MR. JOSEPH STURGE took the chair, announcing that he did so in the
absence of the Earl of Shaftesbury, who was prevented from attending.
It was announced that letters had been received from the Duke of
Newcastle and the Earls of Carlisle and Shaftesbury, expressing their
sympathy with the object of the meeting, and their regret at being
unable to attend.
The Secretary, SAMUEL BOWLEY, Esq., of Gloucester, then read the
address, which was as follows:--
"MADAM: It is with feelings of the deepest interest that the committee
of the British and Foreign Antislavery Society, on behalf of themselves
and of the society they represent, welcome the gifted authoress of Uncle
Tom's Cabin to the shores of Great Britain.
"As humble laborers in the cause of negro emancipation, we hail, with
emotions more easily imagined than described, the appearance of that
remarkable work, which has awakened a world-wide sympathy on behalf of
the suffering negro, and called forth a burst of honest indignation
against the atrocious system of slavery, which, we trust, under the
divine blessing, will, at no distant period, accomplish its entire
abolition. We are not insensible to those extraordinary merits of Uncle
Tom's Cabin, as a merely literary production, which have procured for
its talented authoress such universal commendation and enthusiastic
applause; but we feel it to be our duty to refer rather to the Christian
principles and earnest piety which pervade its interesting pages, and to
express our warmest desire, we trust we may say heartfelt prayer, that
He who bestowed upon you the power and the grace to write such a work
may preserve and bless you amid all your honours, and enable you, under
a grateful and humble sense of his abundant goodness, to give him all
the glory.
"We rejoice to find that the great principles upon which our society is
based are so fully and so cordially recognized by yourself and your
beloved husband and brother--First, that personal slavery, in all its
varied forms, is a direct violation of the blessed, precepts of the
gospel, and therefore a sin in the sight of God; and secondly, that
every victim of this unjust and sinful system is entitled to immediate
and unconditional freedom. For, however we might acquiesce in the course
of a nation which, under a sense of its participation in the guilt of
slavery, should share the pecuniary loss, if such there were, of its
immediate abolition, yet we repudiate the right to demand compensation
for human flesh and blood, as (to employ the emphatic words of Lord
Brougham) we repudiate and abhor 'the wild and guilty fantasy that man
can hold property in man.' And we do not hesitate to express our
conviction, strengthened by the experience of emancipation in our own
colonies, that on the mere ground of social or political expediency, the
immediate termination of slavery would be far less dangerous and far
less injurious than, any system of compromise, or any attempt at gradual
emancipation.
"Let it be borne in mind, however,--and we record it with peculiar
interest on the present occasion,--that it was the pen of a woman that
first publicly enunciated the imperative duty of immediate emancipation.
Amid vituperation and ridicule, and, far worse, the cold rebuke of
Christian friends, Mrs. Elizabeth Heyrick boldly sent forth the
thrilling tract which taught the abolitionists of Great Britain this
lesson of justice and truth; and we honor her memory for her deeds.
Again we are indebted to the pen of a woman for pleading yet more
powerfully the cause of justice to the slave; and again we have to
admire and honor the Christian heroism which has enabled you, dear
madam, to brave the storm of public opinion, and to bear the frowns of
the church in your own land, while you boldly sent forth your matchless
volume to teach more widely and more attractively the same righteous
lesson.
"We desire to feel grateful for the measure of success that has crowned
the advocacy of these sound antislavery principles in our own country;
but we cannot but feel, that as regards the continuance of slavery in
America, we have cause for humiliation and shame in the existence of the
melancholy fact that a large proportion of the fruits of the bitter toil
and suffering of the slaves in the western world are used to minister to
the comfort and the luxury of our own population. When this anomaly of a
country's putting down slavery by law on the one hand, and supporting it
by its trade and commerce on the other, will be removed, it is not for
us to predict; but we are conscious that our position is such as should
at least dissipate every sentiment of self-complacency, and make us
feel, both nationally and individually, how deep a responsibility still
rests upon us to wash our own hands of this iniquity, and to seek by
every legitimate means in our power to rid the world of this fearful
institution.
