CHAPTER VII

THE PARISH CHURCH SERVICES

As the church was from the earliest times the centre of the parish, and

the priest the head of his flock and the chief person--the parson--of

the district, it is natural to look for the first indications of all

parochial life in the church itself. From the cradle to the grave, as

it has often been said, through the clergy, religion extended its care

to every soul, and exerted its influence over man, woman, and child

in every parochial district, mainly by means of the Church services

and the administration of the Christian Sacraments. In this and the

following chapter it is proposed to examine the nature and extent of

these influences in pre-Reformation parochial life.

_Daily Mass._--In the first place it is proper to speak of the

perpetual round of prayer and Eucharistic sacrifice known as the daily

Mass. Archbishop Cranmer, in his works on the “Supper,” testifies

to the devotion of the people generally to their morning Mass. He

represents them as “saying, ‘This day have I seen my Maker;’ and ‘I

cannot be quiet except I see my Maker once a day.’” The Mass was

regarded, as the author of _Dives and Pauper_ says, as “the highest

prayer that holy church can devise for the salvation of the quick and

the dead,” in which “the priest offereth up the highest sacrifice and

the best offering that any heart can devise, that is Christ, God’s Son

in Heaven, under the form of bread and wine.”

According to Lyndwood’s gloss on Archbishop Peckham’s Constitution,

every priest in those days was supposed to offer up his Mass as

frequently as possible, unless he was prevented by some bodily

infirmity, or some personal and adequate reason made him abstain from

daily celebration. In that case, very frequently, the parishioners

would themselves provide for the morning Mass to be said by some paid

chaplain. In one case, in the diocese of London, in the fourteenth

century, the people seriously complain to their bishop that their vicar

will not secure the services of a chaplain and a clerk, for whom they

had agreed to pay, to give them Mass “every day.”

At Henley-on-Thames, in 1482, “the Mayor and Commonalty” arranged

that the priest of the altar of the Blessed Virgin Mary should say

Mass every day at 6 a.m., and the chantry priest of St. Katherine’s

at 8 o’clock. In large churches, where there were many chaplains and

chantry priests, the Masses followed one another continuously: thus,

for example, at Lincoln Cathedral the early morning Mass was said at 5

o’clock each day in St. Chad’s Chapel, but the chaplain, whose duty it

was to say it, was not bound to be at midnight Matins. The same may be

said of Lichfield. The other daily Masses were to be each hour, from 6

a.m. till 10, when the High Mass was begun. After the consecration of

this sung Mass, the last daily Mass, intended for travellers, was to be

begun.

These early morning Masses were called by various names, of which

“Morrow Mass” and “Jesu Mass” were the most common. In the Chantry

Certificates a great number of entries of parcels of lands, etc., for

the support of some daily Mass in the early morning, show how popular

this service was in pre-Reformation days. In one place, in the county

of Nottingham, the chantry suppressed is declared to have been founded

for a priest “to say Mass every morning before sonne rysing, for such

as be travellers by the way, and to maintain God’s service there; which

town is also a thoroughfare towne.” At Barnards’ Castle, the Guild of

Holy Trinity paid for a priest “to say Mass daily at six o’clock in

the morning, and to be resident at Matins, Mass, and Evensong, and to

keep a free grammar school and a song school for all the children of

the town.” At Ipswich, “Mr. Alfrey’s chantry was founded for a priest

to sing the ‘Morowe Mass,’ in the parish church at St. Matthew;” whilst

at Newark the chantry priest of St. Mary Magdalene’s had to say Mass

for the people at 4 o’clock in the morning. Most of the instances

recorded show that the “Morrow Mass,” whether at daybreak or at 4 or

5 or 6 o’clock, was endowed by benefactors with the revenues of lands

or tenements. Sometimes, however, the stipend of the priest was paid

by money collected for the purpose from the parishioners. At Bury St.

Edmunds, for instance, the greater part of the necessary money for

the early-mass priest was “gathered wekely of the devotion of the

parishioners.” The churchwardens’ accounts of St. Edmund’s and St.

