1814--Sent to Bermuda--Operations in the Chesapeake--The River
Patuxent--Expedition to Washington--Town of Rappahannock--River
Rappahannock--Wedding Party--Commodore Robert Barrie, &c., &c.
The ship having undergone the necessary repairs, which was very heavy
work during the severe winter of 1813, towards the end of March we
sailed for Spithead, where we embarked three hundred and fifty marines,
and proceeded, in company with the _Tonnant_ (80), _Regulus_ (44), and
_Melpomene_ (38), _en flute_ to Bermuda, at which place we arrived
after a passage of eight weeks.
Nothing particular occurred on our voyage out, except my having the
measles very badly, which, not knowing what ailed me, I had driven
inwardly by cold bathing.
We remained at Bermuda until the 3rd of July, when, in company with
the _Asia_ (74), _Regulus_, and _Melpomene_, we proceeded to the
Chesapeake, and made Cape Henry on the 11th, and anchored in Synhaven
Bay. The following morning we proceeded up the Chesapeake, and on the
15th joined Rear-Admiral Cockburn in the _Albion_ (74), who was lying
at anchor, with two frigates, at the entrance of the river Patuxent.
I was placed under the orders of Captain J. Nourse, of the _Severn_
(44), and sent up the river Patuxent for the purpose of assisting to
blockade the American flotilla, under Commodore Barney, whose broad
pennant was flying in a sloop of eight guns, and who had under his
command seventeen gun-boats, each carrying a long 32, 24, or 18-pounder
in the bow, and a 32-pound carronade in the stern, and manned with a
crew of from sixty to seventy men.
We ran thirty miles up the river, to the village of Benedict, in
company with the _Severn_, _Ætna_, and _Manly_ (brig).
Rear-Admiral Cockburn proceeded with the others into the river Potomac
to annoy the enemy in that quarter. As we advanced, the gun-boats
retreated up the river to a town called Nottingham, twenty-five miles
above Benedict, where, from the shoalness of the water, we could
not follow them with the ships. During the time we continued in the
Chesapeake we had guard-boats rowing every night to prevent the Yankees
from trying the effect of their torpedoes or fire ships.
From the 17th of July until the 17th of August our time was taken up
in making incursions into different parts of the country, with 300
marines, attacking and, to use an American expression, “scaring the
militia,” getting fresh provisions, destroying their store-houses
and other public buildings, with the arms found there. Some of the
Americans used to say, “What did King George send you here from the
old country to come and scare us for? We don’t go to yours to frighten
you, I guess. Your confounded sarpents come and anchor in our waters;
then send their barges, full of armed men, who are pulling about day
and night, landing here and there, scaring us and our families very
considerably--tarnation seize them.” Our reply used to be, “You must
ask your President, Jim Madison: he invited us.”
A great many black slaves, with their families, used to take advantage
of our visits to come away with us. Some of their first exclamations
were, “Me free man; me go cut massa’s throat; give me musket,” which
many of them did not know how to use when they had it.
Another favourite expression, when we wanted them to work, was, “No, me
no work--me free man.” It was, therefore, necessary to explain to these
new freemen--which explanation, I fear, will frequently have to be
repeated in our West India colonies, with other arguments--that we must
all work and gain our livelihood by the “sweat of our brow,” whether
bond or free; but they considered work and slavery synonymous terms.[M]
Republicans are certainly the most cruel masters, and the greatest
tyrants in the world towards their fellow men. They are urged by the
most selfish motives to reduce every one to a level with, or even
below themselves, and to grind and degrade those under them to the
lowest stage of human wretchedness. But American liberty consists in
oppressing the blacks beyond what other nations do, enacting laws
to prevent their receiving instruction, and working them worse than
donkeys. “But you call this a free country, when I can’t shoot my
nigger when I like--eh?”
