necessity been killed by some other man, or perhaps even by a woman, and
sooner or later that man or woman will be attacked. In the normal
condition of the tribe every death meant the killing of another
individual."[3]
7. Lastly, a primitive interment guards against the double risk of the
ghost haunting the living and of ghouls or vampires taking possession of
the corpse. The latter end is likely to be achieved if the body is
cremated, for then there is no nidus to harbour the demon; but whether,
in the remote antiquity to which belong many barrows containing
incinerated remains, this motive worked, cannot be ascertained. The
Indo-European race seems to have cremated at an early epoch, perhaps
before the several races of East and West separated. In Christian
funeral rites many prayers are for the protection of the body from
violation by vampires, and it would seem as if such a motive dictated
the architectural solidity of some ancient tombs. Christian graves were
for protection regularly sealed with the cross; and the following is a
characteristic prayer from the old Armenian rite for the burial of a
layman:
"Preserve, Almighty Lord, this man's spirit with all saints and with
all lovers of Thy holy name. And do Thou seal and guard the sepulchre
of Thy servant, Thou who shuttest up the depths and sealest them with
Thy almighty right hand ... so let the seal of Thy Lordship abide
unmoved upon this man's dwelling-place and upon the shrine which
guards Thy servant. And _let not any filthy and unclean devil dare to
approach him, such as assail the body and souls of the heathen_, who
possess not the birth of the holy font, and have not the dread seal
laid upon their graves."
A terrible and revolting picture of the superstitious belief in ghouls
which violate Christian tombs is given by Leo Allatius (who held it) in
his tract _De opinionibus quorundam Graecorum_ (Paris, 1646). It was
probably the fear of such demonic assaults on the dead that inspired the
insanitary custom of burying the dead under the floors of churches, and
as near as possible to the altar. In the Greek Church this practice was
happily forbidden by the code of Justinian as well as by the older law
in the case of churches consecrated with _Encaenia_ and deposition of
relics. In the Armenian Church the same rule holds, and Ephrem Syrus in
his testament particularly forbade his body to be laid within a church.
Such prohibitions, however, are a witness to the tendency in question.
The custom of lighting candles round a dead body and watching at its
side all night was originally due to the belief that a corpse, like a
person asleep, is specially liable to the assaults of demons. The
practice of tolling a bell at death must have had a similar origin, for
it was a common medieval belief that the sound of a consecrated bell
drives off the demons which when a man dies gather near in the air to
waylay his fleeting soul. For a like reason the consecrated bread of the
Eucharist was often buried with believers, and St Basil is said to have
specially consecrated a Host to be placed in his coffin.
8. Some of the rites described under the previous heads may be really
inspired by the fear of the dead haunting the living, but it must be
kept in mind that the taboo attaching to a dead body is one thing and
fear of a ghost another. A corpse is buried or burned, or scaffolded on
a tree, a tower or a house-top, in order to get it out of the way and
shield society from the dangerous infection of its taboo; but ghosts
_qua_ ghosts need not be feared and a kinsman's ghost usually is not. On
the contrary, it is fed and consoled with everything it needs, is asked
not to go away but to stay, is in a thousand ways assured of the sorrow
and sympathy of the survivors. Even if the body be eaten, it is merely
to keep the soul of the deceased inside the circle of kinsmen, and
Strabo asserts that the ancient Irish and Massagetae regarded it as a
high honour to be so consumed by relatives. In Santa Cruz in Melanesia
they keep the bones for arrow heads and store a skull in a box and set
food before it "saying that this is the man himself" (R.H. Codrington,
_The Melanesians_, p. 264), or the skull and jaw bone are kept and "are
called _mangite_, which are _saka_, hot with spiritual power, and by
means of which the help of the _lio'a_, the powerful ghost of the man
whose relics these are, can be obtained" (ibid. p. 262). Here we have
the savage analogue to Christian relics. So the Australian natives make
pointing sticks out of the small bones of the arm, with which to bewitch
enemies.
We may conclude then that in the most primitive societies, where
blood-kinship is the only social tie and root of social custom it is the
shades, not of kinsmen, but of strangers, who as such are enemies, that
are dangerous and uncanny. In more developed societies, however, all
ghosts alike are held to be so; and if a ghost walks it is because its
body has not been properly interred or because its owner was a
malefactor. Still, even allowing for this, it remains true that for a
friendly ghost the proper place is the grave and not the homes of the
living, and accordingly the Aruntas with cries of _Wah! Wah!_ with
wearing of fantastic head-dresses, wild dancing and beating of the air
with hands and weapons "drive the spirit away from the old camp which it
is supposed to haunt," and which has been set fire to, and hunt it at a
run into the grave prepared, and there stamp it down into the earth.
"The loud shouting of the men and women shows him that they do not wish
to be frightened by him in his present state, and that they will be
angry with him if he does not rest." (Spencer and Gillen, _Native
Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 508). In Mesopotamia cemeteries have
been discovered where the sepulchral jars were set upside down, clearly
by way of hindering the ghosts from escaping into the upper world. In
the Dublin museum we see specimens of ancient Celtic tombs showing the
same peculiarity. For a like reason perhaps the name of the dead must
among the Aruntas not be uttered, nor the grave approached, by certain
classes of kinsmen. The same repugnance to naming the dead exists all
over the world, and leads survivors who share the dead man's name to
adopt another, at least for a time. If the dead man's name was that of a
plant, tree, animal or stream, that too is changed. Here is a potent
cause of linguistic change, that also renders any historical tradition
impossible. The survivors seem to fear that the ghost will come when he
hears his name called; but it also hangs together with the taboo which
hedges round the dead as it does kings, chieftains and priests.
AUTHORITIES.--B. Spencer and F.J. Gillen, _The Native Tribes of
Central Australia_ (London, 1899); F.B. Jevons, _Introduction to
History of Religion_ (London, 1896); E.S. Hartland, _The Legend of
Perseus_, vol. ii.; J.G. Frazer, _The Golden Bough_ (London, 1900);
L.W. Faraday, "Custom and Belief in the Icelandic Sagas," in
_Folk-lore_, vol. xvii. No. 4; E.B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_
(London, 1903); E.A. W. Budge, _The Mummy_ (Cambridge, 1893); C.
Royer, "Les Rites funeraires aux epoques prehistoriques," _Revue
d'anthropologie_ (1876); Forrer, _Uber die Totenbestattung bei den
Pfahlbauern_ (Ausland, 1885); J. Lubbock, _Origin of Civilization_
(London, 1875) and _Prehistoric Times_ (London, 1865); L.A. Muratori,
"De antiquis Christianorum sepulchris," _Anecd. Graeca_ (Padua, 1709);
Onaphr. Panvinius, _De ritu sepeliendi mortuos apua veteres
Christianos_, reprinted in Volbeding's _Thesaurus_ (Leipzig, 1841).
(F. C. C.)