Thomas’s, Salisbury, show that a certain “fraternity” paid for a priest

to say “the Morrow Masse of Jesus,” they also paid for a torch and 6

lbs. of tallow candles for “the said Morrowe Masse prest in Wynter.” In

the parish of St. Peter-Cheap, London, the Wardens paid the stipend for

a curate to say Mass every morning at six o’clock, and the wages of a

clerk to serve him.

At St. Martin’s Outwich, London, the sum of 33_s._ 4_d._ was found each

half-year as the reward of the priest who said the Morrow Mass. In

1472, one of the parishioners of St. Mary-at-Hill, London, left to the

churchwardens of the church certain lands and houses to find a priest

to say Mass daily, “immediately after the morowe masse, in the said

church of St. Mary, to be sung, yf the morowe masse in the same chirche

be continued as heretofore it was wont to be and now is used, or ellse

in defaute of the same morowe masse, that my said Prieste syng daily

reasonable tymely his masse in stede and tyme of the morrowe masse....”

Then, after saying that this chaplain will, of course, assist at all

the church services, the donor adds: “also that the said Priest say

every werkeday in the said Chirch of Seynt Mary atte hill, his matens,

pryme and hours, evensong and complene and all his other prayers and

services, by hymself or with his felowes preestes of the same chirch.”

In this church also the accounts show that the wardens paid one of the

priests an extra fee of 5_s._ a quarter for taking the “Morowe Masse.”

At St. Mary Woolnoth, to take but one more example, Symonde Eyre,

sometime Mayor of London, and draper, established a fraternity of our

Blessed Lady St. Mary the Virgin. There was to be a “Mass by note” and

also “two psalms by note,” one in honour of Our Lady, the other in

honour of St. Thomas of Canterbury, to be sung by a priest, clerk, and

children. To pay for this he gave the tavern called the “Cardinal,”

etc. In 1492 the property was found not to be sufficient to support

this, and another parishioner, Sir Hugh Bryce, alderman and goldsmith,

left to the churchwardens other property to maintain this custom,

namely, 6_s._ 8_d._ more to the priest, and 20_s._ “for that the clerk

shall daily kepe an anthem or _Salve_ before the Crucifix in the body

of the said Church, with _Aves_ of our Lady.” The Masses are to be sung

as follows: every Monday, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday a Mass of Our

Lady; every Wednesday a “Missa de Requiem;” and every Friday a Mass “in

honour of the glorious name of Jesus....”

[Illustration: ORGAN--TWELFTH CENTURY]

It may, then, be taken as certain that, generally speaking, Mass was

celebrated daily in most of the parish churches. It is equally certain

that this was fairly attended by those whose duties permitted them to

be present. The _Prymer_ of 1538, in giving the duties of the week,

thus speaks of Monday:--

“Monday men ought me for to call,

In which good werkes ought to begin;

Heryng masse, the first dede of all,

Intendyng to fle deadly syn.”

So, too, _The Young Children’s Book_, which is dated about A.D. 1500,

takes for granted that those to whom the author addresses his lines

will go to their morning Mass.

“Aryse be tyme oute of thi bedde,

And blysse thi brest and thi forhede,

Then wasche thi handes and thi face,

Keme thi hede, and aske God grace

The to helpe in all thi werkes;

Thou schall spede better what so thou confes,

Then go to ye chyrche, and here a masse.”

Andrew Borde also, in his _Regyment_, says that after rising and

dressing, “then great and noble men doth use to here Masse, and other

men that can not do so, but must apply theyr busyness, doth serve

God with some prayers, surrendrynge thankes to hym for hys manyfolde

goodnes, with askynge mercye for theyr offences.” In the Introduction

to _The Lay Folks Mass Book_ Canon Simons has gathered together a

considerable number of authorities for holding that people were

supposed to hear their daily Mass, with the exception of those “common

people,” who were employed on work and could only be present on the

Sundays and holidays. In Wynkyn de Worde’s _Boke of Kervynge_ the

chamberlain is instructed “at morne” to “go to the chyrche or chapell

to your soveraynes closet and laye carpentes and cuysshens and pute

downe his boke of prayers, then drawe the curtynes.” And so, too,

Robert of Gloucester says of William the Conqueror, reflecting the

manners of the time in which he himself wrote: “In chyrche he was

devout ynou, for hym non day abyde that he na hurde masse and matyns

and evenson[g] and eche tyde.” And Canon Simmons adds--

“But that the rule of the church was not a dead letter is perhaps most

unmistakably shown by the matter-of-course way in which hearing mass

before breaking fast is introduced as an incident in the everyday

life of knights and other personages in works of fiction, which,

nevertheless, in their details were no doubt true to the ordinary

habits of the class they intended to portray....”

