THE BONGO: Area, boundaries, and population of Bongoland.
Subjection of the Bongo to the Khartoomers. Decrease of
population by slave-trading. Red tinge of the skin. Width of
the skull. Small growth of hair. No aridity in climate. Wild
tubers as food. Races of goats and dogs. Hunting-weapons.
Villages and huts. Smelting furnaces. Money of the Bongo.
Weapons for display. Wood-carving. Penates of the Bongo. Musical
instruments. Character of Bongo music. Corpulence of the women.
Hottentot Venus. Mutilation of the teeth. Disfigurement of
the lips. Arrow-poisoning. National games. Marriage premiums.
Natural morality. Disposing of the dead. Memorial erections.
Mistrust of spirits. Loma, good and ill-luck. Fear of ghosts.
Belief in witches. Peculiarities of language. Unity of the
people of Central Africa. Extermination of the race.
I purpose in this chapter to describe a people which, though visibly
on the decline, may still by its peculiarity and striking independence
in nationality, language, and customs, be selected from amid the
circle of its neighbours as a genuine type of African life. Belonging
to the past as much as to the present, without constitution, history,
or definite traditions, it is passing away, like deeds forgotten in
the lapse of time, and is becoming as a drop in the vast sea of the
Central African races. But just as a biographer, by depicting the
passions, failings, and virtues of a few individuals, may exhibit a
representation of an entire epoch in history, so we may turn with
interest to scenes which have been enacted in this limited district of
the great and mysterious continent, sure of finding much edifying
matter in the course of our investigations. Like the rain-drop which
feeds the flowing river and goes its way to replenish the mighty
ocean, every separate people, however small, has its share in the
changes which supervene in the progress of nations; there is not one
which is without an abstract bearing on the condition of primitive
Africa, and which may not aid us in an intelligent survey of any
perspective that may be opened into its still dark interior.
To the antiquary, within whose province the description may lie in a
degree, the material that is offered must be in a measure attractive.
A people, as long as they are on the lowest step of their development,
are far better characterised by their industrial products than they
are either by their habits, which may be purely local, or by their own
representations, which (rendered in their rude and unformed language)
are often incorrectly interpreted by ourselves. If we possessed more
of these tokens, we should be in a position to comprehend better than
we do the primitive condition of many a nation that has now reached a
high degree of culture.
[Sidenote: COUNTRY OF THE BONGO.]
Of all the natives with whom I had intercourse in my wanderings, the
majority of those who acted as my bearers, and amongst whom I most
frequently sojourned, were the Bongo. It was in their territory that I
spent the greater part of my time in the interior; and thus it
happened that I became intimate with many particulars of their life,
was initiated into all their habits, and even to a certain extent
mastered their dialect.[28]
The present country of the Bongo lies between lat. 6° and 8° N. on the
south-western boundary of the depression of the Bahr-el-Ghazal basin,
and on the lowest of the terraces where the southern slopes appear to
make a transition from the elevated ferruginous crust to the
unfathomed alluvial flats which are traversed by all the affluents of
the river. In the extent of its area the land covers about the same
surface as Belgium, but with regard to population, it might be more
aptly compared to the plains of Siberia or the northern parts of
Norway and Sweden; it is a deserted wilderness, averaging only 11 or
12 people to the square mile. The country extends from the Roah to the
Pango, and embraces the middle course of nearly all the affluents of
the Gazelle; it is 175 miles long by 50 miles broad, but towards the
north-west the breadth diminishes to about 40 miles. On the north it
is only divided by the small Dyoor country from that of the Dinka,
which, however, it directly joins upon the north-east. The south-east
boundary is the Mittoo territory on the Roah; and that on the west is
the country of the Golo and Sehre on the Pango. The eastern branch of
the extensive Niam-niam lands joins the Bongo on the south; whilst,
wedged between and straitly pressed, the Bellanda and the Babuckur
have their settlements.
When, eighteen years ago, the Khartoomers first set foot in Bongoland,
they found the entire country divided into a number of independent
districts, all in the usual anarchy of petty African communities;
there was nothing anywhere like an organised commonwealth such as may
be found amongst the Dinka, where entire districts unite and form an
imposing warlike tribe. Every village simply had its chief, who, in
virtue of superior wealth, exercised a certain authority over the rest
of the inhabitants, and who, in some cases, had an additional
_prestige_ from his skill in the art of magic. The Nubians,
consequently, never had to contend against the unanimous hostility of
a powerful or well-disciplined people, and only in a few isolated
places had to encounter much resolute opposition. Their soldiers, not
merely by the tenor of their religion, conceived themselves justified
in perpetrating every sort of outrage upon heathen unbelievers, but
they were taught to consider their acts of violence as meritorious in
the sight of God: it was, therefore, an easy matter for them to fall
upon the weak authorities of the country, and in the space of a few
years to apportion the entire territory amongst the few ivory
merchants in Khartoom, whose spirit of enterprise, suddenly kindled by
the exaggerated reports of the profits secured on the Upper Nile by
Europeans, the first explorers, had developed itself into a remarkable
activity.
[Sidenote: VASSALAGE.]
The natives were without difficulty reduced to a condition of
vassalage, and, in order that they might be under the close
supervision and at the service of their oppressors, they were
compelled to quit their homes, and to reside near the Seribas that
were established in various parts of the land. By the application of
this sort of feudal system, the trading companies brought about the
realisation of their project for a permanent occupation of the
country. Shut in by the Niam-niam on the south and by the Dinka on the
north, Bongoland offered a twofold advantage for the establishment of
headquarters for the expeditions: in the first place, it was in close
proximity to the Mesheras, or landing-places; and, secondly, by its
advanced position towards the interior, it afforded most ample
opportunities for setting in operation the contemplated excursions to
the prolific ivory districts of the south. The Dinka, hostile and
intractable from the first, had never given the intruders the smallest
chance of settling amongst them; while the Bongo, docile and yielding,
and addicted almost exclusively to agriculture, had, on the other
hand, contributed in no slight measure to maintain the Seribas. If
ever, now and again, they had been roused to offer anything like a
warlike opposition, they had only too soon succumbed to the motto of
the conquerors, “Divide, et impera.”
The Dyoor, the Golo, the Mittoo, and other smaller tribes, shared the
fate of the Bongo, and in the short space of ten years a series of
more than eighty Seribas had arisen between the Rohl and the Beery.
Scarcely half the population escaped slavery, and that only by
emigrating; a portion took refuge amongst the Dinka on the north, and
others withdrew southwards to the Niam-niam frontiers, where the
isolated mountains enabled them to hold out for a while. The
Khartoomers, however, were not long in pursuing them, and gradually
displaced them even from this position.
During the early years of their occupation, the Nubians beyond a
question treated the country most shamefully; there are traces still
existing which demonstrate that large villages and extensive plots of
cultivated land formerly occupied the scene where now all is
desolation. Boys and girls were carried off by thousands as slaves to
distant lands; and the Nubians, like the _parvenu_ who looks upon his
newly-acquired wealth as inexhaustible, regarded the territory as
being permanently productive; they revelled like monkeys in the
durra-fields of Taka and Gedaref. In course of time they came to know
that the enduring value of the possessions which they had gained
depended mainly on the physical force at their disposal; they began to
understand how they must look to the hands of the natives for the
cultivation of their corn, and to their legs for the transport of
their merchandise. Meanwhile, altogether, the population must have
diminished by at least two-thirds. According to a careful estimate
that I made of the numbers of huts in the villages around the Seribas
and the numbers of bearers levied in the several districts, I found
that the population could not at most be reckoned at more than
100,000, scattered over an area of nearly 9000 square miles.
On first landing from the rivers, the Khartoomers opened up an
intercourse with the Dinka, who did not refuse to furnish them with
bearers and interpreters for their further progress into the interior,
and it was from them that they learnt the names of the different
tribes. In Central Africa every nation has a different designation for
its neighbours than that by which they are known among themselves; and
it is the same with the rivers, which have as many names as the
nations through whose territory they flow. In this way the Nubians
have adopted the Dinka appellations of Dyoor for Lwoh, Niam-niam for
Zandey, and Dohr for Bongo. This last people always style themselves
Bongo, and the Khartoomers, since they have made their headquarters in
their territory, have discarded the Dinka name of Dohr, and now always
use the native term Bongo. According to the Arabic form of expression,
the plural of Dohr is Derahn, and of Niam-niam it is Niamahniam.
[Sidenote: COMPLEXION OF THE BONGO.]
The complexion of the Bongo in colour is not dissimilar to the
red-brown soil upon which they reside; the Dinka, on the other hand,
are black as their own native alluvium. The circumstance is suggestive
of Darwin’s theory of “protective resemblance” among animals; and
although in this instance it may be purely accidental, yet it appears
to be worthy of notice. Any traveller who has followed the course of
the main sources of the White Nile into the heathen negro countries,
and who has hitherto made acquaintance only with Shillooks, Nueir, and
Dinka, will, on coming amongst the Bongo, at once recognise the
commencement of a new series of races extending far onwards to the
south. As trees and plants are the children of the soil from which
they spring, so here does the human species appear to adapt itself in
external aspect to the red ferruginous rock which prevails around. The
jet-black Shillooks, Nueir, and Dinka, natives of the dark alluvial
flats, stand out in marked distinction to the dwellers upon the
iron-red rocks, who (notwithstanding their diversity in dialect, in
habit, or in mode of life) present the characteristics of a connected
whole. Of this series the tribes which must be accounted the most
important are the Bongo, the Mittoo, the Niam-niam, and the Kredy, all
of which are equally remarkable for their entire indifference to
cattle-breeding. The whole of these, especially the women, are
distinguished for the reddish hue of their skin, which in many cases
is almost copper-coloured. It cannot be denied that this red-brown
complexion is never entirely wanting, even amongst the darkest skins
that are found in the lowlands; but the difference between their
complexion and what is ordinarily observed among the Bongo is only to
be illustrated by the contrast in colour between a camellia leaf in
its natural condition and after its epidermis has been removed.
Although amongst every race the tint of the complexion is sure to
deviate into considerable varieties of shade, yet, from a broad
estimate, it may be asserted that the general tint remains unaltered,
and that what may be denominated the “ground tint” constitutes a
distinctive mark separating between race and race. Gustav Fritsch, in
his work upon the people of Southern Africa, has bestowed great
attention upon this subject, and by means of an ingenious table,
arranged according to the intensity of various shades of colour, has
very perspicuously explained the characteristics of the Kaffirs,
Hottentots, and Bochjesmen. As matter of fact, among the Bongo may be
seen individuals with their skin as black as ebony; but yet this does
not prevent the true ground tint of their complexions being something
essentially distinct from any example that could occur among the true
Ethiopians, whether these might be light or dark. The evidence of the
distinction of which I speak, I have no doubt is altogether very
conclusive; and I have had many opportunities of testing its reality
in my observations at the various Seribas, where half-castes are very
numerous, being the offspring of Nubians (including Bedouins in that
category) and Bongo.
