CHAPTER 17. BULLER'S FINAL ADVANCE.

The heroic moment of the siege of Ladysmith was that which witnessed the

repulse of the great attack. The epic should have ended at that dramatic

instant. But instead of doing so the story falls back to an anticlimax

of crowded hospitals, slaughtered horses, and sporadic shell fire.

For another six weeks of inactivity the brave garrison endured all the

sordid evils which had steadily grown from inconvenience to misfortune

and from misfortune to misery. Away in the south they heard the thunder

of Buller's guns, and from the hills round the town they watched with

pale faces and bated breath the tragedy of Spion Kop, preserving a firm

conviction that a very little more would have transformed it into their

salvation. Their hearts sank with the sinking of the cannonade, and rose

again with the roar of Vaalkranz. But Vaalkranz also failed them, and

they waited on in the majesty of their hunger and their weakness for the

help which was to come.

It has been already narrated how General Buller had made his three

attempts for the relief of the city. The General who was inclined to

despair was now stimulated by despatches from Lord Roberts, while his

army, who were by no means inclined to despair, were immensely cheered

by the good news from the Kimberley side. Both General and army prepared

for a last supreme effort. This time, at least, the soldiers hoped that

they would be permitted to burst their way to the help of their starving

comrades or leave their bones among the hills which had faced them so

long. All they asked was a fight to a finish, and now they were about to

have one. General Buller had tried the Boers' centre, he had tried their

extreme right, and now he was about to try their extreme left. There

were some obvious advantages on this side which make it surprising that

it was not the first to be attempted. In the first place, the enemy's

main position upon that flank was at Hlangwane mountain, which is to

the south of the Tugela, so that in case of defeat the river ran behind

them. In the second, Hlangwane mountain was the one point from which the

Boer position at Colenso could be certainly enfiladed, and therefore

the fruits of victory would be greater on that flank than on the other.

Finally, the operations could be conducted at no great distance from the

railhead, and the force would be exposed to little danger of having its

flank attacked or its communications cut, as was the case in the Spion

Kop advance. Against these potent considerations there is only to be put

the single fact that the turning of the Boer right would threaten the

Freestaters' line of retreat. On the whole, the balance of advantage lay

entirely with the new attempt, and the whole army advanced to it with a

premonition of success. Of all the examples which the war has given of

the enduring qualities of the British troops there is none more striking

than the absolute confidence and whole hearted delight with which, after

three bloody repulses, they set forth upon another venture.

On February 9th the movements were started which transferred the greater

part of the force from the extreme left to the centre and right. By the

11th Lyttelton's (formerly Clery's) second division and Warren's fifth

division had come eastward, leaving Burn Murdoch's cavalry brigade

to guard the Western side. On the 12th Lord Dundonald, with all the

colonial cavalry, two battalions of infantry, and a battery, made a

strong reconnaissance towards Hussar Hill, which is the nearest of

the several hills which would have to be occupied in order to turn the

position. The hill was taken, but was abandoned again by General Buller

after he had used it for some hours as an observatory. A long-range

action between the retiring cavalry and the Boers ended in a few losses

upon each side.

What Buller had seen during the hour or two which he had spent with his

telescope upon Hussar Hill had evidently confirmed him in his views, for

two days later (February 14th) the whole army set forth for this point.

By the morning of the 15th twenty thousand men were concentrated upon

the sides and spurs of this eminence. On the 16th the heavy guns were in

position, and all was ready for the advance.

Facing them now were the formidable Boer lines of Hlangwane Hill and

Green Hill, which would certainly cost several thousands of men if they

were to take them by direct storm. Beyond them, upon the Boer flank,

were the hills of Monte Christo and Cingolo, which appeared to be

the extreme outside of the Boer position. The plan was to engage the

attention of the trenches in front by a terrific artillery fire and

the threat of an assault, while at the same time sending the true flank

attack far round to carry the Cingolo ridge, which must be taken before

any other hill could be approached.