While on the coast of America we embarked from fifteen hundred to two
thousand slaves--the young men we formed into a black corps, and,
taking possession of the small islands of Tangiers, we drilled and
endeavoured to make our recruits of some use. The aged men, with the
women and children, were sent to Halifax, Nova Scotia, and from thence
a free colony was formed at the island of Trinadada, in the West Indies.
Towards the middle of July and the month of August some parts of this
coast are subject to tornadoes. We had one of them on the 25th of
July, which obliged us, although lying at anchor in a river, to let go
a second. The previous day and that morning had been extremely close
and sultry. The storm came on from the north-west, with the greatest
violence, accompanied by a few claps of thunder and vivid flashes of
lightning: such was its force that, although in smooth water, the ship
heeled so much over that our main-deck guns nearly touched the water;
and a fine schooner of seventy tons burthen, tender to the _Severn_,
with a long 18-pounder on board, at anchor near us, without topmasts,
her sails furled and gaffs on deck, was turned bottom upwards in a
moment, and one poor fellow drowned. Its fury was spent in about ten
minutes, but during its continuance we saw immense trees torn up by
the roots, barns blown down like card houses of children, and where
the strength of the current of wind passed scarcely anything could
withstand its violence. Trees and other things continued to be swept by
us for sometime, and when the tornado was over we observed, at a turn
of the river, so much large timber, lumber, and other articles floating
down the tide that my gallant senior officer, Captain Nourse, who is
since dead, poor fellow! thought at first it was the American flotilla
coming to attack us, and he was just on the point of returning to his
ship to prepare for a fight, he having come on board to dine with me,
when I discovered, by means of a spy-glass, the approaching flotilla
was perfectly harmless.
This circumstance was mentioned a short time afterwards to that _most
gallant_ officer, Captain Napier, who commanded the _Euryalus_,
but Charley would not believe that the force of wind could upset a
schooner of seventy tons, lying at anchor with all her sails furled,
with her gaffs on deck, and without even top-masts; however, on the
dashing, brilliant expedition, under Sir James Gordon, up the Potomac
to Alexandria, above Washington, he had an opportunity of judging
for himself when (part of a tornado passing across the bows of the
frigate) he saw in a moment both his bowsprit and fore-topmast broken
in two, like twigs.
Having heard that the enemy’s gun boats had moved down from Nottingham
towards Benedict, on the 10th August I was ordered to proceed twenty
miles up the river with five boats to reconnoitre. On landing I was
informed they had been there two days before, but that they had
returned to Upper Marlborough. On rowing up the river we fell in with
a canoe, containing one white man, who was pulling from Leonard creek
to the opposite shore; on seeing us he endeavoured to get to land, but
not being able to do so, jumped overboard and was drowned. We had every
reason to believe he was one of our deserters.
On the 13th I again went up the river to ascertain the movements of
Commodore Barney, but gained little information further than that he
was with the flotilla at Nottingham.
The next day we received an account of a party of American militia
having arrived in the woods, at the back of our watering-place, with
the intention of surprising some of our men; we therefore landed before
daylight between three and four hundred marines and seamen, headed by
Captain Nourse and myself, accompanied by Captain Coles, R.M., and
separated into four parties, with the hope of being able to cut some of
them off; but from the thickness of the woods and their knowledge of
the country, the enemy succeeded in getting away from us.
On one of our foraging excursions we were beset by a being so well
described by old Cobbet, in his “Cottage Economy,” ycleped “Methodist
parson,” who put on his canonicals, and began to whine and cant, and
wished to preach a sermon on peace. Captain Nourse very properly told
him to be off--that we must attend to our “calling” as well as he
to “his,” that Jim Madison had “called us,” and, therefore, we must
perform our duty.