In taking a coloured likeness of a Bongo it is necessary to use the
deep red pigment known as Pompeian red very freely. I was once in the
studio of an artist at Rome who was painting in oil the likeness of a
Bongo whom I had brought to Europe. I could not help observing that he
made the ground-tint of the flesh quite of a liver colour (hepatic)
hue, whilst when he was portraying natives, either of Dongola or of
Berber, or even when he was depicting the true Arabs, although their
skins were equally dark, he did not make use of red at all, but
employed a kind of yellow for the basis of the shades to follow. His
proceeding appeared to me an involuntary attestation to the
distinction which really exists.
[Sidenote: STATURE OF THE BONGO.]
Like the Niam-niam, Mittoo, and Kredy, the Bongo rarely exceed a
medium height. They differ, however, in several respects from the
Dinka and other people of the lowland plains. Their prominent
characteristics appeared to me to consist in a more compact form of
limb, a sharper development of muscle, a wider formation of the skull,
and generally a preponderating mass in the upper part of the body. Of
83 men that I measured I did not find one who had attained a height of
6 ft. 1 in., whilst the average height did not appear to me to be more
than 5 ft. 7 in. Dinka and Bongo alike afforded very striking samples
of the two great series of races which they severally represented, and
each displayed the principal characteristics of their particular race
in their stature, their complexion, and their form of skull. I cannot
recall a single instance among the Bongo where the skull was of the
long but narrow shape that is all but universal among the Dinka. Of
many of these Bongo that I measured, I should pronounce that they
would require to be classified as hardly removed from the lowest grade
of the Brachycephaly. They appear themselves to be aware of this
characteristic. I remember a discussion that once arose about a little
boy, too young to speak, as to whether he was a Dinka or a Bongo. One
of the interpreters, after minute examination of the proportions of
the child’s head, came to an immediate, but decided, opinion that the
boy was a Bongo, and in answer to my inquiry as to the grounds on
which he so confidently based his decision, he explained that he
judged from the fact that the head was broad; he went on, moreover,
accompanying his words by corresponding gestures, to say that the
Bongo women, as soon as an infant is born, press its head downwards,
but the Dinka mothers, on the contrary, compress the heads of their
babies from the sides. Now, although it is hardly credible that this
manipulation on the part of the mothers would have any permanent
influence on the conformation of the skulls of an entire nation, yet
we may accept the statement as a significant proof of the high
estimation in which the natives hold this attribute and token of their
race. It has been proved by experience that in the most diverse
nations of the earth, mothers will always be ready to use external
means to promote as far as they can any signs of nationality in their
offspring, ignorant of the certainty that these signs would of
themselves, without assistance, be manifested eventually. In order to
effect an actual alteration in the shape of the skull, such as may be
observed amongst the Mongolian and American Indian tribes, it is
necessary to employ continuous and forcible pressure, and to bind the
head with straps and bandages from the earliest infancy.
The hair of the Bongo offers no peculiarity, either with regard to its
culture or its growth, that can be deemed of any special interest; it
is short and curly; moreover, it is of that woolly nature at which, in
default of anything better, the theorist who propounds the doctrine of
the independent and yet of the mutual connection of the heathen races
eagerly clutches. Corresponding to the numerous gradations in
complexion and formation of the skull are the varieties in growth of
the hair which are exhibited. Hair which is thick and frizzly is
common amongst every race that has hitherto been discovered on African
soil, and although there are a few unimportant exceptions among the
Arab tribes (the Sheigieh) who have settled in Nubia, and
notwithstanding that the hair of the Ethiopians, as well as that of
the North African people may be termed curly more appropriately than
woolly, yet straight hair is nowhere to be found. The real
distinctions, therefore, in the growth of the hair in the nations of
Central Africa consist in the colour and length, which vary
considerably in the different races; beards predominate with some,
whilst with others they fail entirely. In common with most other
people of the red soil, the Bongo have hair which is perfectly black,
but in its length it is very different from that of the Niam-niam. On
the Niam-niam frontiers the Bongo have often tried to imitate their
neighbours by twisting and plaiting their hair, but their attempts
have been always a failure. Whiskers, beards, and moustaches are
cultivated in very rare cases, but the hair never grows to a length
much exceeding half-an-inch.
[Sidenote: SUPPLY OF WATER.]
Bongoland is traversed from south to north by five important
tributaries of the Gazelle. With these are associated a number of
smaller rivulets which are not permanent streams; nevertheless, from
the pools which remain in their beds throughout the dry season, they
furnish a sufficient supply of moisture to maintain the vegetation of
the country. Water for drinking never fails, although from November to
the end of March a fall of rain is quite exceptional. In cases of
necessity water can always be procured without much time or trouble
from those pools which survive the periodical water-courses in the
marshes. Dearth as a consequence of prolonged drought appears to be a
condition quite unknown; certainly it has not occurred for the last
ten years. The crops are far more frequently injured by superabundant
moisture than by drought, and the continuance of wide inundations has
been followed by famine. Everything seems to suggest the thought how
easily rice might be cultivated in the country.
The Bongo are essentially an agricultural people. With the exception
of some occasional hunting and some intermittent periods devoted to
fishing, they depend entirely upon the produce of the soil for their
subsistence. Their cultivated plants have already been noticed in a
previous chapter. To agriculture men and women alike apply themselves,
devoting their greatest attention to the culture of their sorghum. The
amount of labour they bestow upon this cereal is very large. The seed
is lavishly broadcast into trenches which have been carefully prepared
for its reception, and when it has germinated and made its appearance
above the ground, two or three weeks are spent in thinning the shoots
and in transplanting them away from the spots where they are too
thick; a system which experience has shown can very advantageously be
applied to maize. Very few vegetables are cultivated, but for these
the people find a variety of substitutes in the wild plants and tubers
which abound. Everywhere throughout the tropics the Gynandropsis, the
Corchorus, and the Gieseckia grow close upon the confines of the
abodes of men, and the leaves of these, like the leaves of the gourd,
are frequently used as an ingredient in soup. The fleshy leaves of the
_Talinum roseum_ are served up in the same way as our spinach; and the
tough foliage of the Tirna-tree (_Pterocarpus_), as it becomes soft in
the process of boiling, is employed as a vegetable, and is really
sweet and tender. The fruit of the Hymenocardia, not unlike that of
the maple, has an acid flavour far from unpleasant, and serves a
similar purpose.
[Sidenote: FUNGUSES.]
During the rainy season the country is very prolific in many varieties
of funguses. The Bongo have a great fancy for them; they keep them
till they are on the verge of decay, and then dry and pound them. They
use them for the purpose of flavouring their sauces, which in
consequence are enriched by a _haut goût_, which without depreciation
may perhaps be compared to rotten fish. Throughout the country I never
saw any funguses but what were perfectly edible, and some of them I
must confess were very palatable. The natives call them all “Kahoo,”
while to the larger species they give the special name of
“hegba-mboddoh,” which is synonymous with the Low German “poggen
staul,” or with the English “toad-stool.” “Hegba” is the name which
the Bongo give to their little carved stools, and “mboddoh” is the
generic term for all frogs and toads, and the proper designation for
the _Bufo pandarinus_ in particular. This “hegba-mboddoh,” which has
thus suggested the same idea in very remote parts of the world, is
here a gigantic Polyporus; not unfrequently specimens may be found of
it which grow to a height of nine inches, are a foot in diameter and
weigh nearly fifty pounds. In form, size, and colour they are not
unlike the grey clay edifices of the _Termes mordax_, of which I shall
have occasion to speak hereafter. The funguses which are most common,
and which moreover are the most preferred, are the different species
of Coprinus, Marasmius, Rhodosporus, and the tough but aromatic
Lentinus.
I have already mentioned the great abundance of edible, if not always
palatable, fruit which is produced by the common trees of the country.
In clearing the woods for their tillage the Bongo are always careful
to leave as many of these trees as they can, and by thus sparing them
they preserve many a noble ornament to their fields, which would
otherwise be as monotonous as they are flat. The Butter-tree and the
Parkia are very carefully in this way saved from destruction, and form
a striking feature in many of their landscapes. It is a remarkable
peculiarity of the flora of this region that all the species which are
not essentially shrubby or arborescent strive for a perennial
existence; and, as evidence of this, it may be observed that the roots
and portions of the stem beneath the soil either develop into bulbs
and tubers, or exhibit a determination to become woody. Annuals occupy
a very insignificant place, and all vegetation seems to be provided
with a means of withstanding the annual steppe-burning, and of
preserving the germs of life until the next period of vitality recurs.
When their corn provision is exhausted, or when there is a failure in
the harvest, then do the Bongo find a welcome resource in these
tubers; they subsist upon them for days in succession, and find in
them the staple of their nourishment whenever they go upon their
marches in the wilderness.
Quite incredible is it what the Bongo are able to digest. Most of the
bulbs and tubers are so extremely bitter that it is not until they
have been thoroughly steeped in boiling water or have had their
pungent matter mollified by being roasted at a fire, that they can be
eaten at all; they are gall to the taste. Amongst these bitter bulbs
there are two which may claim a special notice; these are the Mandibo
and the Moddobehee. The Mandibo is a species of Coccinea, which is
nearly everywhere very abundant; the Moddobehee (dog’s gum) is one of
the Eureiandræ; they are both Cucurbitaceæ, and both contain poisonous
matter. Impregnated with the like bitterness are the rape-like roots
of the Asclepiadeæ, the huge tubers of the _Entada Wahlbergii_, and of
the Pachyrrhizus; so also are the various kinds of Vernoniæ and
Flemingiæ, which are dug up from a foot below the surface of the soil.
The natives can make but little use of the plants which grow from any
of these numerous tubers. The diminutive Drimia lifts its pretty red
blossoms about a couple of inches above the rocky ground, and is a
bulbous plant which becomes edible after a prolonged boiling.
Whenever a halt is made upon the marches across the wilderness, the
bearers, as soon as they are liberated from their burdens, set very
vigorously to work and grub up all sorts of roots from the nearest
thickets. I can myself vouch for a fact, which might fairly be deemed
incredible, that thirty Bongo who accompanied me on my return to
Sabby, at a time when I had scarcely enough to keep me from
starvation, subsisted for six consecutive days entirely on these
roots, and although we were hurrying on by forced marches, they lost
neither their strength nor their spirits. Their constitution was
radically sound, and they seemed formed to defy the treatment of their
inhospitable home.
Already it has been mentioned that there is an entire deficiency of
common salt throughout the district of the Gazelle. The alkali that is
everywhere its substitute is obtained by soaking the ashes of the
burnt wood of the _Grewia mollis_, a shrub common throughout
Bongoland, and which is notoriously useful in another way by the
quantity of bast which it produces.
[Sidenote: SMOKING AMONG THE BONGO.]
Tobacco is indispensable to the Bongo, and is universally cultivated.
The species known as Mashirr (_Nicotiana rustica_) is very pungent;
its small thick leaves are pounded in a mortar, and are subsequently
pressed and dried in moulds. From the cakes thus formed, the natives
break off fragments as they require them, grind them into powder by
means of stones, and smoke the preparation in long pipes that have
very pretty clay bowls. They are addicted to smoking quite as
inveterately as many of the nations that live in the polar regions,
and are not content until they are utterly stupefied by its effects. I
had a circumstance brought under my notice which exhibited to me the
extreme to which they can carry their abuse of the narcotic: upon one
of our marches a Bongo man had indulged to such excess, and had
inhaled the pungent fume so long, that he fell senseless into a
campfire, and was taken up so severely burnt that he had to be carried
by his comrades on a litter for the remainder of the journey.