On the 17th, in the early morning, with the first tinge of violet in the

east, the irregular cavalry and the second division (Lyttelton's) with

Wynne's Brigade started upon their widely curving flanking march. The

country through which they passed was so broken that the troopers led

their horses in single file, and would have found themselves helpless in

face of any resistance. Fortunately, Cingolo Hill was very weakly held,

and by evening both our horsemen and our infantry had a firm grip upon

it, thus turning the extreme left flank of the Boer position. For once

their mountainous fortresses were against them, for a mounted Boer force

is so mobile that in an open position, such as faced Methuen, it is very

hard and requires great celerity of movement ever to find a flank at

all. On a succession of hills, however, it was evident that some one

hill must mark the extreme end of their line, and Buller had found it at

Cingolo. Their answer to this movement was to throw their flank back so

as to face the new position.

Even now, however, the Boer leaders had apparently not realised that

this was the main attack, or it is possible that the intervention of the

river made it difficult for them to send reinforcements. However that

may be, it is certain that the task which the British found awaiting

them on the 18th proved to be far easier than they had dared to hope.

The honours of the day rested with Hildyard's English Brigade (East

Surrey, West Surrey, West Yorkshires, and 2nd Devons). In open order

and with a rapid advance, taking every advantage of the cover--which was

better than is usual in South African warfare--they gained the edge

of the Monte Christo ridge, and then swiftly cleared the crest. One at

least of the regiments engaged, the Devons, was nerved by the thought

that their own first battalion was waiting for them at Ladysmith.

The capture of the hill made the line of trenches which faced Buller

untenable, and he was at once able to advance with Barton's Fusilier

Brigade and to take possession of the whole Boer position of Hlangwane

and Green Hill. It was not a great tactical victory, for they had no

trophies to show save the worthless debris of the Boer camps. But it was

a very great strategical victory, for it not only gave them the whole

south side of the Tugela, but also the means of commanding with their

guns a great deal of the north side, including those Colenso trenches

which had blocked the way so long. A hundred and seventy killed and

wounded (of whom only fourteen were killed) was a trivial price for such

a result. At last from the captured ridges the exultant troops could

see far away the haze which lay over the roofs of Ladysmith, and the

besieged, with hearts beating high with hope, turned their glasses upon

the distant mottled patches which told them that their comrades were

approaching.

By February 20th the British had firmly established themselves along the

whole south bank of the river, Hart's brigade had occupied Colenso,

and the heavy guns had been pushed up to more advanced positions. The

crossing of the river was the next operation, and the question arose

where it should be crossed. The wisdom which comes with experience shows

us now that it would have been infinitely better to have crossed on

their extreme left flank, as by an advance upon this line we should have

turned their strong Pieters position just as we had already turned their

Colenso one. With an absolutely master card in our hand we refused to

play it, and won the game by a more tedious and perilous process. The

assumption seems to have been made (on no other hypothesis can one

understand the facts) that the enemy were demoralised and that the

positions would not be strongly held. Our flanking advantage was

abandoned and a direct advance was ordered from Colenso, involving a

frontal attack upon the Pieters position.

On February 21st Buller threw his pontoon bridge over the river near

Colenso, and the same evening his army began to cross. It was at once

evident that the Boer resistance had by no means collapsed. Wynne's

Lancashire Brigade were the first across, and found themselves hotly

engaged before nightfall. The low kopjes in front of them were blazing

with musketry fire. The brigade held its own, but lost the Brigadier

(the second in a month) and 150 rank and file. Next morning the main

body of the infantry was passed across, and the army was absolutely

committed to the formidable and unnecessary enterprise of fighting its

way straight to Ladysmith.

The force in front had weakened, however, both in numbers and in morale.

Some thousands of the Freestaters had left in order to defend their own

country from the advance of Roberts, while the rest were depressed by as

much of the news as was allowed by their leaders to reach them. But

the Boer is a tenacious fighter, and many a brave man was still to

fall before Buller and White should shake hands in the High Street of

Ladysmith.