About this time a private of the marines belonging to my ship did a
very gallant thing: to use an Irishism he surrounded three American
dragoons, and took them, horses and all, prisoners. His name was Pat
Gallaghen, or Gahagen. He effected this extraordinary feat in the
following manner:--whenever boats were sent for water a sergeant’s
party of marines accompanied them, it being necessary to post videttes
to watch for the approach of an enemy. The casks in the launch had been
filled, and all the party, except this man, who was placed near a stack
of hay, had withdrawn. While the picket, who had to descend a cliff
towards their boats, were out of sight, Pat observed five dragoons
ride down to the corner of a wood, near a gate; keeping his eye on
the party, he concealed himself behind the hay-rick, two of the men
remained inside the gate, a long musket-shot off, whilst the others,
after ascertaining, as they thought, that no _Britishers_ were near,
came galloping up to see the boats go off, and without observing the
sentry in his hiding place, halted. The marine, very bravely putting
his musket to his shoulder, called out--“You three d---- rascals, if
you do not immediately jump off your horses and deliver yourselves up
prisoners I’ll shoot the whole of you at once, for I have you all in a
line.” Off they got, and the sergeant at that moment shewing his head
above the cliff to recall the vidette, they were very quietly taken to
the beach, and themselves and horses brought safely on board.
This brave man, from his immoderate fondness of liquor, was unfit to
be promoted; therefore, all that could be done for him was to give him
the money arising from the sale of the horses. Now, here was a proper
subject for a medal or order of merit, which might have had the effect
of rousing his pride, and curing him of the baneful evil of drinking to
excess. But alas! it was the fashion to confer such distinctions on a
very few.
Look at the brave fellows who gained the battles of the Peninsula! With
the exception of Waterloo, no field was honoured with a medal.[N] Of
the navy, not a man below the rank of captain obtained any badge of
distinction, notwithstanding the many general engagements that took
place, and the numerous most daring boat expeditions met with the same
neglect. Since it was impossible to grant promotion in every instance,
this would have been an easy and gratifying mode of awarding the meed
of praise to many deserving individuals.
I am not particularly fond of France or of any foreign country, but I
must do the continental powers the justice to say they understand human
nature, and know when to reward their officers and men better than we
do. The practice of making their sentries carry arms to the veteran
with his medal or order of merit works wonders on the _morale_ of their
soldiers; and I do _most sincerely and conscientiously believe_ that,
had this plan been adopted in our army and navy during the late war,
not one half of the _desertions or punishments_ would have taken place
in either service.
It is revolting to honourable feeling to meet in society at home or
abroad, foreigners from nearly all nations covered with insignias or
medals; while we,--who have had the pleasure of beating them in every
part of the world, and which, with God’s blessing, should our king and
country need our services, we shall be too happy to do again,--have
neither.
On the 17th of August, the _Tonnant_ (80), Vice-Admiral Sir A.
Cochrane; _Royal Oak_ (74), Rear-Admiral P. Malcolm; several frigates
and smaller men-of-war, with twenty sail of transports, having on
board the 4th, 21st, 44th, and 85th Regiments of foot, and the marine
battalion, under Lieut.-Colonel Malcolm, joined the squadron under the
command of Rear-Admiral Cockburn, at the mouth of the river Patuxent.
The land forces were commanded by the gallant Major-General Ross.
We weighed on the morning of the 20th, and sailed up the river to
Benedict, where we landed the troops, which, including artillery,
sailors, and marines, did not muster more than 4500 men.
On the evening of the above day all the boats of the fleet, manned and
armed, divided into divisions and sub-divisions, of which I commanded
one, left the ships, advanced up the river towards Lower Marlborough
to attack the American gun-boats, under Commodore Barney, and likewise
to act on the right flank of our army. As we advanced, the enemy’s
flotilla retired sixty miles further up the river to a place called Pig
Point, where, in a most favourable position for defence, surrounded by
banks and narrow creeks, with a wooded country on one side, and hills
on the other, which were to have been lined with riflemen and other
troops, it was their intention to have awaited the attack.
Late in the evening of the 21st the boats reached Nottingham, when we
fired on a few American dragoons, and drove them out of the town. Our
army arrived a short time afterwards. The next day, at noon, we came up
with the vessels of the enemy, who on our approach set them on fire,
and blew them all up, except one, which, together with five merchant
schooners, we brought away. This service was performed with little loss
on our side, for the advance of our infantry had driven the Americans
from the woods, who had fallen back upon the main road to Washington.