For example, in _Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight_ Gawayne, after the

lady has kissed him--

“Dos hir forth at ye dore, with outen dyn more

And he ryches him to ryse and rapes hym sone,

Clepes to his chamberlayn, choses his wede

Bozez forth, quen he watz boun, blythely to Masse

And thenne he meued to his mete, that menskly hym keped.”

And so again the lord hears Mass before he eats, and goes hunting at

daybreak--

“Ete a sop hastyly, when he hade herde Masse

With bugle to bent felde he buskez by-lyve.”

The Venetian traveller, who at the beginning of the sixteenth century

wrote his impressions of England, was struck by the way in which the

people attended to their religious duties in this matter of morning

Mass. “They all attend Mass every day, he writes, and say many

_Paternosters_ in public. The women carry long rosaries in their hands,

and any who can read, take the Office of Our Lady with them, and with

some companion recite it in church verse by verse, in a low voice,

after the manner of churchmen.” This story of English people going to

a daily Mass might perhaps be considered as one of the proverbially

curious stories told even by otherwise intelligent strangers from

foreign countries, were it not that it is confirmed by the assertion

of another Venetian some years later. This latter declares that every

morning “at daybreak he went to Mass arm-in-arm with some nobleman or

other.”

[Illustration: LOW SIDE WINDOW, BARNARD CASTLE, DURHAM]

Even in the case of those whose business kept them from the church

itself, it is probable that they were united in spirit to the great

act of worship which was being offered in God’s house, in their

name as well as in that of all those present. The bell known as the

Sanctus Bell, because it was rung at the saying of the Sanctus at the

beginning of the Canon of the Mass, and also at, what was considered

the most sacred time of the Sacrifice, the Consecration and Elevation

of the Elements, was intended to give notice to those working in the

fields or within reach of its sound, of these most solemn parts of

the Mass. Sometimes this bell was set in the rood beam, sometimes

in a turret rising from the chancel arch, and sometimes from the

nave gable. Occasionally it was of considerable size; but apparently

more frequently it was small, and rung by hand. Even then, however,

according to some antiquaries, the clerk or server rang the hand-bell

out of the low side window, which is frequently still existing in

parish churches, in order to warn people outside that the Mass was

going on. That this was really the practice is hardly doubtful in view

of a Constitution of Archbishop Peckham, in 1281. He directs in this,

that “at the time of the Elevation of the body of Our Lord, a bell be

rung on one side of the church (_in uno latere_), that the people who

cannot be at daily Mass, no matter where they may be, whether in the

fields or in their homes, may kneel down, and so gain the indulgences

granted by many bishops” for this act of devotion.

The behaviour of the people in the church, and in particular during

Mass time, was a matter upon which in mediæval times all were carefully

instructed. Myrc, in his _Instructions for Parish Priests_, bids the

clergy tell their parishioners that on entering the house of God they

should leave outside “many wordes” and “ydel speche,” that they should

put away all vanity and “say their _Pater noster_ and _Ave_.” They are

to be warned not to stand about or loll against the pillars or the

wall, but kneel on the floor--

“And pray to God wyth herte meke

To give them grace and mercy eke.”

When the Gospel is read they are to stand up and, blessing themselves

at the _Gloria tibi, Domine_, they are to continue standing until the

reading is finished, and then they are to kneel down again. When they

hear the bell ring for the Consecration, all, “bothe young and olde,”

are to fall on their knees, and, holding up both their hands, pray

softly to themselves thus:--

“Jesu, Lord, welcome Thou be

In form of bread as I Thee see.

Jesu! for Thy holy name

Shield me to-day from sin and shame,” etc.,

or in some similar way. The most ordinary prayers to be used at this

time, according to the books of religious instruction then in vogue,

were the _Salve lux mundi_: “Hail, Light of the world, Word of the

Father; Hail thou true Victim, the living and entire Flesh of God made

true Man,” and the _Anima Christi, sanctifica me_, supposed by many

people to be a devotional prayer of more modern origin.