The Bongo fashion of smoking is even more disgusting than that which
has been already described as prevalent amongst the Dinka. In the same
manner as with them, the pipe is passed from hand to hand, but the
lump of bast that intercepts the pungent oil is not placed in the
receptacle of the stem, but is put in the mouth of the smoker, and
together with the pipe is passed from one person to another. The habit
of chewing tobacco is adopted as much by the Bongo as by the
Mohammedan inhabitants of Nubia; but the custom is so universal that
there would seem to be ample justification for the belief that it is
indigenous rather than what has been acquired from foreigners. The
practice in which the Bongo indulges of placing his tobacco quid
behind his ear is very repulsive.
[Illustration: Bongo Goat.]
[Sidenote: BONGO GOATS.]
It is to their indifference to cattle-breeding, like what is practised
so extensively by the Dinka, that the Bongo owe their comparatively
peaceful relations with the so-called “Turks.” It is to the same cause
that the latter are indebted for the sluggish measure of opposition
shown them by their vassals. The domestic animals of the Bongo are
poultry, dogs, and goats; sheep being almost as rare as cattle. The
goats are unlike those of the Dinka, but are of a breed quite common
throughout these regions of Central Africa. Not only did I see them
amongst the Mittoo and Madi, but likewise among the Babuckur, and even
in the country of the Monbuttoo, whither they had been brought by the
equatorial nations whom the Monbuttoo simply style the “Momvoo.” These
goats, like the Dinka sheep, are distinguished by a hairy appendage
from the breast and shoulders, and by a short stiff mane, which runs
right along the ridge of the back to the small erect tail. The frontal
is round, and projects considerably beyond the base of the nasal bone,
and the horns are very strong and but slightly curved. The ordinary
colour of these pretty animals is a light fawn or chamois-brown, the
mane being very dark. I occasionally found the Bongo in possession of
another breed which I met with nowhere else, and which is probably
merely a cross with the Dinka goat. It has a remarkably short and
plump body, and is generally of a pepper-and-salt colour. The coat is
somewhat longer and more shaggy than that of the other breed, and
besides the mane-like appendage in front the hind quarters are also
covered with long rough hair.
[Illustration: Short-bodied Goat of the Bongo.]
The Bongo dogs, with regard to size, are between the small Niam-niam
race and the Dinka breed, which corresponds more nearly to the common
pariah of Egypt. On account of the indiscriminate crossing of the
races, a dog of pure Bongo breed is somewhat rare; its chief
characteristics are a reddish tan colour, short erect ears, and a
bushy tail like a fox’s brush. Their greatest peculiarity appeared to
me to be the bristling of their hair, which at every provocation
stands up along the back and neck like that of an angry cat. The
bushiness of the tail distinguishes the breed from the smooth-tailed
Dinka dog, and from that of the Niam-niam, of which the tails are as
curly as pigtails.
Although the Bongo are not over choice in their food, they
persistently abstain from eating dog’s flesh, a practice to which
their southern and south-eastern neighbours are notoriously addicted;
in fact, they show as much abhorrence at the idea as they would at
devouring human flesh itself. They have a curious superstition about
dead dogs. I was about to bury one of my dogs that had recently died,
and some of the men came and implored me to desist from my intention,
since the result would assuredly be that no rain would fall upon their
seeds. For this reason all the Bongo simply throw their dead dogs out
into the open fields.
At some seasons, especially at the end of the rainy months, fishing
and hunting offer productive sources for obtaining the means of
subsistence. Hunting is sometimes practised by independent individuals
going out separately; but at other times it takes the form of an
extensive _battue_, in which the men belonging to a whole district
will combine to take a share. Occasionally, too, a rich booty is
obtained from the trenches and snares. Nets are used in all the
_battues_ for game, and the Bongo devote as much attention to the
construction of these nets as they do to the weaving of their
fish-snares and basket-pots. Their fishery is principally limited to
the winter months.
[Sidenote: HUNTING-SNARES.]
Elephant-hunting has for the last twelve years been among the things
of the past. It is only the oldest of the men—and here the number of
the men that are really old is very small—who appear to have any
distinct recollection of it at all. The huge lance-heads, which are
now only weapons of luxury in the possession of the wealthy, or upon
some rare occasions used for buffalo-hunting, are the sole memorials
of the abundance of ivory of which Petherick, as an eye-witness, has
given so striking a description. The snares by which the Bongo succeed
in catching the smaller kinds of game generally consist of the stem of
a tree balanced horizontally by means of ropes.[29] A spot which the
game is known to haunt is selected for the erection of these snares; a
hedge, or some sort of enclosure, is set up on each side of the tree
so that the game may be obliged to run underneath: it is arranged so
that the animals as they pass tread upon a kind of noose or slip-knot
which slackens the ropes by which the tree is suspended, and the
falling weight crushes and kills the game below. The numbers of snares
of this description which are found in the bush-thickets is a
sufficient proof of their efficacy. The smaller species of antelopes,
ichneumons, civets, genets, wild cats, servals, and caracals, are all
in turn caught by this stratagem.
Hunting on a minor scale is a very favourite recreation, and the
children find a daily amusement in catching rats and field-mice. They
weave baskets in the form of long tubes, which they lay flat upon the
ground in the immediate neighbourhood of the mouse-holes; they then
commence a regular _battue_, when the scared mice, scampering back to
regain their homes, run through the stubble, and often rush into the
open traps, where, like fish in a weir-basket, they are easily
secured. In this way the Bongo boys catch considerable quantities of
meriones, _Mus gentilis_, and _M. barbarus_, which they tie together
by their tails in clusters of about a dozen, and barter them to each
other as dainty morsels. “These are our cows,” they would shout to me
with great glee whenever I met them returning after their sport had
been successful. Another use which is made of the mice which are
captured by this simple artifice is to employ them for a bait for
securing what they esteem the especial delicacy of roast cat. On the
narrow paths which traverse the steppes like rifts in the long grass,
they construct diminutive huts out of some twisted reeds; by placing
the mice inside these they are very often able to entice the cats into
a snare.
With the exception of human flesh and the flesh of dogs, the Bongo
seem to consider all animal substance fit for eating, in whatever
condition it may be found. The putrefying remnant of a lion’s feast,
which lies in the obscurity of a forest and is only revealed by the
kites and vultures circling in the air above, is to them a welcome
discovery. That meat is “high” is a guarantee for its being tender,
and they deem it in that condition not only more strengthening than
when it is fresh, but likewise more easy of digestion. There is,
however, no accounting for taste, certainly not with the Bongo, who do
not recoil from the most revolting of food. Whenever my cattle were
slaughtered, I always saw my bearers eagerly contending for the
half-digested contents of the stomach, like the Esquimaux, whose only
ideas of vegetables appears to be what they obtain from the contents
of the paunches of their reindeers; and I have seen the Bongo calmly
strip off the disgusting amphistoma-worms which literally line the
stomachs of all the cattle of this region, and put them into their
mouths by handfuls. After that, it was not a matter of surprise to me
to find that the Bongo reckons as game everything that creeps or
crawls, from rats and mice to snakes, and that he is not particular
what he eats, from the carrion vulture to the mangy hyæna, or from the
fat earth-scorpions (_Heterometrus palmatus_) to the caterpillars of
the winged termites with their oily beetle-bodies.
Having thus dilated with more minuteness than elsewhere upon the
external features of Bongo life, such as their agriculture, hunting,
and fishing, I may proceed to call attention to those arts by which,
even in this low grade of development, man seeks to ameliorate and
embellish his existence.
[Sidenote: BONGO DWELLINGS.]
First of all, the dwelling-place may demand our notice, that which
binds every man more or less to the soil which affords him his
subsistence—that family nucleus, from which the wide-branching tree
of human society has derived its origin.
In the period when the Khartoomers first made their way into the
country, the Bongo, quite unlike the other tribes, inhabited extensive
villages, which, similar to the present Seribas, were encompassed by a
palisade. Neither towns nor villages are now to be seen, and the
districts which are occupied at all are only marked by scattered
enclosures and little gatherings of huts, as in the country of the
Dinka and the Niam-niam. Very rarely are more than five or six
families resident in the same locality, so that it is almost an
exaggeration to speak of their being villages in any sense. The
communities in past times seem to have had a preference for gathering
round some great tamarind, ficus, or butter-tree, which often still
survives and constitutes the only relic of habitations which have long
fallen to decay; and even to the present time the Bongo appear to
retain this partiality, and more often than not they may be found
beneath the natural shade of a spreading roof of foliage, enjoying the
light and space which are prohibited to their cramped and narrow
dwellings. The ground for a considerable circuit about the huts is all
well cleared and levelled, its surface being the general scene of
labour on which all the women perform their ordinary domestic duties.
The corn is there thrashed and winnowed; there it is brayed in the
wooden mortars or pounded by the mill; there are the leaves of the
tobacco plant laid out to dry; there stand the baskets with the loads
of mushrooms or supply of fruit; and there may be seen the accumulated
store of nutritious roots. Dogs and poultry alike seem to revel in
security under the majestic covering, while the little children at
their play complete the idyllic picture of life in Central Africa.[30]
Upon the erection of their dwellings there is no people in the Gazelle
district who bestow so much pains as the Bongo. Although they
invariably adopt the conical shape, they allow themselves considerable
diversity in the forms they use. The general plan of their
architecture has already been sketched. The materials they employ are
upright tree-stems, plaited faggots, canes of the bamboo, clay from
the mushroom-shaped white-ant hills, and tough grass and the bast of
the Grewia.
The diameter of the dwellings rarely exceeds twenty-feet, the height
generally being about the same. The entrance consists of a hole so
small that it is necessary to creep through in order to get inside;
and the door consists of a hurdle swung upon two posts so as to be
pushed backwards and forwards at pleasure. The clay floor in the
interior is always perfectly level; it is made secure against damp as
well as against the entrance of white ants by having been flattened
down by the women trampling upon broad strips of bark laid upon it.
The common sleeping-place of the parents and smaller children is on
the floor. The bedding generally consists only of skins, the Bongo
having little care for mats. For the pillow of the family they
ordinarily use a branch of a tree smoothed by being stripped of its
bark.
In every dwelling-place is found a conical receptacle for corn, named
the “gallotoh,” which is elevated on piles, varying in height, so as
to protect the provision from the damp of the soil or from the ravages
of rats or white ants. Magazines of this kind for the reserve of corn
are in general use throughout Africa, from the Rumboo of Damerghoo in
the Central Soudan, right into the country of the Kaffirs and
Bechuanas.
All the dwellings of the Bongo, whether large or small, are marked by
one characteristic, which might almost be represented as a national
feature. The peak of their huts is always furnished with a circular
pad of straw, very carefully made, which serves as a seat, and from
which it is possible to take a survey of the country, covered with its
tall growth of corn. The name of “gony” is given to this elevation,
which is surrounded by six or eight curved bits of wood projecting as
though the roof were furnished with horns. It is peculiar to the huts
of the Bongo.
[Sidenote: ABUNDANCE OF IRON.]