"True Christian philanthropy knows no geographical limits, no
distinctions of race or color; but wherever it sees its fellow-man the
victim of suffering and oppression, it seeks to alleviate his sorrows,
or drops a tear of sympathy over the afflictions which it has not the
power to remove. We cannot but believe that these enlarged and generous
sympathies will be aroused and strengthened in the hearts of thousands
and tens of thousands of all classes who have wept over the touching
pages of Uncle Tom's Cabin. We have marked the rapid progress of its
circulation from circle to circle, and from country to country, with
feelings of thrilling interest; for we trust, by the divine blessing
upon the softening influence and Christian sentiments it breathes, it
will be made the harbinger of a better and brighter day for the
happiness and the harmony of the human family. The facilities for
international intercourse which we now possess, while they rapidly tend
to remove those absurd jealousies which have so long existed between the
nations of the earth, are daily increasing the power of public opinion
in the world at large, which is so well described by one of our leading
statesmen in these forcible words: 'It is quite true, it may be said,
what are opinions against armies? Opinions, if they are founded in truth
and justice, will in the end prevail against the bayonets of infantry,
the fire of artillery, and the charges of cavalry.' Responding most
cordially to these sentiments, we rejoice with thanksgiving to God that
you, whom we now greet and welcome as our dear and honored friend, have
been enabled to exemplify their beauty and their truth; for it is our
firm conviction that the united powers of Europe, with all their
military array, could not accomplish what you have done, through the
medium of public opinion, for the overthrow of American slavery.
"The glittering steel of the warrior, though steeped in the tyrant's
blood, would be weak when compared with a woman's pen dipped in the milk
of human kindness, and softened by the balm of Christian love. The words
that have drawn a tear from the eye of the noble, and moistened the
dusky cheek of the hardest sons of toil, shall sink into the heart and
weaken the grasp of the slaveholder, and crimson with a blush of shame
many an American citizen who has hitherto defended or countenanced by
his silence this bitter reproach on the character and constitution of
his country.
"To the tender mercies of Him who died to save their immortal souls we
commend the downcast slaves for freedom and protection, and, in the
heart-cheering belief that you have been raised up as an honored
instrument in God's hand to hasten the glorious work of their
emancipation, we crave that his blessing, as well as the blessing of him
that is ready to perish, may abundantly rest upon you and yours. With
sentiments of the highest esteem and respect, dear madam, we
affectionately subscribe ourselves your friends and fellow-laborers."
PROFESSOR STOWE was received with prolonged cheering. He said, "Besides
the right which I have, owing to the relationship subsisting between us,
to answer for the lady whom you have so honored, I may claim a still
greater right in my sympathy for her efforts. [Hear!] We are perfectly
agreed in every point with regard to the nature of slavery, and the best
means of getting rid of it. I have been frequently called on to address
public meetings since I have been on these shores, and though under
circumstances of great disadvantage, and generally with little time, if
any, for preparation, still the very great kindness which has been
manifested to Mrs. Stowe and to myself, and to our country, afflicted as
it is with this great evil, has enabled me to bear a burden which
otherwise I should have found insupportable. But of all the addresses we
have received, kind and considerate as they have all been, I doubt
whether one has so completely expressed the feelings and sympathies of
our own hearts as the one we have just heard. It is precisely the
expressions of our own thoughts and feelings on the whole subject of
slavery. As this is probably the last time I shall have an opportunity
of addressing an audience in England, I wish briefly to give you an
outline of our views as to the best means of dealing with that terrible
subject of slavery, for in our country it is really terrible in its
power and influence. Were it not that Providence seems to be lifting a
light in the distance, I should be almost in despair. There is now a
system of causes at work which Providence designs should continue to
work, until that great curse is removed from the face of the earth. I
believe that in dealing with the subject of slavery, and the best means
of removing it, the first thing is to show the utter wrongfulness of the
whole system. The great moral ground is the chief and primary ground,
and the one on which we should always, and under all circumstances,
insist. With regard to the work which has created so much excitement,
the great excellence of it morally is, that it holds up fully and
emphatically the extreme wrongfulness of the system, while at the same
time showing an entire Christian and forgiving spirit towards those
involved in it; and it is these two characteristics which, in my
opinion, have given it its great power. Till I read that book, I had
never seen any extensive work that satisfied me on those points. It does
show, in the most striking manner, the horrible wrongfulness of the
system, and, at the same time, it displays no bitterness, no unfairness,
no unkindness, to those involved in it. It is that which gives the work
the greater power, for where there is unfairness, those assailed take
refuge behind it; while here they have no such refuge. We should always
aim, in assailing the system of slavery, to awaken the consciences of
those involved in it; for among slaveholders there are all kinds of
moral development, as among every other class of people in the world.