Besides attendance at the morning Mass, there is little evidence of any

other ordinary daily use of the church. It would be altogether wrong,

however, to conclude that God’s house, standing open as it did all the

day through, did not attract people to it for private and unrecorded

devotion. One or two chance references in documents, such as “Proofs

of age” and “Depositions,” seem to point to the fact that the churches

were, in fact, used during the day by people seeking Almighty God’s

guidance and help, by passing strangers, and by labourers returning

from their daily toil. It has already been pointed out that in the case

of a Chantry, the benefactor who founded it made it a condition that

the priest should recite his Breviary in the church either by himself

or with others. This practice was recommended to priests generally, and

there is no reason to suppose that it was not carried out by them.

“Let all the Ministers of the Church,” says Bishop Quevil, in 1287,

“be diligent and careful in saying the Divine Office. In the name of

the Holy Trinity we order every minister of the church, carefully,

devoutly, clearly, and entirely, without any cutting down, to sing

or say the night and day Divine Office appointed by General Council.

Let those who chant it remember to pause in the middle of the verse,

and let no one begin any verse before the other has finished the

verse preceding;” and, in regard specially to parish churches, the

same Constitution ordered that “parish priests shall not leave their

churches until on feast days and Holy days they shall have said the

canonical hours either before or after Mass: and that no priest say

his Mass before he has done his duty to his Creator by saying Matins

and Prime.”

In the same way, in 1364, the Synod of Ely, held by Bishop Simon

Langham, ordered that priests were to say the whole office in their

churches, and

“that all pastors of souls and parish priests, when they had finished

the recitation of their Office in their churches, shall apply

themselves diligently to prayer and the reading of Holy Scripture, in

order that, by a knowledge of the Scriptures, they may be ready, as

becomes their office, to satisfy any one who asks for the reason of

their faith and hope. Let them ever be earnest in the teaching and

the effect of Scripture on their work, like the poles in the rings of

the ark of the covenant, so that their prayer may be nourished and

rendered fruitful by assiduous reading as by their daily bread.”

In some of the larger parish churches a considerable portion of the

Divine Office, as well as the Mass, was sung daily. A note in the

churchwardens’ accounts of St. Michael’s, Cornhill, London, written in

1538, asks prayers for “Richard Atfield, sometime parson of the church

... for that he, with consent of the bishop, ordained and established

Mattins, High Mass, and Evensong to be sung daily, in the year 1375.”

This had been done regularly for 163 years, and the hours at which the

various services were held would appear to have been: Matins at 7

a.m., High Mass at 9, and Evensong on work-days at 2 p.m.

In many of the larger churches, also, benefactors or fraternities had

arranged for the singing of a _Salve_ or other anthem of Our Lady in

the evening time at her altar or statue. At these times also tapers

would usually be lit in honour of Christ’s holy Mother. In the church

of St. Mary-at-Hill, for example, in 1353, the practice existed, for

in that year a parishioner left money to support a priest, and among

his duties it is said “that he be every day in the same chirch after

evensong, at the time of syngyng of _Salve Regina_, and that he sing

the same, or else help the syngers after his cunnyng, in honour of

our blessed lady the Virgin.” At other places, as at St. Edmund’s,

Salisbury, for instance, the singing of the _Salve_ was only undertaken

at stated times. In this case the Fridays in Lent were apparently

chosen for this evening hymn to Our Lady.

Chaucer, in _The Prioress’s Tale_, makes a little boy, who doubtless

had taken his part in this, ask his older schoolfellow what another

such anthem of Our Blessed Lady meant--the _Alma Redemptoris_.

“Noght wiste he what this Latin was to seye,

For he so yong and tendre was of age;

But on a day his felow gon he preye

T’ expounden him this song in his longage,

Or telle him why this song was in usage.

* * * * *

“His felow, which that elder was then he,

Answerede him thus: ‘This song, I have herd seye

Was maked of our blisful Lady free,

Hir to salue, and eek hir for to preye

To been our help and socour when we deye.’

* * * * *

“‘And is this song maked in reverence

Of Christe’s moder?’ seyde this innocent:

‘Now, certes, I wol do my diligence

To conne it all eer Christemasse is went.’”