Iron is found in such quantities throughout the region that naturally
the inhabitants devote much of their attention to its manipulation;
its very abundance apparently secures them an advantage over the
Dinka. Although, according to our conceptions they would be described
as utterly deficient in tools and apparatus, still they produce some
very wonderful results, even surpassing the Dyoor in skill. With their
rude bellows and a hammer which, more commonly than not, is merely a
round ball of pebble-stone (though occasionally it may be a little
pyramid of iron without a handle) upon an anvil of gneiss or granite,
with an ordinary little chisel and a pair of tongs consisting of a
mere split piece of green wood, they contrive to fabricate articles
which would bear comparison with the productions of an English
smith.[31]
The season when opportunity is found for putting the iron-works in
motion is after the harvest has been housed and the rains are over.
Already, in a previous chapter,[32] iron-work, as produced by the
Dyoor, has been noticed, but the Bongo have a system considerably more
advanced, which appears worthy of a brief description. Their smelting
apparatus is an erection of clay, generally about five feet in height,
containing in its interior three distinct compartments.[33] These are
all of the same size, that in the middle being filled with alternate
layers of fuel and ore. This centre chamber is separated from the
lower by means of a kind of frame resting on a circular projection;
and it is divided from the chamber above by a narrow neck of
communication. The highest and lowest of the divisions are used for
fuel only. Round the base of the inferior chamber there are four
holes, into which the “tewels” or pokers are introduced, and to which
bellows are applied to increase the intensity of the combustion; there
is a fifth hole, which can be stopped with clay as often as may be
desired, and which serves to allow the metal to be raked out after it
has trickled down into the cavity below the frame.
[Illustration]
The most important of the iron productions are designed for the trade
that the Bongo carry on with the tribes that dwell in the north, and
which some time since was very active. The raw iron is exhibited in
three separate shapes: one is named “mahee,” being spear-heads of one
or two feet long, corresponding exactly with what has been mentioned
as common with the Dyoor; the second is known as “loggoh kullutty,”
and is simply a lot of black, ill-formed spades; the third is called
distinctively “loggoh,” consisting of regular spades, which, under the
market appellation of “melot,” have a wide sale everywhere along the
course of the Upper Nile.
[Illustration: Iron money. Loggoh Kullutty. Loggoh melot.]
[Sidenote: BONGO MONEY.]
The “loggoh kullutty” is the circulating medium of the Bongo, the only
equivalent which Central Africa possesses for money of any
description; but, rough-shaped as it is, it seems really to answer in
its way the purpose of regular coin. According to Major Denham, who
visited the Central Soudan in 1824, there were at that time some iron
pieces which were circulated as currency in Loggon on the Lower Shary,
answering to what is now in use among the Bongo; but at the period of
Barth’s visit all traces of their use had long disappeared. The
“loggoh kullutty” is formed in flat circles, varying in diameter from
10 to 12 inches. On one edge there is a short handle; on the opposite
there is attached a projecting limb, something in the form of an
anchor. In this shape the metal is stored up in the treasures of the
rich, and up to the present time it serves as well as the lance-heads
and spades for cash and for exchanges, being available not only for
purchases, but for the marriage portions which every suitor is pledged
to assign. The axe of the Bongo consists of a flat, cumbrous wedge of
iron, into the thick end of which is inserted a knobbed handle; it is
an instrument differing in no particular from what may be seen
throughout Central Africa.
[Illustration: Bongo lances.]
Besides these rough exhibitions of their craft, the Bongo produce
arms, tools, and ornaments of admirable quality, and, at the instance
of the controllers of the Seribas, have manufactured chains and
manacles for the slave-traffic. Very elegant, it might almost be said
artistic, is the work displayed on the points of their arrows and
lances. The keen and (to use a botanical expression) the “awny” barbs
and edges of these instruments, to any one who is aware of the simple
means of production in their reach, must be quite an enigma. The
lances are readily recognised by their shapes, and may be classified
in a threefold way. First, there is the common lancet-formed
spear-head, which is known as “mahee;” then, secondly, there is the
“golo,” a hastate sort of spear, with long iron barbs below the point
extending along the stem to which the wooden stock is attached; whilst
the third description is called “makrigga,” and consists of a spike,
the stem of which is covered with a number of teeth symmetrically
arranged along it, sometimes upwards and sometimes downwards. This
makrigga is often merely an article of show, and the technical skill
of the smith is concentrated upon its design. The name of makrigga is
appropriated to it from the _Randia dumetorum_,[34] a prickly shrub,
which is quite common in the district: seeming to indicate that the
pattern is derived from an object in nature, it affords a fresh
illustration of the view, that all human arts are only imitations of
what may be observed in the free fields of a wide creation.
[Illustration: Pincers used by the Bongo women for plucking out their
eyelashes.]
[Illustration: Knife of the Bongo women.]
[Sidenote: BONGO ORNAMENTS.]
Equal care is bestowed upon the production of the iron and copper
ornaments which are worn and the cutlery which is used by the women.
For the purpose of plucking out their eyebrows and eyelashes, they
employ a pair of little pincers called “peenoh,” of which an
illustration is here introduced. Quite peculiar to the Bongo women are
their “tibbah,” or elongated oval knives, with handles at either end,
which are sharpened on both edges, and which are often very elaborate
in their workmanship. These knives are in constant use for all
domestic purposes, being of especial service in peeling their tubers
and in slicing their gourds and cucumbers. The rings, the bells, the
clasps, the buttons, whatever they affix to their projecting lips or
attach to the rims of their ears, the lancet-shaped hair-pins, which
appear indispensable to the decoration of the crown of their head and
to the parting of their locks, all are fabricated to supply the
demands of the Bongo women’s toilet.
The decoration of which the men are proudest is the “dangabor,” which
simply means “rings one above another.” The Dinka and the Dyoor both
have an ornament very similar to this, composed of accumulated rings,
which cover the arm below the elbow; but the Bongo finish off their
article with much more elaborate work. Each separate ring is furnished
with a boss of a height and strength to correspond with the ring next
to it, the rings themselves being forged so as to become gradually
larger in proportion as they are farther from the wrist. The arm is
thus covered with what may be described as a sleeve of mail, each ring
of which can be turned round or displaced at pleasure.
[Illustration: The Dangabor and a single ring.]
[Sidenote: WOODEN UTENSILS OF THE BONGO.]
Hardly inferior to the skill of the Bongo in the working of iron is
their dexterity in wood-carving. Perhaps the most striking specimens
of their art in this way may be noticed in the little low four-legged
seats or stools which are found in every household, and are called
“hegba.” These are invariably made from a single block, the wood
chosen for the purpose being that of the Göll-tree (_Prosopis
lanceolata_, Benth.), which is of a chestnut brown, and after use
acquires an excellent polish; they are used only by the women, who are
continually to be seen sitting on them in front of their huts, but
they are altogether avoided by the men, who regard every raised seat
as an effeminate luxury.
[Illustration: Bongo stool.]
Other articles of their fabric in wood are the pestles, the troughs
for oil-pressing, the flails for threshing corn, and, most remarkable
of all, the goblet-shaped mortars in which the corn is bruised before
it is ground into flour upon the grinding-stones. Very graceful in
shape are these mortars, not unlike a drinking-goblet with a cut stem;
they are not sunk below the ground, as is ordinarily the case with
those of the Dinka and Dyoor, but they can be removed whenever it is
requisite from place to place. Their height is about thirty inches.
Mortars of very similar design were noticed by Barth amongst the
Musgoo, and they are also used by the Ovambo, the Makololo, and other
negro nations. They are worked by two women at once, who alternately
pound away with heavy pestles in a regular African fashion, which has
been long immortalised by the pictorial representations of ancient
Egypt. Very cleverly, too, do the Bongo cut spoons of very choice
design out of horn, of the same shape as may be found in nearly every
market in Europe.
Consequent upon the oppression to which the Bongo have now for years
been subject, and the remorseless appropriation of all their energies
by the intruders, very many of the primitive habits of the people were
disappearing; and at the time of my visit my attention was rather
arrested by what were memorials of a bygone and happier condition of
things, than by anything that was really done under my eyes. Just as
in the Central Soudan, in Borneo, and in the Tsad countries, so here
also the destructive power of Islamism has manifested itself by
obliterating, in comparatively a brief space of time, all signs of
activity and all traces of progress of any kind. Wherever it prevails,
it annihilates the chief distinctions of race, it effaces the best
vestiges of the past, and extends, as it were, a new desert upon the
face of the land which it overruns. Those who have been eye-witnesses
of the state of things when the intruders first broke in upon the
country, gave me still further details of what had been the special
industries of the people.
In the villages there are found very frequently whole rows of figures
carved out of wood and arranged either at the entrances of the
palisaded enclosures, forming, as it were, a decoration for the
gateway, or set up besides the huts of the “Nyare” (chiefs), as
memorials, to immortalise the renown of some departed character. In
Moody, a district towards the west, I came across the remains (still
in a perfect state of preservation) of an erection of this sort, which
had been reared above the grave of the Bongo chieftain Yanga. Large as
life, the rough-hewn figures represented the chief followed in
procession by his wives and children, apparently issuing from the
tomb. The curious conception of the separate individuals, and the
singular mode in which they were rendered by the artist, awakened my
keenest interest. The illustration which is subjoined may be accepted
as a faithful representation of the first rude efforts of savages in
the arts of sculpture.
[Illustration: Yanga’s grave.]
[Sidenote: BONGO GRAVES.]
Plastic representations of men are known generally by the name of
“Moiogohgyee:” when I first saw them, I was under the impression that
they must be idols, similar to what the Fetish-worship has introduced
into the western coasts, but I soon satisfied myself of my
misconception in this respect. The true design of these wooden figures
is simply to be a memorial of some one who has departed this life:
this is proved by the term “Moiagoh Komarah,” _i.e._, the figure of
the wife, which is applied to an image raised by a surviving husband
to the pious memory of his departed wife, and which is set up in the
hut as a species of Penates. However rude these attempts must be
pronounced, they nevertheless reveal a kind of artistic power
certainly far from contemptible; at any rate, the very labour bestowed
upon them indicates the appreciation which the artist entertained for
his work. The Bongo, for their own part, regard their wooden images as
incomparably superb, and persuade themselves that the likenesses of
those who are represented are perfect. To complete the illusion, they
very often deck the figure with bead-necklaces and rings and affix
some hair over the appropriate parts of the body. Travellers in
Central Africa have narrated that they have seen figures of wood
corresponding to what I have described, but although they have almost
universally taken them for carved deities, I would venture to suggest
that in all probability they are elsewhere monuments of the dead, in
the same way as among the Bongo.
In addition it may be mentioned that a custom exists of raising a
monument of this kind to preserve the memory of any _male_ person who
has been murdered. I was made acquainted with this circumstance by the
mouth of one of the national authorities, who depicted to me the
peculiar custom of his fathers in a narrative to the following effect.
He said that murder and manslaughter used to be the order of the day
at all their festivals and drinking-bouts; when the harvest had been
abundant and the granaries were well-stored with corn, there used to
be no bounds to their licentiousness; there was no respect for the
Nyare, and his words were disregarded amidst the blows of the Nogarra.