One division of boats proceeded to Upper Marlborough to keep up a
communication with our army; the remainder occupied a position at Pig
Point to cover a retreat.
No sooner was the flotilla destroyed than the brave and dashing
Rear-Admiral Cockburn joined the troops, and marched with them to
attack the city of Washington.
This most gallant and daring affair was accomplished by 4500 British
infantry, after first beating an American army of more than four times
their own number, with their President, “Jim Madison,” at their head,
who appeared on the field of battle mounted upon a white horse, and
wearing a huge cocked hat. He addressed the American army previous to
the battle of Bladensburgh, and recommended them to do their duty and
fight well for the honour of their country, kill and make prisoners of
all the Britishers, and then, wishing them success, and saying fighting
was not in his province--he left that to the gallant generals who
understood the art of war--he put spurs to his horse, and rode off to
Washington to order refreshments and a grand _fête_ to be got ready at
the capital for the victorious army of the United States.
General Ross, Rear-Admiral Cockburn, and all the field officers of the
to-be-captured army, were to have been invited; but they forgot the
advice of Mrs. Grundy in her cookery book, “Catch your hare first.”
This is an absolute fact, for when our troops entered Washington the
evening of the battle, tables were very elegantly laid out in the rooms
of the President’s house, and wine placed in coolers ready iced, which
the _great politeness_ of the Americans left free for us to drink, for
fear their presence might prevent our people feeling quite at home and
at their ease.
But to return to the advance of our troops. No sooner did the enemy
see the steady and undaunted forward movement of part of the 4th, with
the whole of the gallant 85th Regiment,--commanded by two fine, brave,
dashing fellows, Colonel Thornton and Major Brown,--attempt to pass
the bridge over the river Potomac, “which they had left to allow the
Britishers to cross, that they might take them all prisoners” (the
Americans having destroyed all the others), than they opened a most
destructive fire from their heavy batteries of 24-pounders, which they
had thrown up to enfilade it, and which were commanded by a brave old
fellow of the United States’ Navy, Commodore Barney, who was wounded
and taken prisoner, and whose flotilla of gun-boats we had previously
destroyed at Pig Point, in the river Patuxent. He, however, made his
escape with seven or eight hundred seamen, joined the American army,
and was of great service in working and firing the guns in their field
batteries, which were supported by a very heavy fusilade of musketry.
The round and grape shot from the heavy guns in battery made fearful
gaps in the ranks of the advancing column, but, nothing daunted, they
gave three cheers, and rushed on in the most daring manner, which the
enemy observing, it created a panic amongst them, and they gave way,
declaring, I was informed, “that it was of no use their staying there
to be shot, for the Britishers did not mind being killed at all.” So
off they went, and never stopped until they got on the other side of
Washington.
The whole of the narrative of the attack on Washington and Baltimore
has been so ably and faithfully described by the gallant author of the
“Subaltern,” that I shall confine myself to our naval affairs, but I
thought the above anecdotes, which are not mentioned in his work, were
worth preserving to show the character of the natives.
After having been twelve days and nights in an open boat, I was not
sorry to return to my ship, but the moment the troops were re-embarked,
a difficult navigation down the river precluded all idea of rest.
The fag to officers and men of every description, during the whole of
the operations in the Patuxent, was very harassing, and the labour of
getting up to Baltimore without pilots, feeling our way with the lead,
whilst boats on each bow and one a-head were sounding also, gave little
time for respite. The heat of the weather too was very great, the
thermometer varying only from 79° to 82° in the shade, during most of
our severest services, which added much to the exhaustion.