_Sunday in the Parish Church._--It is time to pass to the consideration

of what took place in the mediæval parish church on the ordinary

Sundays of the year. In the _Prymer_ of 1538 are to be found some

verses called _The Dayes of the Weke Moralysed_, in which the duty of

the Christian in regard to Sunday is thus set forth:--

“I am Sonday ye honourable,

The hede of all the weke dayes.

That day all thyng labourable

Ought to rest and gyve lawd and prayers

To our Creatour, that alwayes

Wuolde have us rest after travayle

Man-servant and thy beeste he sayes

And the other or thyn avayle.”

The first question that arises is as to the attendance of the people at

the Matins which preceded the parochial Mass. It would seem to be quite

certain that even in the smallest churches on Sundays and Holy days the

Office was recited by the priests, or, in the cases where there was

only one, by the priest and his clerk in the early morning. Further,

from the various directions and instructions given to the people, it

seems practically certain that they were not only expected to be at the

Matins, but, as far as possible, were actually present at them.

The evidence of the various Visitations shows that even the smallest

churches were expected to be provided by the rector with the Matin

books. For example, in the Visitation of churches in the diocese

of Exeter, in 1440, there were constant notes as to the “_libri

matutinales_” being in need of repair, or being “sufficiently good.”

In one case it is stated that the rector had built a new chancel, had

done much to the rectory house, and had “provided good Matin books.” In

another the rector is said to have “hired a scribe to write new books.”

In the same diocese, in 1301, it was made an article of complaint, by

the parishioners of Colebrooke, at the Visitation, that their vicar did

not “sing Matins on the Greater Feasts with music” (_cum nota_), and

that he “only said Mass every other day.” The general orders for the

provision of books for this service in the Constitutions of the English

Church is sufficient evidence that the service was faithfully said or

sung.

Myrc, in his _Instructions_, says that--

“The holy day only ordeynet was

To here goddes serves and the Mas.

And spare that day in holynes

And leve alle other bysynes.”

And Langland, after saying that all business, hunting, and labour is

to stop on the Lord’s day, says, “And up-on Sonedays to cease--godes

servyce to huyre, Bothe Matyns and Masse--and after mate, in churches

to huyre here evesong, every man ought.”

That this was really done, and moreover that the English practice was

to go to the parish church and hear Matins before breaking the morning

fast, appears in a passage of Sir Thomas More’s writings.

“Some of us laymen,” he says, “thinke it a payne ones in a weeke to

ryse so soon fro sleepe, and some to tarry so long fasting, as on

the Sonday to com and hear out they Matins. And yet is not Matins in

every parish, neyther, all thynge so early begonne norfully so longe

in doyng, as it is in the Charterhouse, ye wot wel.”

In a fifteenth-century book of instructions there are given as

practical examples of the vice of sloth--

“When a man castis hym to leze in reste; to slepe mekell; to be long

in bed, late comyng to God’s service; havyng non savour nor swetnes

in prechyng, nor in bedys byddyng, nor no devocyon in Matynes nor in

Evesong.”

It is somewhat difficult to obtain any exact information as to the

time when Matins were said or sung in the English parochial churches.

That the service was begun at an early hour we must suppose, even if

we had not the authority of Sir Thomas More for the fact. To conclude

from the case of St. Michael’s, Cornhill, just quoted, it may be judged

that the hour for Matins was at 6 or 7 in the morning, and that High

Mass would commence at 9 or 10. An interval between was thus left,

during which the parishioners would have time to return home and break

their fast. If the occupation of two hours or so on a Sunday morning,

and another service in the afternoon, may appear somewhat excessive

to our modern notions, we must bear in mind that it was in those days

clearly understood and accepted as a first principle of religion that

the meaning of the Sunday rest and freedom from work was, in the first

place, that the Christian, who was occupied all the rest of the week

mainly in temporal affairs, might have time to attend to the things of

his soul. His chief duty on the Sunday was, as one of the Synodical

Constitutions puts it, “to hear divine service and Holy Mass, to pray

and to listen to the voice of the priest instructing him in his belief

and duty.”