Now the “Turks” would punish a murderer by carrying off his wife and
children, and compel him to pay a heavy fine in iron and make some
compensation to the relatives: but formerly the friends would take the
law into their own hands, and proceed to exact personal punishment,
though they had to set to work very warily if they would keep
themselves out of difficulty. When anyone discovered that either his
friend, or it might be his brother, or perhaps his wife, had been
killed, and the criminal could not be detected, it was no unknown
device to prepare beforehand an image carefully representing the
murdered person, and very often the likeness would be singularly
perfect. He would then invite all the men to a feast, at which the
spirituous “legyee” would be freely circulated; and then, when the
excitement was at its height, in the very midst of the singing and
dancing, he would unexpectedly introduce the figure that had been
prepared. The apparition would be sure to work its effect; the culprit
would not fail to be betrayed, as he cowed and exhibited his wish to
slink away. Having thus detected the offender, the injured party could
deal with him as he pleased.
[Sidenote: BONGO MUSIC.]
The Bongo, in their way, are enthusiastic lovers of music; and
although their instruments are of a very primitive description, and
they are unacquainted even with the pretty little guitar of the
Niam-niam, which is constructed on perfectly correct acoustic
principles, yet they may be seen at any hour of the day strumming away
and chanting to their own performances. The youngsters, down to the
small boys, are all musicians. Without much trouble, and with the most
meagre materials, they contrive to make little flutes; they are
accustomed also to construct a monochord, which in its design reminds
one of the instrument which (known as the “gubo” of the Zulus) is
common throughout the tribes of Southern Africa. This consists of a
bow of bamboo, with the string tightly strained across it, and this is
struck by a slender slip of split bamboo. The sounding board is not,
however, made of a calabash attached to the ground, but the mouth of
the player himself performs that office, one end of the instrument
being held to the lips with one hand, while the string is managed with
the other. Performers may often be seen sitting for an hour together
with an instrument of this sort: they stick one end of the bow into
the ground, and fasten the string over a cavity covered with bark,
which opens into an aperture for the escape of the sound. They pass
one hand from one part of the bow to the other, and with the other
they play upon the string with the bamboo twig, and produce a
considerable variety of buzzing and humming airs which are really
rather pretty. This is quite a common pastime with the lads who are
put in charge of the goats. I have seen them apply themselves very
earnestly and with obvious interest to their musical practice, and the
ingenious use to which they apply the simplest means for obtaining
harmonious tones testifies to their penetration into the secrets of
the theory of sound.
As appeals, however, to the sense of sound, the great festivals of the
Bongo abound with measures much more thrilling than any of these minor
performances. On those occasions the orchestral results might perhaps
be fairly characterised as cat’s music run wild. Unwearied thumping of
drums, the bellowings of gigantic trumpets, for the manufacture of
which great stems of trees come into requisition, interchanged by fits
and starts with the shriller blasts of some smaller horns, make up the
burden of the unearthly hubbub which re-echoes miles away along the
desert. Meanwhile, women and children by the hundred fill gourd-flasks
with little stones, and rattle them as if they were churning butter:
or again, at other times, they will get some sticks or dry faggots and
strike them together with the greatest energy. The huge wooden tubes
which may be styled the trumpets of the Bongo are by the natives
themselves called “manyinyee;” they vary from four to five feet in
length, being closed at the extremity, and ornamented with carved work
representing a man’s head, which not unfrequently is adorned with a
couple of horns. The other end of the stem is open, and in an upper
compartment towards the figure of the head is the orifice into which
the performer blows with all his might. There is another form of
manyinyee which is made like a huge wine-bottle; in order to play upon
it, the musician takes it between his knees like a violoncello, and
when the build of the instrument is too cumbrous, he has to bend over
it as it lies upon the ground.
Little difference can be noticed between the kettle-drums of the Bongo
and those of most other North African negroes. A section is cut from
the thick stem of a tree, the preference being given to a tamarind
when it can be procured; this is hollowed out into a cylinder, one end
being larger than the other. The ends are then covered with two pieces
of goat-skin stripped of the hair, which are tightly strained and
laced together with thongs. At the nightly orgies a fire is invariably
kept burning to dry the skin and to tighten it when it has happened to
become relaxed by the heavy dews.
A great number of signal-horns may be seen made from the horns of
different antelopes; these are called “mangoal,” and have three holes
like small flutes, and in tone are not unlike fifes. There is one long
and narrow pipe cut by the Bongo out of wood which they call a
“mburrah,” and which has a widened air-chamber close to the
mouth-piece, very similar to the ivory signal-horns which are so
frequently to be seen in all the negro countries.
[Sidenote: BONGO SINGING.]
Difficult were the task to give any adequate description of the
singing of the Bongo. It must suffice to say that it consists of a
babbling recitative, which at one time suggests the yelping of a dog
and at another the lowing of a cow, whilst it is broken ever and again
by the gabbling of a string of words which are huddled up one into
another. The commencement of a measure will always be with a lively
air, and every one, without distinction of age or sex, will begin
yelling, screeching, and bellowing with all their strength; gradually
the surging of the voices will tone down, the rapid time will
moderate, and the song be hushed into a wailing, melancholy strain.
Thus it sinks into a very dirge, such as might be chanted at the
grave, and be interpreted as representative of a leaden and a frowning
sky, when all at once, without note of warning, there bursts forth the
whole fury of the negro throats; shrill and thrilling is the outcry,
and the contrast is as vivid as sunshine in the midst of rain.
Often as I was present at these festivities I never could prevent my
ideas from associating Bongo music with the instinct of imitation,
which belongs to men universally. The orgies always gave me the
impression of having no other object than to surpass in violence the
fury of the elements. Adequately to represent the rage of a hurricane
in the tropics any single instrument of course must be weak, poor, and
powerless, consequently they hammer at numbers of their gigantic drums
with powerful blows of their heavy clubs. If they would rival the
bursting of a storm, the roaring of the wind, or the splashing of the
rain, they summon a chorus of their stoutest lungs; whilst to depict
the bellowings of terrified wild beasts, they resort to their longest
horns; and to imitate the songs of birds, they bring together all
their flutes and fifes. Most characteristic of all, perchance, is the
deep and rolling bass of the huge “manyinyee,” as descriptive of the
rumbling thunder. The penetrating shower may drive rattling and
crackling among the twigs, and amid the parched foliage of the woods,
and this is imitated by the united energies of women and children, as
they rattle the stones in their gourd-flasks, and clash together their
bits of wood.
It remains still to notice some examples of the various handicrafts
which are practised by this people. Compared with other nations, the
Bongo are remarkable for the attention they give to basket-work. They
make (very much after the fashion of a coffee-bag) a strainer to
filter and clarify their “legyee,” which is a drink something like ale
fermented from sorghum. Baskets are roughly yet substantially made by
twining together the stems of the bamboo. As their first efforts in
this line, the natives are accustomed to make the circular envelopes
in which they pack their corn for exportation. They take the
coriaceous leaves of the Combreta and Terminaliæ, and by inserting the
petiole of one leaf into the laminæ of two others, they form strips of
leaves which in a few minutes are made into a kind of basket, equally
strong and flexible, which answers its purpose admirably.
Woven matting is very rarely found in use. The walls of every hut are
made of basket-work, as are the beehives, which are more often than
not under the shadow of some adjacent butter-tree. Generally these
hives are long cylinders, which midway have an opening about six
inches square. The yield of honey, wild or half-wild, is very large,
and of fine quality: the bees belong to the European species. The
aroma of the Gardenia flowers is retained to a very palpable degree,
but wherever the Candelabra-euphorbia happens to be abundant, the
honey partakes of the drastic properties of its poisonous milk, and
has been the cause of the natives being reproached with the intention
of poisoning the Nubians.
[Sidenote: BONGO FISHING.]
In consequence of the people being so much engrossed at certain
periods of the year by their hunting and fishing, the manufacture of
fish-nets, creels, and snares, makes an important item in their
industrial pursuits. For the most part all the twist, the bird-snares,
and the fishing-lines are made from the fibres of bast, which are so
plentiful in the cultivated Crotalaria and the Hibiscus. For inferior
purposes the common lime-like bast of the _Grewia mollis_ is made to
suffice. The _Sanseviera guineensis_ is not less abundant, but the
bast which it yields, although very fine, is not very enduring. It is
generally very black through having been left to lie upon the dark
soil of the marshes, and is only used for making a kind of kilt like a
horse’s tail, which the women wear behind from a girdle about their
waist. Cotton-shrubs are planted only by the Dinka, who make their
fishing-lines of the material which is thus provided.
The manufacture of the pottery all falls to the care of the women, who
do not shrink from the most difficult tasks, and, without the help of
any turning-wheel, succeed in producing the most artistic specimens.
The larger water-bottles are sometimes not less than a yard in
diameter. The clay water-pots are ordinarily of a broad oval shape,
adapted for being carried on the head with the narrow end resting on a
kind of porter’s knot, which is made either of leaves or plaited
straw. Handles are uniformly wanting: for, whatever may be the purpose
to which the vessels are applied, whether for holding water or oil,
for boiling or for baking, the material of which they are made
contains so large a quantity of mica (which the natives do not
understand how to get rid of), that it is very brittle, and the
imperfect baking in the open air contributes to this brittleness. To
compensate for the lack of handles by which the vessels might be
lifted, their whole outer surface is made rather rough by being
ornamented by a number of triangles and zigzag lines, which form all
manner of concentric and spiral patterns. The gourd-platters and
bottles are generally decorated with different dark rows of triangles.
A large amount of labour is expended upon the manufacture of clay
bowls for pipes, which are often really elaborate, and have generally
quite a European character; very often their design consists of a
human head, and these are so treasured as works of art, that their
possessors cannot be induced to part with them at any price.
The preparation of skins for leather aprons and similar purposes has
hitherto been limited amongst the Bongo, as probably amongst all the
heathen negroes, to the simplest mechanical process of kneading and
fulling by means of ashes and dung, which is followed up by a liberal
application of fat and oil till a sufficient degree of softness and
pliancy is attained. Recently from the Nubians the use of tan has
become generally known, and it may not unreasonably be conjectured
that the method of using it will gradually extend from the north of
Africa towards the south, in the same way as it has spread upwards
from the Cape. Previous to their contact with Europeans, none of the
southern people of Africa had discovered the use of tan, although the
skins of their animals were a very important item in their economy. In
Bongoland at present the bark of the Gere (_Hymenocardia Heudelotii_)
is what is most frequently employed, and the red tan it yields is
found to be very effectual.
[Illustration: Bongo.]
[Sidenote: BONGO PHYSIOGNOMY.]
We have now to notice the apparel and general external aspect of the
people, which is as important in its way as the outline of any natural
object, such as the growth and foliage of trees. In default of proper
clothing, various disfigurements of person play an important part, and
the savage is voluntarily even more of a slave to fashion than any of
the most refined children of civilization. Here, as in every other
quarter of the globe, the male sex desires to be externally
distinguished from the female, and they differ widely in their habits
in this respect. There is, however, one ugly custom which is common to
both sexes throughout the basin of the Gazelle, which consists in
snapping off the incisors of the lower jaw, an operation which is
performed as soon as the milk teeth have been thoroughly replaced by
the permanent. Upon the south borders of the country, near the
Niam-niam, this custom ceases to be exactly followed, and there it is
the habit, as with the Niam-niam themselves, instead of breaking them
off, to file some of the teeth, and indeed sometimes all of them, into
sharp points. Occasionally the natives file off the sides of the upper
teeth as well as clip off the lower; nor is it an uncommon thing for
gaps to be opened at the points of contact of the central upper teeth,
whilst every now and then individual cases occur where interstices
have been made in the sides of all the four front teeth large enough
to admit a good-sized toothpick. Circumcision is unknown throughout
the entire river-district.