There are men of tender conscience, as well as men of blunted
conscience; men with moral sense, and men with no moral sense whatever;
some who have come into the system involuntarily, born in it, and others
who have come into it voluntarily. There is a moral nature in every man,
more or less developed; and according as it is developed we can, by
showing the wrong of a thing, bring one to abhor it. We have the
testimony of Christian clergymen in slave holding states, that the
greater portion of the Christian people there, and even many
slaveholders, believe the system is wrong; and it is only a matter of
time, a question of delay, as to when they shall perform their whole
duty, and bring it to an end.[I] One would believe that when they saw a
thing to be wrong, they would at once do right; but prejudice, habit,
interest, education, and a variety of influences check their aspirations
to what is right; but let us keep on pressing it upon their consciences,
and I believe their consciences will at length respond. Public sentiment
is more powerful than force, and it may be excited in many ways.
Conversation, the press, the platform, and the pulpit may all be used to
awaken the feeling of the people, and bring it to bear on this question.
I refer especially to the pulpit; for, if the church and the ministry
are silent, who is to speak for the dumb and the oppressed? The thing
that has borne on my mind with the most melancholy weight, and caused me
most sorrow, is the apparent apathy, the comparative silence, of the
church on this subject for the last twenty or five and twenty years in
the United States. Previous to that period it did speak, and with words
of power; but, unfortunately, it has not followed out those words by
acts. The influence of the system has come upon it, and brought it, for
a long time, almost to entire silence; but I hope we are beginning to
speak again. We hear voices here and there which will excite other
voices, and I trust before long they will bring all to speak the same
thing on this subject, so that the conscience of the whole nation may be
aroused. There is another method of dealing with the subject, which is
alluded to in the address, and also in the resolution of the society, at
Exeter Hall. It is the third resolution proposed at that meeting, and I
will read it, and make some comments as I proceed. It begins, 'That,
with a view to the correction of public sentiment on this subject in
slaveholding communities, it is of the first importance that those who
are earnest in condemnation of slavery should observe consistency, and,
therefore, that it is their duty to encourage the development of the
natural resources of countries where slavery does not exist, and the
soil of which is adapted to the growth of products, especially cotton,
now partially or chiefly raised by slave labor.' Now, I concur with this
most entirely, and would refer you to countries where cotton can be
grown even in your own dominions--in India, Australia, British Guiana,
and parts of Africa. But it can be raised by free labor in the United
States, and indeed it is already raised there by free labor to a
considerable extent; and, provided the plan were more encouraged, it
could be raised more abundantly. The resolution goes on to say, 'And
though the extinction of slavery is less to be expected from a
diminished demand for slave produce than from the moral effects of a
steadfast abhorrence of slavery, and from an unwavering and consistent
opposition to it,' &c. Now, my own feelings on that subject are not
quite so hopeless as here expressed, and it seems to me that you are not
aware of the extent to which free labor may come into competition with
slave labor. I know several instances, in the most slaveholding states,
in which slave labor has been displaced, and free labor substituted in
its stead. The weakness of slavery consists in the expense of the
slaves, the great capital to be invested in their purchase before any
work can be performed, and the constant danger of loss by death or
escape. When the Chinese emigrants from the eastern portion of their
empire came to the North-western States, their labor was found much
cheaper and better than that of slaves. I therefore hope there may be a
direct influence from this source, as well as the indirect influence
contemplated by the resolution. At all events, it is an encouragement to
those who wish the extinction of slavery to keep their eyes open, and
assist the process by all the means in their power. The resolution
proceeds: 'This meeting would earnestly recommend, in all cases where it
is practicable, that a decided preference should be given to the
products of free labor by all who enter their protest against slavery,
so that at least they themselves may be clear of any participation in
the guilt of the system, and be thus morally strengthened in their
condemnation of it.' To that there can be no objection; but still the
state of society is such that we cannot at once dispense with all the
products of slave labor. We may, however, be doing what we
can--examining the ways and methods by which this end may be brought
about; and, at all events, we need not be deterred from self-denial, nor
shrink before minor obstacles. If with foresight we participate in the
encouragement of slave labor, we must hold ourselves guilty, in no
unimportant sense, of sustaining the system of slavery. I will
illustrate my argument by a very simple method. Suppose two ships arrive
laden with silks of the same quality, but one a pirate ship, in which
the goods have been obtained by robbery, and the other by honest trade.