The first obstacle which faced the army, after crossing the river, was

a belt of low rolling ground, which was gradually cleared by the advance

of our infantry. As night closed in the advance lines of Boers and

British were so close to each other that incessant rifle fire was

maintained until morning, and at more than one point small bodies of

desperate riflemen charged right up to the bayonets of our infantry. The

morning found us still holding our positions all along the line, and

as more and more of our infantry came up and gun after gun roared into

action we began to push our stubborn enemy northwards. On the 21st the

Dorsets, Middlesex, and Somersets had borne the heat of the day. On the

22nd it was the Royal Lancasters, followed by the South Lancashires, who

took up the running. It would take the patience and also the space of

a Kinglake in this scrambling broken fight to trace the doings of those

groups of men who strove and struggled through the rifle fire. All day

a steady advance was maintained over the low kopjes, until by evening

we were faced by the more serious line of the Pieter's Hills. The

operations had been carried out with a monotony of gallantry. Always the

same extended advance, always the same rattle of Mausers and clatter of

pom-poms from a ridge, always the same victorious soldiers on the barren

crest, with a few crippled Boers before them and many crippled comrades

behind. They were expensive triumphs, and yet every one brought them

nearer to their goal. And now, like an advancing tide, they lapped along

the base of Pieter's Hill. Could they gather volume enough to carry

themselves over? The issue of the long-drawn battle and the fate of

Ladysmith hung upon the question.

Brigadier Fitzroy Hart, to whom the assault was entrusted, is in some

ways as singular and picturesque a type as has been evolved in the war.

A dandy soldier, always the picture of neatness from the top of his

helmet to the heels of his well-polished brown boots, he brings to

military matters the same precision which he affects in dress. Pedantic

in his accuracy, he actually at the battle of Colenso drilled the Irish

Brigade for half an hour before leading them into action, and threw

out markers under a deadly fire in order that his change from close to

extended formation might be academically correct. The heavy loss of the

Brigade at this action was to some extent ascribed to him and affected

his popularity; but as his men came to know him better, his romantic

bravery, his whimsical soldierly humour, their dislike changed into

admiration. His personal disregard for danger was notorious and

reprehensible. 'Where is General Hart?' asked some one in action. 'I

have not seen him, but I know where you will find him. Go ahead of the

skirmish line and you will see him standing on a rock,' was the answer.

He bore a charmed life. It was a danger to be near him. 'Whom are you

going to?' 'General Hart,' said the aide-de-camp. 'Then good-bye!'

cried his fellows. A grim humour ran through his nature. It is gravely

recorded and widely believed that he lined up a regiment on a hill-top

in order to teach them not to shrink from fire. Amid the laughter of his

Irishmen, he walked through the open files of his firing line holding a

laggard by the ear. This was the man who had put such a spirit into the

Irish Brigade that amid that army of valiant men there were none who

held such a record. 'Their rushes were the quickest, their rushes were

the longest, and they stayed the shortest time under cover,' said a

shrewd military observer. To Hart and his brigade was given the task of

clearing the way to Ladysmith.

The regiments which he took with him on his perilous enterprise were the

1st Inniskilling Fusiliers, the 2nd Dublin Fusiliers, the 1st Connaught

Rangers, and the Imperial Light Infantry, the whole forming the famous

5th Brigade. They were already in the extreme British advance, and now,

as they moved forwards, the Durham Light Infantry and the 1st Rifle

Brigade from Lyttelton's Brigade came up to take their place. The hill

to be taken lay on the right, and the soldiers were compelled to pass in

single file under a heavy fire for more than a mile until they reached

the spot which seemed best for their enterprise. There, short already

of sixty of their comrades, they assembled and began a cautious advance

upon the lines of trenches and sangars which seamed the brown slope

above them.