The men do not go about in a condition so naked as either the Dyoor,
the Shillooks, or the Dinka, but they wear an apron of some sort of
skin, and recently have adopted a strip of stuff, which they fasten to
the girdle that is never missing, allowing the ends to hang over
before and behind. All the sons of the red soil, as the Bongo, the
Mittoo, the Niam-niam, and the Kredy, are called “women” by the Dinka,
because amongst them the females only are protected by any covering of
this description. The Bongo women on the other hand, and especially
those who reside on the highlands, obstinately refuse to wear any
covering whatever either of skin or stuff, but merely replenish their
wardrobe every morning by a visit to the woods; they are, therefore,
in respect of modesty, less particular than the women of the Dinka; a
supple bough with plenty of leaves, more often than not a bough of the
Combretum, and perhaps a bunch of fine grass, fastened to the girdle,
is all they consider necessary. Now and then a tail, like a black
horsetail, composed of the bast of the Sanseviera, is appended to the
back of the girdle in a way that has already been mentioned. The rest
of the body is allowed by both sexes to be entirely unclad, and no
addition to the costume is ever seen, except we should reckon the
feathered head-gear, which is exhibited on the occasion of a feast or
a ball.
As a rule the hair of both men and women is kept quite short, and not
unfrequently is very closely shorn, the principal exception being
found in the south, where the habits of the Niam-niam have extended
their influence into the Bongo territory, and both men and women wear
tufts and braids of a length approximating to that of their
neighbours.
[Illustration: Bongo Woman.]
[Sidenote: BONGO WOMEN.]
It may possibly be imagined that the extremely primitive covering of
the Bongo women irradiates them with something of the charm of
Paradise; but a very limited experience will soon dispel the rapture
of any illusion of the kind. All full-grown women attain such an
astounding girth of body, and acquire such a cumbrous superabundance
of flesh, that it is quite impossible to look at them without
observing their disproportion to the men. Their thighs are very often
as large as a man’s chest, and their measurement across the hips can
hardly fail to recall the picture in Cuvier’s Atlas of the now famous
“Hottentot Venus.” Shapes developed to this magnitude are no longer
the exclusive privilege of the Hottentots; day after day I saw them
among the Bongo, and they may well demand to be technically described
as “Steatopyga.” In certain attitudes, as for instance when they are
carrying their heavy water-jars upon their heads, they seem to assume
the shape of an inverted S. To their singular appearance the long
switch tail of bast very much contributes, and altogether the profile
of a fat Bongo woman is not unlike that of a dancing baboon. I can
vouch for it that women who weigh twenty stone are far from scarce.
Very few are the people of Central Africa amongst whom the partiality
for finery and ornaments is so strongly shown as with the Bongo. The
women wear on their necks an accumulation of cords and beads, and not
being fastidious like their neighbours, will put on without regard to
shape or colour, whatever the market of Khartoom can provide. The men
do not care much for this particular decoration, but prefer necklaces,
on which they string some of those remarkable little fragments of wood
which are so constantly found in every region of Africa. With the bits
of wood hang fragments of roots, which are in form something like the
mandrake, which, in Southern Europe, has been the subject of so
strange a superstition. Alternating with the roots and wood are the
talons of owls and eagles, the teeth of dogs, crocodiles, and jackals,
little tortoise-shells, the claws of the earth-pig (_Orycteropus_),
and in short any of those objects which we are accustomed to store in
the cabinets which adorn our _salons_. They appear to supply the place
of the extracts from the Koran which, wrapped in leather sheathes, the
Nubians wear by dozens about their person; anything in the shape of an
amulet being eagerly craved by every African.
[Sidenote: BONGO DECORATION.]
Not unfrequently the men deck themselves out in females’ ornaments.
Many cover the rims of their ears with copper rings and crescents;
others pierce the upper lip like the women, and insert either a
round-headed copper nail or a copper plate, or, what is still more
general, some rings or a bit of straw. The skin of the stomach above
the waist is often pierced by the men, and the incision filled up with
a bit of wood, or occasionally by a good-sized peg. On the wrist and
upper part of the arm they wear iron rings of every pattern; some
rings are cut out of elephant and buffalo hide, and look almost as
though they were made of horn. The “dangabor,” an ornament composed of
a series of iron rings, and worn on the lower portion of the arm, has
been already described.
The Bongo women delight in distinguishing themselves by an adornment
which to our notions is nothing less than a hideous mutilation. As
soon as a woman is married the operation commences of extending her
lower lip. This, at first only slightly bored, is widened by inserting
into the orifice plugs of wood gradually increasing in size, until at
length the entire feature is enlarged to five or six times its
original proportions. The plugs are cylindrical in form, not less than
an inch thick, and are exactly like the pegs of bone or wood worn by
the women of Musgoo. By this means the lower lip is extended
horizontally till it projects far beyond the upper, which is also
bored and fitted with a copper plate or nail, and now and then by a
little ring, and sometimes by a bit of straw about as thick as a
lucifer-match. Nor do they leave the nose intact: similar bits of
straw are inserted into the edges of the nostrils, and I have seen as
many as three of these on either side. A very favourite ornament for
the cartilage between the nostrils is a copper ring, just like those
that are placed in the noses of buffaloes and other beasts of burden
for the purpose of rendering them more tractable. The greatest
coquettes among the ladies wear a clasp or cramp at the corners of the
mouth, as though they wanted to contract the orifice, and literally to
put a curb upon its capabilities. These subsidiary ornaments are not
however found at all universally among the women, and it is rare to
see them all at once upon a single individual: the plug in the lower
lip of the married women is alone a _sine quâ non_, serving as it does
for an artificial distinction of race. According to the custom of the
people, there need only be a trifling projection of the skin so as to
form a flap or a fold, to be at once the excuse for boring a hole. The
ears are perforated more than any part, both the outer and the inner
auricle being profusely pierced; the tip of the ear alone is
frequently made to carry half-a-dozen little iron rings. There are
women in the country whose bodies are pierced in some way or other in
little short of a hundred different places.
The Bongo women limit their tattooing to the upper part of the arm.
Zigzag or parallel lines, or rows of dots, often brought into relief
by the production of proud flesh after the operation has been
accomplished, are the three forms which in different combinations
serve as marks of individual distinction. The men tattoo themselves
differently, and some of them abstain from the operation altogether.
At one time the lines run across the breast and stomach to one side of
the body; at another they are limited to the top of the arm, whilst it
is not at all unusual for the neck and shoulder-blades to be tattooed.
Besides the ornaments that I have mentioned, the toilet of a Bongo
lady is incomplete without the masses of iron and copper rings which
she is accustomed to wear on her wrists and arms, and more especially
on her ankles. These rings clank like fetters as she walks, and even
from a distance the two sexes can be distinguished by the character of
the sound that accompanies their movements. That human patience should
ever for the sake of fashion submit to a still greater martyrdom seems
almost incredible, though hereafter we shall have sufficient proof
when we delineate the habits of the Mittoo, the neighbours of the
Bongo, that such is really the case.
In Bongoland, as in all the northern parts of the territory that I
visited, copper of late years has attained a monetary value, and has
become an accustomed medium of exchange. Glass beads are annually
deteriorating in estimation, and have long ceased to be treasured up
and buried in the earth like jewels or precious stones, being now used
only to gratify female vanity. In former times, when the only
intercourse that the Bongo held with the Mohammedan world was by
occasional dealings with the Baggara Arabs, through the intervention
of the Dembo, a Shillook tribe connected with the Dyoor, cowrie-shells
were in great request, but these also have long since fallen out of
the category of objects of value. Gold and silver are very rarely used
as ornaments, even in the Mohammedan parts of the Eastern Soudan; it
is therefore hardly a matter of surprise that to the Bongo, whose soil
is singularly uniform in its geological productions, they should be
all but unknown. The Bongo, moreover, have but little value for brass,
differing greatly in this respect from their neighbours, the Dyoor.
[Sidenote: BONGO WEAPONS.]
Their weapons consist mainly of lances, bows and arrows, shields being
very rarely used, and even then being appropriated from other
neighbouring nations. Although the greater part of the population is
at present quite unaccustomed to any warlike occupation, except when
any of them chance to be employed in the raids upon the Dinka or in
the Niam-niam campaigns, yet they still maintain a wonderful dexterity
in the use of the bow and arrow, and we shall have occasion in another
place to notice their performances in this respect. The large size of
their weapons is remarkable; I saw many of their bows which were four
feet in length, their arrows are rarely under three feet long, and on
this account they are never made from the light reed-grass, but are
cut out of solid wood. The forms of the arrow-heads also have a
decided nationality stamped upon them. In the course of time I was
easily able to determine at a glance the tribe to which any weapon
belonged by certain characteristics, the details of which would now
engross more time and space than are at our command. It may be
mentioned that the Bongo, like the negroes above Fesoglu, on the Upper
Blue Nile, imbue their arrows with the milky juice of one of the
Euphorbiæ. This species, of which I now for the first time collected
some specimens, has been erroneously represented by Tremaux in the
atlas of his travels[35] as _Euphorbia mamillaris_, but it is in fact
one of the many Cactus-euphorbiæ for which the flora of Tropical
Africa, and especially that of the drier regions, is distinguished,
and is entirely distinct from the South African species. It is a
branching, straggling shrub, varying in height from five to eight
feet, at one time growing in large masses in the light woods, and then
failing altogether for the space of several days’ journey. Not only
the larger branches, nearly two inches thick, but also the smaller
boughs, are encrusted with a snowy white rind, covered with thick
spiny protuberances, which stand singly under the eyes of the leaves.
At the extremity of each bough is a bunch of fleshy succulent leaves,
shaped like lances, and six inches in length. This species of
Cactus-euphorbia (_E. venefica_) is termed by the Bongo “bolloh,” in
contradistinction to “kakoh,” their name for the larger sort (_E.
candelabrum_), which is common in the country, but of which the milky
juice is far less dangerous than that of the “bolloh,” for if this be
applied in a fresh condition to the skin, it results in a violent
inflammation. It is, however, my opinion that this juice, as it is
used by the Bongo, being spread in a hard mass over the barbs and
heads of the arrows, can do very little harm to the wounded, as when
it is once hard it is difficult to melt, and there cannot possibly be
time for it to commingle with the blood after a wound has been made by
an arrow.
[Sidenote: BONGO GAMES.]