The parochial, or High Mass, as the chief sung Mass was called, was

preceded on each Sunday by the public and solemn blessing of the holy

water. For this ceremony the priest, who was about to celebrate the

Mass, came to the entrance of the chancel, accompanied by the deacon

and subdeacon--if there were any such ministers; if not, by the clerks

and servers carrying the platter of salt and the manual, and by the

_aquæbajularius_ holding the vat of water to be blessed. From the

earliest times of English Christianity the people had been taught to

use this water and salt mingled together with the Church’s prayers,

that by it they might be reminded of the purity of heart necessary to

all God’s servants, and that, by virtue of the power of God invoked

in the prayers upon the water, His providence might watch over them

and defend them from all danger of body and soul. Pope St. Gregory the

Great had told St. Mellitus to bid our first apostle, St. Augustine,

make use of the old pagan temples, having first caused “holy water (to)

be blessed and sprinkled all over” them.

[Illustration: HOLY WATER VAT AND SPRINKLER]

In the same way the English people were taught to make use of the water

thus solemnly blessed on the Sunday in their midst. As far back as the

days of Archbishop Theodore, as appears in Thorpe’s _Ancient Laws_, it

was written: “Let the people sprinkle their houses with hallowed water

as often as they wish.” And in the porch of each parochial church a

small niche contained some of the consecrated water, with which those

coming to God’s house signed themselves, the while whispering a prayer

that they may be accepted as pure in the sight of the Most High.

On the Sunday, moreover, after the blessing was finished, the priest

and his assistants came to the foot of the altar, which was sprinkled

with newly blessed water. Then turning, he, in the same way, sprinkled

each of the assistants as they passed before him, and, last of all, if

there were no procession, he passed down the church casting the water

upon each altar he came to, and upon the people gathered in the nave.

If there was a procession, as seems generally to have been the case,

the assistants and clerks, with the servers, followed the celebrant

singing the anthems proper for the day. The parish processional cross

was carried first, with two servers bearing candles, and with the

thurifer and the clerk “water-bearer.” In the smaller churches, when

the weather permitted, no doubt the procession would wend its way

outside, and pass along, followed by the people, amidst the graves of

those former parishioners who had gone before, and who were taking

their long rest in God’s acre. It was during this Sunday visit, in all

probability, that the living offered their prayers for their dead, and

cast the blessed water upon their graves. Some of the wills of the

fifteenth century show how this practice was prized. In one will, for

instance, a citizen of York leaves a bequest to three priests to say

Masses for his soul, and asks that “each after his Mass should proceed

to his grave, say a _De profundis_ over it, and sprinkle it with holy

water.” Another citizen of the same city, and a merchant, provided for

a priest to visit his grave daily and to cast the blessed water upon it.

To return to the procession. On coming back to the church, or, if there

had been no procession, when the sprinkling of the church had been

finished, the clergy and assistants in cathedrals, gathered round the

celebrant in front of the great rood at the entrance of the choir for

the _bidding prayer_. This was, in smaller parochial churches, however,

given out from the pulpit after the Gospel of the Mass, and will be

spoken of in connection with the Sunday sermon, to which a special

chapter must be devoted.

It is unnecessary to follow the Sunday congregation of a

pre-Reformation church through the singing of the parochial Mass.

The church itself, as the bequests in the wills of the fifteenth

century and other documents show, will have been gay with a profusion

of candles burning on the rood beam, on the altars, and before each

picture or shrine or image, whilst in many places the great “rowell,”

or candle-wheel, would have been lit up, and with its crown of candles

have added to the general appearance of festivity, which the people of

mediæval England loved so much to see in their churches.

At the end of the Mass a loaf of bread, called the “holy loaf,” or

“holy bread,” was brought into the chancel, and, after being blessed by

the priest, was cut into small pieces and distributed to the people.

Then all came up to the chancel steps and received the morsel from the

celebrant, whose hands they kissed. This blessed bread signified the

fraternal love that always ought to bind Christians together, and the

practice of distributing it at the principal Sunday Mass continued

until the religious changes in the reign of Edward IV. That the custom

should be restored to them was one of the demands of the Devonshire

insurgents in that reign. The churchwardens’ accounts contain many

references to this pious practice: the purchase of baskets for the

distribution of the bread, for instance, is recorded at St. Michael’s,

Cornhill, St. Mary the Great, Cambridge, at Cratfield, and elsewhere.