On the 8th of September we again landed the troops, now reduced to four
thousand men, at a place called North Point, on the right hand side of
the Patapsco river, leading to Baltimore. It was unfortunate that we
ever attempted it, for most of the enemy’s army beaten at Washington
had been sent to strengthen the works, and the whole population were in
arms against us. The Americans seeing us approach, very wisely brought
out several large ships and sunk them in the channel, under the guns of
Fort Mac-Henry, which prevented the naval part of the expedition from
acting near enough to be of any use with their guns.
The only chance perhaps that might have given any hope of success was
the offer of the gallant Rear-Admiral Cockburn to make a dash with all
the boats of the fleet, and try and storm Fort Mac-Henry, keeping the
troops on board until the issue of this measure was decided. Could we
have once got possession of it, the little army might have been landed
with ease, and the place been our own in a few hours. But the higher
powers decided against his plan. Poor General Ross was killed, having
been shot by a rifleman from a tree. He was brought down, wrapped up
in a union jack, attended by his aide-de-camp; I placed the body in my
boat, and sent it on board. He was beloved and universally respected
by both the army and navy. By his untimely fall the little hope we
had of succeeding vanished, and although the gallant Brook did all
that a man could do, yet the strength of the enemy’s field-works
that they had thrown up was so great,--and there being ten to one
against us, intrenched as they were behind breast-works bristling with
cannon,--caused the admiral to request the army to fall back, and we
re-embarked them.
Just before Sir Alexander Cochrane left the Chesapeake some Americans
came on board of Sir Pultney Malcolm’s ship to treat for the exchange
of prisoners. Colonel Brook, and Captain Dix, who commanded the
_Menalaus_, frigate, were on board at the time. Boasting of their good
marksmen, Jonathan thought to be very witty by telling Captain Dix, who
was fat and broad made, “I guess, captain, you cover a deal of ground.
You had better not come on shore, for our riflemen can shoot a duck
through the head with a single ball at two hundred yards: therefore you
will stand no chance.” “Very probably they are good shots,” replied
Colonel Brook, “but you forget one thing--the poor duck was not a
soldier with a red jacket on his back, and a musket, with a bayonet at
the end of it, in his hand, ready to return the fire and use the steel.
That makes a deal of difference with regard to steady shooting.”
I was placed under the orders of Captain Robert Barrie, of the _Dragon_
(74), and left with him in the Chesapeake, having on board part of
Colonel Malcolm’s battalion of marines, commanded by Captain Coles of
that corps, a good and clever officer; the remainder were embarked
in other ships, while the fleet and transports, under Sir Alexander
Cochrane, proceeded out of the Chesapeake to the southward.
No sooner did our senior officer, Captain Robert Barrie, find himself
free to act according to his own able judgment, than, with a mind
capable of planning, and a heart as bold as a lion to execute, he
undertook all kinds of expeditions, or, as our commodore used to call
them, “shooting parties.” “Come,” he used to say, “we have not had a
shooting party this some time: I have just had information that a body
of Yankee militia, with a field-piece or two, are in such a place--we
must go and take it from them.” Boats were manned and armed--the marine
battalion, under Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm, about 400 strong, the
commodore always at their head, were put into them, and away we used to
go. Bang, bang from the field-pieces--a tiraillade from the American
musketry--three cheers and a dash from us, and the guns were ours: the
militia taking themselves off to the woods, and we dragging the guns
to our boats, frequently five, six, and seven miles, with an enemy’s
force, double and treble our numbers, looking at us. In short, during
the time we continued in the Chesapeake the American militia had no
sinecure, for they never knew where we intended to land, and we had too
much sense to go twice to the same place without an object in view.
At this period provisions of all kinds began to run short; it was
therefore necessary to put all hands on half allowance, and make
frequent excursions to try and procure flour and cattle.
On one of these foraging parties, the late Captain Tom Alexander, at
the head of 200 seamen and marines, did a very gallant thing: he was
attacked by 1,100 American troops,--with two squadrons of cavalry and
five field pieces,--while he was busy getting cattle; the enemy’s
horse made a charge, but not knowing that a swamp was between them
and Alexander’s party, the horses sank up to their chests in mud, and
began floundering about; he immediately commenced his fire upon them,
which put them to the right-about, leaving half-a-dozen dragoons, who
had been thrown from their horses, sticking with their heads in the
mud; some of the sailors mounted these fellows in a moment, and shoving
their heads deeper into the mire, there left them. After this, he
embarked his men with the exception of three, who were made prisoners,
and returned on board, leaving the cattle for a more convenient
opportunity.