We may now turn our attention to the Bongo games, which are as
original and primitive as their music. One of these games, as forming
excellent training for the chase, deserves some especial notice. A
number of men are provided with pointed sticks made of hard wood,
which they use as lances. They form a large ring, and another man who
has a piece of soft wood attached to a long string, runs round and
round within the circle. The others then endeavour with their pointed
sticks to hit the mark whilst it is being carried rapidly round. As
soon as it is struck it falls to the ground, and the successful
marksman is greeted with a loud cheer. Another game requires no less
calmness and dexterity. A piece of wood bent into a crescent has a
short string attached to the middle; this wood is then hurled by the
one end of it with such violence to the earth that it goes spinning
like a boomerang through the air. The players stand face to face at a
distance of about twenty feet apart, and the game consists in catching
the wood by the string, a performance that requires no little skill,
as there is considerable danger of receiving a sharp knock. Both games
might, under some modifications, admit of being adopted into our rural
sports.
Turning now to the national manners, customs, and ideas, I profess
that they are subjects of which I must treat with considerable
reserve, since my residence as a stranger for two years amongst these
savages only gave me after all a very superficial insight into the
mysteries of their inner life. Since, however, the accounts of
eye-witnesses, who knew the land in its primitive condition, seem to
accord with and to corroborate my own observations, as well as the
information I obtained from the Bongo themselves, I am in a position
to depose to some facts, of which I must leave the scientific analysis
to those who are seeking to cultivate the untried soil of the
psychology of nations.
Elsewhere, and among other nations with whom I became acquainted, the
number of a man’s wives was dependent on the extent of his
possessions, but amongst the Bongo it seemed to be limited to a
maximum of three. Here, as in other parts of Africa, a wife cannot be
obtained for nothing, even the very poorest must pay a purchase price
to the father of the bride in the form of a number of plates of iron;
unless a man could provide the premium, he could only get an old woman
for a wife. The usual price paid for a young girl would be about ten
plates of iron weighing two pounds each, and twenty lance tips.
Divorces, when necessary, are regulated in the usual way, and the
father is always compelled to make a restitution of at least a portion
of the wedding-payment. If a man should send his wife back to her
father, she is at liberty to marry again, and with her husband’s
consent she may take her children with her; if, however, her husband
retains the children, her father is bound to refund the entire
wedding-gift that he received. This would be the case although ten
years might have elapsed since the marriage. The barrenness of a woman
is always an excuse for a divorce. In cases of adultery, the husband
endeavours to kill the seducer, and the wife gets a sound flogging.
Whoever has been circumcised according to the Mohammedan law, cannot
hope to make a good match in Bongoland.
A Bongo woman, as a rule, will seldom be found to have less than five
children: the usual number is six, and the maximum twelve. In
childbirth she is supported with her arms on a horizontal beam, and is
in that position delivered of the child; the navel-cord is cut very
long with a knife, and always without a ligature. No festivities are
observed on the occasion of a birth. The infants are carried on the
mothers’ backs, sewn up in a bag of goat’s-hide, like a water-bottle.
The children are kept at the breast until they have completed their
second year, weaning being never thought of until they can be trusted
to run about. In order to wean a child, the mother’s breast is smeared
with some acrid matter, and the bruised leaves of some of the
_Capparidæ_ are mixed with water to a pulp, and have the effect of
drying up the milk.
Among the Bongo and the neighbouring nations there is a custom,
manifestly originating in a national morality, that forbids all
children that are not at the breast to sleep in the same hut with
their parents; the Bongo in this respect putting to shame many of
those who would boast of their civilization. The elder children have a
hut appropriated to themselves, but take their meals with the rest of
the family. In addition to this custom there is the universal rule, as
with ourselves, that no matrimonial alliance takes place until the
youths are about eighteen and the girls about fifteen years of age.
[Sidenote: BONGO EXEQUIES.]
In the disposal of their dead, the customs of the Bongo are very
remarkable. Immediately after life is extinct, the corpses are placed,
like the Peruvian mummies, in what may be described as a crouching
posture, with the knees forced up to the chin, and are then firmly
bound round the head and legs. When the body has been thus compressed
into the smallest possible compass, it is sewn into a sack made of
skins, and placed in a deep grave. A shaft is sunk perpendicularly
down for about four feet, and then a niche is hollowed to the side, so
that the sack containing the corpse should not have to sustain any
vertical pressure from the earth which is thrown in to fill up the
grave. This form of interment is also prescribed in the law of Islam,
which, in this and many other cases, has probably followed an African
custom. The Bongo have a striking practice, for which, perhaps, some
reason may be assigned, of burying men with the face turned to the
north and women to the south. After the grave is filled in, a heap of
stones is piled over the spot in a short cylindrical form, and this is
supported by strong stakes, which are driven into the soil all round.
On the middle of the pile is placed a pitcher, frequently the same
from which the deceased was accustomed to drink his water. The graves
are always close to the huts, their site being marked by a number of
long forked branches, carved, by way of ornament, with numerous
notches and incisions, and having their points sharpened like horns.
Of these votive stakes I saw a number varying from one to five on each
grave. The typical meaning belonging to these sticks has long since
fallen into oblivion, and notwithstanding all my endeavours to become
acquainted with the Bongo, and to initiate myself into their manners
and customs, I could never discover a satisfactory explanation. The
sticks reminded me of the old English finance-budgets in the time of
William the Conqueror. In answer to my inquiries, the Khartoomers
merely returned the same answer as they did to my predecessor,
Heuglin; they persisted in saying that every notch denoted an enemy
killed in battle by the deceased. The Bongo themselves, however,
repeatedly declared that such was by no means the case, and quite
repudiated the idea that they should ever think of thus perpetuating
the bloodthirstiness of the dead. The neighbouring Mittoo and Madi
adopt very much the same method of sepulture. The memorial-urns
erected over the graves of the Musgoo remind the traveller of those of
the Bongo. Whenever a burial takes place, all the neighbours are
invited to attend, and are abundantly entertained with merissa. The
entire company takes part in the formation of the grave, in the
rearing of the memorial-urn, and in the erection of the votive stakes.
When the ceremony is finished, they shoot at the stakes with arrows,
which they leave sticking in the wood. I often noticed arrows that had
been thus shot still adhering to the sticks.
The Bongo have not the remotest conception of immortality. They have
no more idea of the transmigration of souls, or any doctrine of the
kind, than they have of the existence of an ocean. I have tried
various ways and means of solving the problem of their inner life, but
always without success. Although the belief in immortality may be
indigenous to Africa, I should question whether the ancient Egyptians
did not in their religious development obey the promptings of the
Asiatic East. At any rate, those statements are incorrect which would
endeavour to explain the dull resignation displayed by the victims of
human sacrifice in Dahomey by a theory of their belief in immortality.
All religion, in our sense of the word religion, is quite unknown to
the Bongo, and, beyond the term “loma,” which denotes equally luck and
ill-luck, they have nothing in their language to signify any deity or
spiritual being. “Loma” is likewise the term that they use for the
Supreme Being, whom they hear invoked as “Allah” by their oppressors,
and some of them make use of the expression, “loma-gobo,” _i. e._, the
superior, to denote the God of the “Turks.” The almost incomprehensible
prayers of the Mohammedans are called by the Bongo “malah,” which has
evidently some connection with the word “Allah” that is generally
repeated over and over again in all the devotions of the Nubians.
If any one is ill, his illness is attributed to “Loma,” but in the
event of anybody losing a wager or a game, or returning from a hunting
adventure without game, or coming back from war without booty, he is
said to have had “no loma” (loma nya), in the sense of having no luck.
[Sidenote: BONGO SUPERSTITION.]
Quite amazing is the fear which exists among the Bongo about ghosts,
whose abode is said to be in the shadowy darkness of the woods.
Spirits, devils, and witches have the general appellation of
“bitaboh;” wood-goblins being specially called “ronga.” Comprehended
under the same term are all the bats (especially the _Megaderma
frons_, which flutters about from tree to tree in broad daylight), as
likewise are owls of every kind (_Strix leucotis_ and _Strix capensis_
being here the chief); and besides these the Ndorr (_Galago
senegalensis_), a kind of pseudo-simia, with great red eyes and erect
ears, which drags out a gloomy existence in the cavities of hollow
trees. There are, too, prowling beasts of night, for which they
entertain the utmost dread, regarding them with superstitious awe. To
ward off the evil influences of these spirits, the Bongo are
acquainted with no other means except the magical roots in which the
professional sorcerers trade, in a similar way as the Mohammedan
priests of the Soudan in their amulets and sentences from the Koran.
Very seldom are any attempts made to expel the spirits by the means of
exorcism, which is turned to great account by the Dinka magicians. The
institution of the “Cogyoor” is here called “belomah,” but whenever it
is necessary to have an invocation over a sick patient, they more
often than not send for a professional wizard from the neighbouring
Dinka.
Good spirits are quite unrecognised, and, according to the general
negro idea, no benefit can ever come from a spirit at all. They affirm
that the only thing they know about spirits is that they do mischief,
and certain it is that they have no conception either of there being a
Creator, or any kind and ruling power above. They assert that there is
no other resource for obtaining communication with spirits, except by
means of certain roots, which may be of service likewise in employing
the powers of evil to inflict injury on others. To their knowledge of
this magic may be attributed much of the influence which the native
chiefs, independently of their authorised rule, exercise over the mass
of the people in their districts. This may be witnessed among the Bary
on the Bahr-el-Gebel, and a hundred other tribes, who yield the
greatest deference to the controllers or captains of their
communities. The practice of fetching down rain is never pretended to
by the Bongo chiefs, and may be said to be absolutely unknown; but
probably this may rise from the climate so rarely making it necessary
to put their skill in this respect to the test.
[Sidenote: BELIEF IN WITCHES.]
All the very old people of either sex, but especially the old women,
are exposed to the suspicion of allying themselves to wicked spirits,
for the purpose of effecting the injury and detriment of others. Old
folks, so the Bongo maintain, wander through the forest-glades at
night, and have only to secure the proper roots, and then they may
apparently be lying calmly in their huts, whilst in reality they are
taking counsel with the spirits of mischief how they can best bring
their neighbours to death and destruction. They dig for roots, it is
continually said, that they may have the means of poisoning those
around them. Whenever any case of sudden death occurs, the aged people
are held responsible, and nothing, it is taken for granted, could be
more certain than that a robust man, except he were starved, would not
die. Woe to the old crones, then, in whose house the suspected herbs
and roots are found! though they be father or mother, they have no
chance of escape.
A genuine and downright belief in witches has long been and still
continues as deeply seated here as in any spot upon the face of the
earth, and nowhere are prosecutions more continually being instituted
against them. As matter of fact, I can affirm that really aged folks
among the Bongo are comparatively scarce, and that the number of
grey-headed people is, by contrast, surprisingly large amongst the
neighbouring race of the Dyoor, who put no faith at all in any
witchcraft. The Nubians are not only open to superstitions of their
own, but confirm the Bongo in all of theirs. In the Eastern Soudan,
which is a Mohammedan country, the conversation will constantly turn
upon the “sáhara” (_i. e._, the witches), and no comparison is more
frequent than that which likens the old women to hyænas: in fact, many
of the people hold hard and fast to the conviction that the witches
are capable of going out at night, and taking up their quarters inside
the bodies of these detestable brutes, without any one being aware of
what is happening. It chanced, during my stay in Gallabat, that I
killed one out of a herd of hyænas that was infesting the district; my
fate, in consequence, was to be loaded with reproaches on the part of
the Sheikh, who informed me that his mother was a “hyæna-woman,” and
that I might, for all I could tell, have shot her. After this I was
not so surprised as might be expected when Idrees, the governor of
Ghattas’s Seriba, boasted in my presence of his conflicts with
witches, bragging that in one day he had had half a dozen of them
executed. An occasion shortly afterwards arose, when Idrees was
contemplating putting two old women to death at the desire of some
Bongo, and the only scheme I could devise to make him desist from his
purpose, was by threatening him that, in the event of the women being
executed, I would poison his water-springs.