For a time they were able to keep some cover, and the casualties were

comparatively few. But now at last, as the evening sun threw a long

shadow from the hills, the leading regiment, the Inniskillings, found

themselves at the utmost fringe of boulders with a clear slope between

them and the main trench of the enemy. Up there where the shrapnel was

spurting and the great lyddite shells crashing they could dimly see a

line of bearded faces and the black dots of the slouch hats. With a yell

the Inniskillings sprang out, carried with a rush the first trench,

and charged desperately onwards for the second one. It was a supremely

dashing attack against a supremely steady resistance, for among all

their gallant deeds the Boers have never fought better than on that

February evening. Amid such a smashing shell fire as living mortals have

never yet endured they stood doggedly, these hardy men of the veld, and

fired fast and true into the fiery ranks of the Irishmen. The yell of

the stormers was answered by the remorseless roar of the Mausers and

the deep-chested shouts of the farmers. Up and up surged the infantry,

falling, rising, dashing bull-headed at the crackling line of the

trench. But still the bearded faces glared at them over the edge,

and still the sheet of lead pelted through their ranks. The regiment

staggered, came on, staggered again, was overtaken by supporting

companies of the Dublins and the Connaughts, came on, staggered once

more, and finally dissolved into shreds, who ran swiftly back for cover,

threading their way among their stricken comrades. Never on this

earth was there a retreat of which the survivors had less reason to be

ashamed. They had held on to the utmost capacity of human endurance.

Their Colonel, ten officers, and more than half the regiment were

lying on the fatal hill. Honour to them, and honour also to the gallant

Dutchmen who, rooted in the trenches, had faced the rush and fury

of such an onslaught! Today to them, tomorrow to us--but it is for a

soldier to thank the God of battles for worthy foes.

It is one thing, however, to repulse the British soldier and it is

another to rout him. Within a few hundred yards of their horrible ordeal

at Magersfontein the Highlanders reformed into a military body. So now

the Irishmen fell back no further than the nearest cover, and there

held grimly on to the ground which they had won. If you would know the

advantage which the defence has over the attack, then do you come and

assault this line of tenacious men, now in your hour of victory and

exultation, friend Boer! Friend Boer did attempt it, and skilfully too,

moving a flanking party to sweep the position with their fire. But the

brigade, though sorely hurt, held them off without difficulty, and was

found on the morning of the 24th to be still lying upon the ground which

they had won.

Our losses had been very heavy, Colonel Thackeray of the Inniskillings,

Colonel Sitwell of the Dublins, three majors, twenty officers, and a

total of about six hundred out of 1200 actually engaged. To take such

punishment and to remain undemoralised is the supreme test to which

troops can be put. Could the loss have been avoided? By following the

original line of advance from Monte Christo, perhaps, when we should

have turned the enemy's left. But otherwise no. The hill was in the way

and had to be taken. In the war game you cannot play without a stake.

You lose and you pay forfeit, and where the game is fair the best player

is he who pays with the best grace. The attack was well prepared, well

delivered, and only miscarried on account of the excellence of the

defence. We proved once more what we had proved so often before, that

all valour and all discipline will not avail in a frontal attack against

brave coolheaded men armed with quick-firing rifles.

While the Irish Brigade assaulted Railway Hill an attack had been made

upon the left, which was probably meant as a demonstration to keep the

Boers from reinforcing their comrades rather than as an actual attempt

upon their lines. Such as it was, however, it cost the life of at least

one brave soldier, for Colonel Thorold, of the Welsh Fusiliers, was

among the fallen. Thorold, Thackeray, and Sitwell in one evening. Who

can say that British colonels have not given their men a lead?

The army was now at a deadlock. Railway Hill barred the way, and if

Hart's men could not carry it by assault it was hard to say who could.

The 24th found the two armies facing each other at this critical point,

the Irishmen still clinging to the slopes of the hill and the Boers

lining the top. Fierce rifle firing broke out between them during the

day, but each side was well covered and lay low. The troops in support

suffered somewhat, however, from a random shell fire. Mr. Winston

Churchill has left it upon record that within his own observation three

of their shrapnel shells fired at a venture on to the reverse slope of

a hill accounted for nineteen men and four horses. The enemy can never

have known how hard those three shells had hit us, and so we may also

believe that our artillery fire has often been less futile than it

appeared.