The commodore, on the 1st of November, gave the following order to his
squadron in the Chesapeake:--
“H.M. Ship _Dragon_, Nov. 1st, 1814.
“Chesapeake Bay.
“The provisions of the squadron under my command getting extremely
low, and it being very uncertain at this advanced season of the
year when a supply can arrive, I find myself under the painful
necessity of placing the ship’s company and marine battalion on
short allowance.
“You are therefore to place the crew and marines on board your ship
upon half allowance, so as to make your provisions last for two
months from this date.
“You will signify to your crew that I trust it will not be
necessary to continue this restriction long, and that I shall
try by every means in my power to procure temporary supplies
from the enemy. In the meantime, I am satisfied their zeal for
their country’s cause will point out the absolute necessity
of persevering in the blockade of the Chesapeake to the last
extremity, and that the temporary privations they are reduced to
will be borne with the utmost cheerfulness.”
“(Signed) ROBERT BARRIE,
“Captain and Senior Officer.”
In November we proceeded up the river Rappahannock for the purpose of
attacking the American militia, 600 strong, who had some fieldpieces
posted at Farnham Church.
We first took the town of Rappahannock, driving the enemy out of it,
who ran away so fast that they dropped their colours, which we took.
On one side of them, under the American eagle, was this motto, “Death
or victory”; on the other, “Down with the tyrants.” However, they
were “scared” from death, and ran away from victory. We then attacked
the militia at Farnham Church, and captured two of their fieldpieces;
afterwards returning to Rappahannock we embarked some flour and
tobacco, and then retired down the river to our ships, without in the
least injuring the town.
We had with us on this expedition Major Brown, of the 85th Regiment,
who had been severely wounded at the battle of Bladensburgh, and on
the falling back of our army from Washington, he, with several other
officers and men, who were too ill to be removed, were left behind. He
was a fine gallant fellow, and now commands the 2nd Battalion of Rifles.
I must take this opportunity of confirming two statements of my gallant
friend Captain J. Scott, which he mentions in his memoirs. First,
with regard to the unjust accusation of plundering: all I can say is,
that I saw nothing of the kind, unless taking provisions when we were
starving upon half allowance may be called so; but on every principle
of war we were entitled to forage, and for which in many cases we paid.
The orders of both Admiral Cockburn and Captain Barrie were positive
against plundering.
With respect to the second, I can vouch for his account of the
poisoning the spirits at Benedict being perfectly true. In consequence
of what had taken place, if we wished to eat or drink anything that
was found in their houses placed out ready for us upon their tables,
we used to force the natives to eat a part first, that, in the event of
its being poisoned, they might die with the Britishers.
We used occasionally to purchase cattle from the Americans. The plan
agreed on was this: they were to drive them down to a certain point,
where we were to land and take possession; for the inhabitants being
all militiamen, and having too much patriotism to sell food to “King
George’s men,” they used to say, “put the money under such a stone or
tree, pointing to it, and then we can pick it up, and say we found it.”
More ways than one to cheat the old gentleman.
Having seen in some publications several comments upon our mode of
warfare in America, and no person yet ever having taken the trouble
to place the facts before the public in its different bearings, it is
high time that our side of the question should appear. According to the
old proverb, “there are always two sides to a story.” The truth of the
matter was this:--
At the commencement of hostilities, America invaded Upper Canada,
took York Town, and at the very beginning of a severe winter, having
first sacked the place, and turned the inhabitants out into the
snow to perish, burnt it to the ground. Had it been taken by storm,
after a severe resistance, the laws of war would have sanctioned the
proceedings; but the case was far different, little or no resistance
being made.