But, in this dread of witches, the whole superstition of the Bongo
culminates and exhausts itself; and we Europeans may well ask what
real right have we, with all our advancement in knowledge, to presume
to reproach them? We cannot resist the impression that these poor
Bongo are infinitely more free from hundreds of superstitious
fallacies than many of those who boast of their civilization; much
more so, for instance, than the Mohammedans of the Soudan, where the
idlest of superstitions prevail in every household. Let nature be
free, and the germs of energy in man’s spirit will develop themselves,
without overstepping their proper limits, in trustful dependence upon
the presiding spirit which controls all thought. That the spirit of
man, moreover, revolves in a circle, is demonstrated by the old man
becoming again a child. A philosopher might fairly speculate (in the
spirit of Bernardin de St. Pierre, when he advocated a worship of
Nature) whether this land would not have been happier if the Moslems
had never set foot upon its soil. They brought a religion that was
destitute of morality; they introduced contagion rather than
knowledge; they even suppressed the true doctrines of Mohammed their
prophet, which would have enfranchised the very people whom they
oppressed, and have raised them to a condition of brotherhood, and of
equality.
[Sidenote: BONGO SURGERY.]
The method of proceeding among the Bongo with the sick and wounded is
invariably of the very simplest character. When the disorder is
internal, and the origin cannot be detected, the treatment consists
merely in liberal applications of very hot water. The patient is
stretched upon the ground, and sprinkled by means of leafy boughs with
boiling water from vessels that are placed close by. Somewhat more
expert is their proceeding in the case of the wounded. It once chanced
that I saw a group of sufferers brought back from one of the raids
that had been made into the territory of the Dinka. The wounds had
nearly all been inflicted by the lances of the adversary. With
remarkable fortitude the patients all submitted to the practice of the
country, which consisted in the introduction of a number of setons,
made of the strong and fibrous bast of the grewia, into the injured
parts, in order to reduce the inflammation. Amongst others, I saw a
knee, which was immensely swollen, subject to the operation of being
pierced in every direction by setons of this sort, until it was larded
like a roast hare. With the exception of red ochre the Bongo, like
most of their neighbours, are not acquainted with any mineral which
they can apply to a wound, either as a reduceut or an antiseptic. As
medicines to accelerate the natural processes of cure, they make use
of the astringent bitter barks of certain trees like the Hymenocardia,
the Butyrospermum, and the Prosopis, which are here known as the
“gere,” the “kor,” and the “göll.” Syphilis, which now makes its
insidious progress, was quite unknown amongst these poor savages
previous to the settlement amongst them of the Nubians, and against
its mischief the only specific employed is the bitter bark of the
Heddo-tree (_Anogeissus_), one, however, which undoubtedly is utterly
useless for the purpose.
The misshapen and crippled are entirely unknown amongst these
unsophisticated children of Nature. But in a country where, even with
the best attention on the part of a mother, every child must be
exposed to the perils which necessarily are associated with existence
in a wilderness, how should it be possible for a cripple to stand out
the battle of life? As freaks of nature, every now and then there may
be seen some dwarfs, and I presume that some mutes may occasionally be
found, as there is a word (“mabang”) in their language to express the
defect in the faculty of speech.
The insane (“bindahko”) are shackled hand and foot; and avowedly with
the design of cooling and soothing their passions, they are thrown
into the river, where they are immersed by practised swimmers. If this
remedy should prove of no effect, the patient is put into confinement,
and dieted by the relatives; but generally the lot of a maniac is far
happier than that which befalls an aged man, however innocent. To
maintain the strength of invalids, certain kinds of flesh are
prescribed, and a particular value is attributed to the flesh of the
Gullukoo (_Tmetoceros abyssinicus_), a kind of rhinoceros hornbill,
which has a detestable flavour, as odious as hemlock.
The dialect of the people throughout the whole country exhibits very
little diversity; the best evidence for this is afforded by the
perfect uniformity of expression in every part of the land for all
natural objects whatever; whilst even in dealing with conceptions of
an abstract character, there is little fear of being misunderstood.
The language altogether has a harmonious ring, abounding in the vowel
sounds of _a_ and _o_, as the name of the people indicates; it is very
simple in its grammatical structure, and at the same time it presents
a great variety of terms for all concrete subjects. The vocabulary
that I compiled contained nearly one thousand distinct expressions.
[Sidenote: BONGO DIALECT.]
The etymology of connected words and the analysis of separate idioms
afford considerable interest, and transport the student right into the
ingenuous world of their natural life. The more common of our abstract
ideas such as _spirit_, _soul_, _hope_, and _fear_, appear to be
absolutely wanting, but experience shows that in this respect other
negro tongues are not more richly provided by nature. The labours of
missionaries in translating the Scriptures have notoriously introduced
into the written language a number of elevated idioms and of
metaphorical ideas which very probably in a few generations may be
more or less incorporated into the tongue, but to the student of
language who shall make the gleanings these introductions will be a
mere refuse, and the only subject of any scientific interest will be
the speech of the people as it was while it remained intact and
unaffected by innovation.
Instances of the indirect method which is employed on the part of the
Bongo to express any abstract idea may here be given. The monosyllable
“firr,” for example used in combination with other words, answers the
purpose of expressing any of the following ideas: will, love,
pleasure, taste, or speech. The true conception which would appear to
be the original force of the little word, is first the will, and then
the expression of that will by means of the tongue. The phrase for “I
wish it,” would be “firr nahamah,” which is literally, “The will is in
my stomach.”
Nor is it uninteresting to notice the various equivalents which are
found of one and the same word. “Mahee” means “lance” and “meat” in
general, and is a collective expression for antelopes of every kind;
“attamatta” is employed equally for what is “bitter” and what is
“annoying;” “dill” implies either a “shadow” or a “cloud;” “gimah” is
used indifferently for either “a son” or “a boy,” and “goah” for
either “a pit” or “deep.” “Helleleh” simply means “wind” or “air,” but
by reduplication “helleleh-helleleh,” implies whatever is “light.”
Either “rain” or “the sky” may be indicated by the word “hetorro,” and
“ndan” not merely signifies “night,” but is used for “to-day.” This
last mode of expression has been transferred from the African to the
Arabic of the Eastern Soudan, where “fee lehle” means either “by
night” or “this very day.”
The disposition which is ever manifested amongst the untutored
children of nature to represent certain animals by imitating the
sounds they utter, is extended amongst the Bongo to describe a variety
of inanimate object. As examples of this kind of nomenclature I may
mention “golongolo” as their name for a “bell,” “gohi” as their name
for a “cough,” “kulluluh” for a “ball,” and “marongonn” for “snoring.”
The name they give a “cat” is “mbriow” differing little in its
pronunciation from “mew.”
There is a kind of poetry which underlies many of their expressions,
and which invests some objects with a certain charm of indefiniteness;
thus for example they call a leaf “mbillee-kaggah,” “an ear of the
tree,” and a man’s chest they name “doah kiddi,” or “the capital of
the veins.”
The speech of a people is very often indicative of the predominating
character of their pursuits. By the name of “mony,” which originally
meant the common sorghum, which is the staple of their produce, the
Bongo, being an agricultural people, have come to denote not so much
the particular corn, as eatables of any description. They have,
moreover, adopted this word as the root of a verb which is conjugated.
In a way corresponding to this the Niam-niam, who are mainly addicted
to hunting, give a very comprehensive meaning to their word “push-yo,”
which signifies “meat.” Of almost infinite variety are the names of
the different individuals among the Bongo. I had opportunities of
making inquiries whilst I was measuring nearly a hundred of the
people, and I do not think that I found more than five names that
occurred more than once. As a regular rule parents name their children
after trees or animals, or some object in nature, and it is quite
exceptional for any personal peculiarity to be associated with the
appellation.
[Sidenote: INTERMINGLING OF RACES.]
In the labyrinth of African culture it is very difficult to
disentangle the hundred threads which lead up to the centre from which
they have been all unwound. Not a custom, not a superstition is found
in one part which is not more or less accurately repeated in another;
not one contrivance of design, not one weapon of war exists of which
it can be declared that it is exclusive property of any one race. From
north to south, and from sea to sea, in some form or other every
invention is sure to be repeated; it is “the thing that has been.” The
creative hand of Nature alone produces what is new. If we could at
once grasp and set before our minds facts that are known (whether as
regards language, race, culture, history, or development) of that vast
region of the world which is comprehended in the name of Africa, we
should have before us the witness of an intermingling of races which
is beyond all precedent. And yet, bewildering as the prospect would
appear, it remains a fact not to be gainsaid, that it is impossible
for any one to survey the country as a whole without perceiving that
high above the multitude of individual differences there is throned a
principle of unity which embraces well nigh all the population.
Such a conclusion has been amply borne out by the preceding
delineation of the Bongo, who form an element in that unity. We cannot
take a retrospect of the particulars which have been now detailed
about them, without the question arising as to which of the other
races of Central Africa most nearly resemble the Bongo. Any answer to
this question that could not be invalidated would afford hints
invaluable for the investigation of the latest movements among African
nations; but I must confess that I am only hazarding an opinion which
I cannot establish, when I name the countries about Lake Tsad as being
those in which the most marked similarity in habit to the Bongo might
be expected, and the tribes to which I would more particularly allude
are the Musgoo, the Massa, the Wandala, and the Loggon.
I conclude by repeating the comparison which I made at the beginning
between the existence of a people and a drop of water evaporating in
the sea. Ere long, the Bongo as a people will be quite forgotten,
superseded by a rising race. The time cannot be far off when this
race, so gifted and so impressionable, shall be known no more. The
domination over the people which is contemplated in Egypt cannot fail
to effect this result, and it is a destiny that probably awaits all
the rest of the African races. However much the Nubian may tyrannize,
he still leaves the poor natives a portion of their happiness. But
there is still a more distant future: after the Nubian comes the Turk,
and he takes all. Truly it is not without reason that the proverb
circulates in every district, “Where the Turk has been no grass will
grow.”
FOOTNOTES:
[28] Vide ‘Linguistische Ergebnisse einer Reise nach
Central Afrika,’ by Dr. G. Schweinfurth. Berlin: Wiegandt
and Hempsel, 1873.
[29] An illustration of this contrivance appears in
Petherick’s ‘Travels in Central Africa,’ vol. i. p. 255.
[30] For a pictorial representation of this scene, vide
vol. ii.
[31] Vide Petherick, ‘Egypt, the Soudan,’ &c., p. 395.
[32] Vide Chap. V. p. 206, _seq._
[33] The woodcut represents a vertical section of one of
these smelting-ovens.
[34] Petherick in his ‘Travels,’ vol. i. p. 164, refers to
this shrub, and designates one of its branches by the name
of “ebony.”
[35] Tremaux: ‘Voyage Pittoresque au Soudan.’ Tab. XIV.