General Buller had now realised that it was no mere rearguard action

which the Boers were fighting, but that their army was standing doggedly

at bay; so he reverted to that flanking movement which, as events

showed, should never have been abandoned. Hart's Irish Brigade was at

present almost the right of the army. His new plan--a masterly one--was

to keep Hart pinning the Boers at that point, and to move his centre and

left across the river, and then back to envelope the left wing of the

enemy. By this manoeuvre Hart became the extreme left instead of the

extreme right, and the Irish Brigade would be the hinge upon which the

whole army should turn. It was a large conception, finely carried out.

The 24th was a day of futile shell fire--and of plans for the future.

The heavy guns were got across once more to the Monte Christo ridge and

to Hlangwane, and preparations made to throw the army from the west to

the east. The enemy still snarled and occasionally snapped in front of

Hart's men, but with four companies of the 2nd Rifle Brigade to protect

their flanks their position remained secure.

In the meantime, through a contretemps between our outposts and the

Boers, no leave had been given to us to withdraw our wounded, and the

unfortunate fellows, some hundreds of them, had lain between the lines

in agonies of thirst for thirty-six hours--one of the most painful

incidents of the campaign. Now, upon the 25th, an armistice was

proclaimed, and the crying needs of the survivors were attended to. On

the same day the hearts of our soldiers sank within them as they saw the

stream of our wagons and guns crossing the river once more. What, were

they foiled again? Was the blood of these brave men to be shed in vain?

They ground their teeth at the thought. The higher strategy was not for

them, but back was back and forward was forward, and they knew which way

their proud hearts wished to go.

The 26th was occupied by the large movements of troops which so

complete a reversal of tactics necessitated. Under the screen of a

heavy artillery fire, the British right became the left and the left

the right. A second pontoon bridge was thrown across near the old Boer

bridge at Hlangwane, and over it was passed a large force of infantry,

Barton's Fusilier Brigade, Kitchener's (vice Wynne's, vice Woodgate's)

Lancashire Brigade, and two battalions of Norcott's (formerly

Lyttelton's) Brigade. Coke's Brigade was left at Colenso to prevent

a counter attack upon our left flank and communications. In this way,

while Hart with the Durhams and the 1st Rifle Brigade held the Boers

in front, the main body of the army was rapidly swung round on to their

left flank. By the morning of the 27th all were in place for the new

attack.

Opposite the point where the troops had been massed were three Boer

hills; one, the nearest, may for convenience sake be called Barton's

Hill. As the army had formerly been situated the assault upon this hill

would have been a matter of extreme difficulty; but now, with the heavy

guns restored to their commanding position, from which they could sweep

its sides and summits, it had recovered its initial advantage. In the

morning sunlight Barton's Fusiliers crossed the river, and advanced

to the attack under a screaming canopy of shells. Up they went and up,

darting and crouching, until their gleaming bayonets sparkled upon the

summit. The masterful artillery had done its work, and the first long

step taken in this last stage of the relief of Ladysmith. The loss had

been slight and the advantage enormous. After they had gained the summit

the Fusiliers were stung and stung again by clouds of skirmishers who

clung to the flanks of the hill, but their grip was firm and grew firmer

with every hour.

Of the three Boer hills which had to be taken the nearest (or eastern

one) was now in the hands of the British. The furthest (or western one)

was that on which the Irish Brigade was still crouching, ready at any

moment for a final spring which would take them over the few hundred

yards which separated them from the trenches. Between the two intervened

a central hill, as yet untouched. Could we carry this the whole position

would be ours. Now for the final effort! Turn every gun upon it, the

guns of Monte Christo, the guns of Hlangwane! Turn every rifle upon

it--the rifles of Barton's men, the rifles of Hart's men, the carbines

of the distant cavalry! Scalp its crown with the machine-gun fire! And

now up with you, Lancashire men, Norcott's men! The summit or a glorious

death, for beyond that hill your suffering comrades are awaiting you!