The pirate sells his silks twenty per cent. cheaper than the honest
trader: you go to him, and declaim against his dishonesty; but because
you can get silks cheaper of him, you buy of him. Would he think you
sincere in your denunciations of his plundering his fellow-creatures, or
would you exert any influence on him to make him abandon his dishonest
practices? I can, however, put another case in which this inconsistency
might, perhaps, be unavoidable. Suppose we were in famine or great
necessity, and we wished to obtain provisions for our suffering
families: suppose, too, there was a certain man with provisions, who, we
knew, had come by them dishonestly, but we had no other resource than to
purchase of him. In that case we should be justified in purchasing of
him, and should not participate in the guilt of the robbery. But still,
however great our necessity, we are not justified in refusing to examine
the subject, and in discouraging those who are endeavoring to set the
thing on the right ground. That is all I wish, and all the resolution
contemplates; and, happily, I find that that also is what was implied in
the address. I may mention one other method alluded to in the address,
and that is prayer to Almighty God. This ought to be, and must be, a
religious enterprise. It is impossible for any man to contemplate
slavery as it is without feeling intense indignation; and unless he have
his heart near to God, and unless he be a man of prayer and devotional
spirit, bad passions will arise, and to a very great extent neutralize
his efforts to do good. How do you suppose such a religious feeling has
been preserved in the book to which the address refers? Because it was
written amid prayer from the beginning; and it is only by a constant
exercise of the religious spirit that the good it had effected has been
accomplished in the way it has. There is one more subject to which I
would allude, and that is unity among those who desire to emancipate the
slave. I mean a good understanding and unity of feeling among the
opponents of slavery. What gives slavery its great strength in the
United States? There are only about three hundred thousand slaveholders
in the United States out of the whole twenty-five millions of its
population, and yet they hold the entire power over the nation. That is
owing to their unbroken unity on that one matter, however much, and
however fiercely, they may contend among themselves on others. As soon
as the subject of slavery comes up, they are of one heart, of one voice,
and of one mind, while their opponents unhappily differ, and assail each
other when they ought to be assailing the great enemy alone. Why can
they not work together, so far as they are agreed, and let those points
on which they disagree be waived for the time? In the midst of the
battle let them sink their differences, and settle them after the
victory is won. I was happy to find at the great meeting of the Peace
Society that that course has been adopted. They are not all of one mind
on the details of the question, but they are of one mind on the great
principle of diffusing peace doctrines among the great nations of
Europe. I therefore say, let all the friends of the slave work together
until the great work of his emancipation is accomplished, and then they
will have time to discuss their differences, though I believe by that
time they will all think alike. I thank you sincerely for the kindness
you have expressed towards my country, and for the philanthropy you have
manifested, and I hope all has been done in such a Christian spirit that
every Christian feeling on the other side of the Atlantic will be
compelled to respond to it."
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