General Sir George Prevost wrote a letter of remonstrance, not only
to the American officer commanding the division, but also to the
Government, reprobating the mode of warfare they had just adopted, and
calling upon both to disapprove of it by a public manifesto, and punish
the parties concerned. An evasive answer was returned, and we got no
redress. Sir George Prevost sent copies of the correspondence to the
naval commander-in-chief, and retaliation was in consequence determined
upon; and that their Government might feel we had the power to repay
the favour they had conferred upon poor York Town, and other places,
we had orders to destroy all public buildings, and such private houses
also as had been fortified or fired from, inasmuch as they had been
placed in the light of a fortress; _and the blaze that burnt York, in
Upper Canada, reached Washington_.
This, and the endeavouring to destroy our men-of-war by torpedoes,--the
blowing up of Lieut. Geddes, and the barge’s crew of H.M. Ship
_Ramilies_ (74), by means of gun locks fixed in barrels of powder,
with lines made fast to casks of flour, biscuits, or other “notions,”
as Jonathan used to call them,--were among the causes which led to our
system of warfare.
Small vessels, called coasters, were laden in this manner:--the upper
part of the hold consisted of an assortment of all kinds, and the under
filled with casks of gunpowder; they were then placed directly in the
way of our ships at anchor off their harbours, their crews taking to
a boat and making their escape on shore when they observed our’s near
them in chase. A vessel of this kind was taken by the boat of the
_Ramilies_ (74), off New London, commanded by that most intelligent and
excellent officer, Sir Thomas Hardy, who, suspecting from the manner
she was thrown in his way that all was not right, had her anchored two
good cables’ length from his ship, and kept her there two or three
hours before he would allow any person to go on board, thinking that
by that time any mechanism invented for so diabolical a purpose would
explode. After the above period poor Lieut. Geddes, whom I knew well,
volunteered to go with the barge’s crew to examine the cargo very
carefully; Sir Thomas Hardy still felt doubtful, but was at length
induced by the repeated solicitations of Geddes to allow him to go,
but with particular injunctions to be careful. It is supposed that in
hoisting up a cask of flour or biscuits they pulled the line that was
made fast from it to the barrel of powder, the explosion immediately
took place, when a lieutenant, midshipman, and barge’s crew, sixteen in
number, some of the best men in the ship, were blown to atoms.
This fatal and melancholy catastrophe probably saved many of our
gallant countrymen, as well as some of our men-of-war, by acting as
a warning, and putting us on our guard against this _most dastardly_
method of carrying on the war.
The Americans had observed that several of our ships, the moment they
captured a coasting vessel, hauled her alongside to take out her
cargo, which frequently consisted of flour, biscuits, or other useful
articles. They, therefore, fitted out several explosion vessels on the
above plan, hoping thereby to blow up some of our seventy-four gun
ships or frigates, and very probably they would have succeeded with
any other except the _Ramilies_, but her wary captain, fortunately
suspecting some trick would be attempted, never suffered them to come
sufficiently near.
These circumstances combined brought about our visit to Washington. The
above is the real state of the case: it requires no comments, and every
just man must say they were rightly served.[O]
On the 10th November, I was ordered up to Sharp’s Islands, near
Baltimore, to cover the _Dragon’s_ tender and boats, that were sent
to capture the steam packet that went occasionally from thence to
French Town, but they arrived too late, she having crossed before they
arrived. However, they took several schooners and sloops, and the
packet from Baltimore to Elk Town.
On the 15th of December, Rear-Admiral Cockburn rejoined the squadron
from Bermuda, and gave us orders to proceed in company with the
_Dragon_ (74), and _Regulus_ (44), and a schooner, to the coast of
South Carolina. Having completed our provisions from a transport
brought by the admiral, we left the Chesapeake on the 18th of December,
which none of the squadron very much regretted, for the heavy north
gales and cold weather made our boat operations in the Chesapeake
anything but agreeable.