Put every bullet and every man and all of fire and spirit that you are

worth into this last hour; for if you fail now you have failed for ever,

and if you win, then when your hairs are white your blood will still run

warm when you think of that morning's work. The long drama had drawn to

an end, and one short day's work is to show what that end was to be.

But there was never a doubt of it. Hardly for one instant did the

advance waver at any point of its extended line. It was the supreme

instant of the Natal campaign, as, wave after wave, the long lines of

infantry went shimmering up the hill. On the left the Lancasters, the

Lancashire Fusiliers, the South Lancashires, the York and Lancasters,

with a burr of north country oaths, went racing for the summit. Spion

Kop and a thousand comrades were calling for vengeance. 'Remember, men,

the eyes of Lancashire are watching you,' cried the gallant MacCarthy

O'Leary. The old 40th swept on, but his dead body marked the way which

they had taken. On the right the East Surrey, the Cameronians, the 3rd

Rifles, the 1st Rifle Brigade, the Durhams, and the gallant Irishmen, so

sorely stricken and yet so eager, were all pressing upwards and onwards.

The Boer fire lulls, it ceases--they are running! Wild hat-waving men

upon the Hlangwane uplands see the silhouette of the active figures of

the stormers along the sky-line and know that the position is theirs.

Exultant soldiers dance and cheer upon the ridge. The sun is setting in

glory over the great Drakensberg mountains, and so also that night

set for ever the hopes of the Boer invaders of Natal. Out of doubt and

chaos, blood and labour, had come at last the judgment that the lower

should not swallow the higher, that the world is for the man of the

twentieth and not of the seventeenth century. After a fortnight of

fighting the weary troops threw themselves down that night with the

assurance that at last the door was ajar and the light breaking through.

One more effort and it would be open before them.

Behind the line of hills which had been taken there extended a great

plain as far as Bulwana--that evil neighbour who had wrought such harm

upon Ladysmith. More than half of the Pieters position had fallen into

Buller's hands on the 27th, and the remainder had become untenable.

The Boers had lost some five hundred in killed, wounded, and prisoners.

[Footnote: Accurate figures will probably never be obtained, but a

well-known Boer in Pretoria informed me that Pieters was the most

expensive fight to them of the whole war. ] It seemed to the British

General and his men that one more action would bring them safely into

Ladysmith.

But here they miscalculated, and so often have we miscalculated on the

optimistic side in this campaign that it is pleasing to find for

once that our hopes were less than the reality. The Boers had been

beaten--fairly beaten and disheartened. It will always be a subject for

conjecture whether they were so entirely on the strength of the Natal

campaign, or whether the news of the Cronje disaster from the western

side had warned them that they must draw in upon the east. For my own

part I believe that the honour lies with the gallant men of Natal,

and that, moving on these lines, they would, Cronje or no Cronje, have

forced their way in triumph to Ladysmith.

And now the long-drawn story draws to a swift close. Cautiously feeling

their way with a fringe of horse, the British pushed over the great

plain, delayed here and there by the crackle of musketry, but finding

always that the obstacle gave way and vanished as they approached it.

At last it seemed clear to Dundonald that there really was no barrier

between his horsemen and the beleaguered city. With a squadron of

Imperial Light Horse and a squadron of Natal Carabineers he rode on

until, in the gathering twilight, the Ladysmith picket challenged the

approaching cavalry, and the gallant town was saved.

It is hard to say which had shown the greater endurance, the rescued

or their rescuers. The town, indefensible, lurking in a hollow under

commanding hills, had held out for 118 days. They had endured two

assaults and an incessant bombardment, to which, towards the end,

owing to the failure of heavy ammunition, they were unable to make any

adequate reply. It was calculated that 16, 000 shells had fallen within

the town. In two successful sorties they had destroyed three of the

enemy's heavy guns. They had been pressed by hunger, horseflesh was

already running short, and they had been decimated by disease. More than

2000 cases of enteric and dysentery had been in hospital at one time,

and the total number of admissions had been nearly as great as the total

number of the garrison. One-tenth of the men had actually died of wounds

or disease. Ragged, bootless, and emaciated, there still lurked in the

gaunt soldiers the martial spirit of warriors. On the day after their

relief 2000 of them set forth to pursue the Boers. One who helped to

lead them has left it on record that the most piteous sight that he has

ever seen was these wasted men, stooping under their rifles and gasping

with the pressure of their accoutrements, as they staggered after

their retreating enemy. A Verestschagen might find a subject these 2000

indomitable men with their emaciated horses pursuing a formidable foe.

It is God's mercy they failed to overtake them.

If the record of the besieged force was great, that of the relieving

army was no less so. Through the blackest depths of despondency and

failure they had struggled to absolute success. At Colenso they had lost

1200 men, at Spion Kop 1700, at Vaalkranz 400, and now, in this last

long-drawn effort, 1600 more. Their total losses were over 5000 men,

more than 20 per cent of the whole army. Some particular regiments had

suffered horribly. The Dublin and Inniskilling Fusiliers headed the

roll of honour with only five officers and 40 per cent of the men left

standing. Next to them the Lancashire Fusiliers and the Royal Lancasters

had been the hardest hit. It speaks well for Buller's power of winning

and holding the confidence of his men that in the face of repulse after

repulse the soldiers still went into battle as steadily as ever under

his command.

On March 3rd Buller's force entered Ladysmith in state between the lines

of the defenders. For their heroism the Dublin Fusiliers were put in the

van of the procession, and it is told how, as the soldiers who lined

the streets saw the five officers and small clump of men, the remains of

what had been a strong battalion, realising, for the first time perhaps,

what their relief had cost, many sobbed like children. With cheer after

cheer the stream of brave men flowed for hours between banks formed by

men as brave. But for the purposes of war the garrison was useless. A

month of rest and food would be necessary before they could be ready to

take the field once more.

So the riddle of the Tugela had at last been solved. Even now, with all

the light which has been shed upon the matter, it is hard to apportion

praise and blame. To the cheerful optimism of Symons must be laid some

of the blame of the original entanglement; but man is mortal, and he

laid down his life for his mistake. White, who had been but a week

in the country, could not, if he would, alter the main facts of the

military situation. He did his best, committed one or two errors, did

brilliantly on one or two points, and finally conducted the defence

with a tenacity and a gallantry which are above all praise. It did not,

fortunately, develop into an absolutely desperate affair, like Massena's

defence of Genoa, but a few more weeks would have made it a military

tragedy. He was fortunate in the troops whom he commanded--half of

them old soldiers from India--[Footnote: An officer in high command in

Ladysmith has told me, as an illustration of the nerve and discipline of

the troops, that though false alarms in the Boer trenches were matters

of continual occurrence from the beginning to the end of the siege,

there was not one single occasion when the British outposts made a

mistake.]--and exceedingly fortunate in his officers, French (in the

operations before the siege), Archibald Hunter, Ian Hamilton, Hedworth

Lambton, Dick-Cunyngham, Knox, De Courcy Hamilton, and all the other

good men and true who stood (as long as they could stand) by his side.

Above all, he was fortunate in his commissariat officers, and it was in

the offices of Colonels Ward and Stoneman as much as in the trenches and

sangars of Caesar's Camp that the siege was won.

Buller, like White, had to take the situation as he found it. It is well

known that his own belief was that the line of the Tugela was the

true defence of Natal. When he reached Africa, Ladysmith was already

beleaguered, and he, with his troops, had to abandon the scheme of

direct invasion and to hurry to extricate White's division. Whether they

might not have been more rapidly extricated by keeping to the original

plan is a question which will long furnish an excellent subject for

military debate. Had Buller in November known that Ladysmith was capable

of holding out until March, is it conceivable that he, with his whole

army corps and as many more troops as he cared to summon from England,

would not have made such an advance in four months through the Free

State as would necessitate the abandonment of the sieges both of

Kimberley and of Ladysmith? If the Boers persisted in these sieges they

could not possibly place more than 20,000 men on the Orange River to

face 60, 000 whom Buller could have had there by the first week in

December. Methuen's force, French's force, Gatacre's force, and the

Natal force, with the exception of garrisons for Pietermaritzburg and

Durban, would have assembled, with a reserve of another sixty thousand

men in the colony or on the sea ready to fill the gaps in his advance.

Moving over a flat country with plenty of flanking room, it is probable

that he would have been in Bloemfontein by Christmas and at the Vaal

River late in January. What could the Boers do then? They might remain

before Ladysmith, and learn that their capital and their gold mines had

been taken in their absence. Or they might abandon the siege and trek

back to defend their own homes. This, as it appears to a civilian

critic, would have been the least expensive means of fighting them; but

after all the strain had to come somewhere, and the long struggle of

Ladysmith may have meant a more certain and complete collapse in the

future. At least, by the plan actually adopted we saved Natal from total

devastation, and that must count against a great deal.

Having taken his line, Buller set about his task in a slow, deliberate,

but pertinacious fashion. It cannot be denied, however, that the

pertinacity was largely due to the stiffening counsel of Roberts and the

soldierly firmness of White who refused to acquiesce in the suggestion

of surrender. Let it be acknowledged that Buller's was the hardest

problem of the war, and that he solved it. The mere acknowledgment

goes far to soften criticism. But the singular thing is that in his

proceedings he showed qualities which had not been generally attributed

to him, and was wanting in those very points which the public had

imagined to be characteristic of him. He had gone out with the

reputation of a downright John Bull fighter, who would take punishment

or give it, but slog his way through without wincing. There was no

reason for attributing any particular strategical ability to him. But

as a matter of fact, setting the Colenso attempt aside, the crossing for

the Spion Kop enterprise, the withdrawal of the compromised army, the

Vaalkranz crossing with the clever feint upon Brakfontein, the final

operations, and especially the complete change of front after the

third day of Pieters, were strategical movements largely conceived

and admirably carried out. On the other hand, a hesitation in pushing

onwards, and a disinclination to take a risk or to endure heavy

punishment, even in the case of temporary failure, were consistent

characteristics of his generalship. The Vaalkranz operations are

particularly difficult to defend from the charge of having been

needlessly slow and half-hearted. This 'saturnine fighter,' as he had

been called, proved to be exceedingly sensitive about the lives of his

men--an admirable quality in itself, but there are occasions when to

spare them to-day is to needlessly imperil them tomorrow. The victory

was his, and yet in the very moment of it he displayed the qualities

which marred him. With two cavalry brigades in hand he did not push

the pursuit of the routed Boers with their guns and endless streams of

wagons. It is true that he might have lost heavily, but it is true also

that a success might have ended the Boer invasion of Natal, and the

lives of our troopers would be well spent in such a venture. If cavalry

is not to be used in pursuing a retiring enemy encumbered with much

baggage, then its day is indeed past.

The relief of Ladysmith stirred the people of the Empire as nothing,

save perhaps the subsequent relief of Mafeking, has done during our

generation. Even sober unemotional London found its soul for once and

fluttered with joy. Men, women, and children, rich and poor, clubman and

cabman, joined in the universal delight. The thought of our garrison,

of their privations, of our impotence to relieve them, of the impending

humiliation to them and to us, had lain dark for many months across our

spirits. It had weighed upon us, until the subject, though ever present

in our thoughts, was too painful for general talk. And now, in an

instant, the shadow was lifted. The outburst of rejoicing was not

a triumph over the gallant Boers. But it was our own escape from

humiliation, the knowledge that the blood of our sons had not been shed

in vain, above all the conviction that the darkest hour had now passed

and that the light of peace was dimly breaking far away--that was why

London rang with joy bells that March morning, and why those bells

echoed back from every town and hamlet, in tropical sun and in Arctic

snow, over which the flag of Britain waved.

The Great Boer War · 第 17 / 39 章