At Bromley, in Surrey, the churchwardens collected from the people the

money to furnish the bread. In 1523, for instance, they acknowledge

a collection of 2_s._ for this purpose, and double that amount the

following year. Evidently, however, the custom which still prevails in

France, of families taking it in turn to give the bread to be blessed,

was not unknown in England in pre-Reformation days. Dr. Rock quotes

from some churchwardens’ accounts of Stamford-in-the-Vale, Berks, to

show that the custom was revived in Queen Mary’s days. A piece of land

there, “called Gander’s,” provided at least a portion of the expense.

“The whole value of the chargis,” says the document, “comyth to

2½_d._ and it is thus divided. They offer to the curatis hand too

penyworth of bread with halfepeny candull--brought uppe to the preste

at the highe altar. Of the too penyworthe of breade they reserve

a halfepenny lofe whole for to be delyvered to the next that shul

geve the holy lofe, for a knowledge to prepare against the Sonneday

followyng.”

The remainder of the Sunday, with the exception of the time--from half

an hour to three-quarters--spent in taking part in the Evensong or

Vespers, which were probably sung about two or three o’clock in the

afternoon, was devoted to rest and reasonable recreation, about which

something will be said in a subsequent chapter. For the priest Sunday

was the day when by law he had to visit the aged, infirm, and sick in

his parish. “Let the priests,” says the Constitution of Gilbert, Bishop

of Chichester, in 1289, “see the sick every Sunday and feast day, and

let them visit them with diligence. Let them take heed that they make

no difficulty about attending to the sick at whatever hour they may be

asked for.” This same order is repeated in the Constitutions for the

Province of York in 1518, more than two centuries after.

From the earliest times work was prohibited on Sundays and holy days.

Lyndwood, in his gloss on the Constitution of Archbishop Chicheley

prohibiting on such days “all servile work in any city or place of the

Province of Canterbury,” explains at some length the nature of the

prohibition. When the work was genuinely necessary, as might be in

the case of a barber, or a blacksmith, or a cook, then it was excused

by the necessity, and did not come under the law. But where the work

could be done on another day, or could have been easily anticipated

or postponed, then it was prohibited by ecclesiastical law. This

applied to the fairs and markets, which were so often held on feast

days, and which the authorities in the fourteenth century were so much

concerned to suppress, and the prohibition affected as well those who

sold as those who bought at them. The Constitution of John Thoresby,

Archbishop of York in 1367, was the first order against the growing

practice of holding markets and fairs on the Sundays, and the misuse

of the cemeteries in this respect. The following year Archbishop Simon

Langham sent out a general monition for the Province of Canterbury, and

a special prohibition against certain abuses in the Isle of Sheppey,

where, “for the noise of the people, the solemnities of the Mass in

the church” were disturbed, and where, on account of the attraction of

the market, people were induced to neglect their duty of being present

at the Divine Service. The prohibition against selling and purchasing,

however, did not apply to the ordinary necessaries of life, as bread,

meat, etc., so long as the sale or purchase did not interfere with the

religious obligations of the parties, and did not prevent them from

going to church.

In another place the same canonist states, as he says, “briefly,” what

kind of work was to be considered “servile,” and as such was prohibited

to the people in mediæval England. This includes all mechanical,

agricultural, and mercantile work, as well as the holding of courts or

legal inquiries of every kind, unless “reasonable necessity or charity”

required that any such work should be undertaken. In the cause of

charity, however, it was held to be lawful on the holy days to assist

to till, etc., the lands of the really poor, after all religious duties

had been fulfilled. The obligation of resting from servile work on the

Sunday or festival was reckoned from the Vesper hour on the Saturday,

or the eve.

The instruction given to the people as to servile work was very clear

and well understood. In _Dives and Pauper_ it is thus put:--

“Every deadly sin is servile work, and such servile work God defendeth

every day, but most on the Holy day. For he that doth deadly sin

on the Holy day he doth double sin, for he doth sin and thereto he

breaketh the Holy day against God’s precept. Also servile work is

called every bodily work done principally for lucre and worldly

winning, as buying, selling, sowing, mowing, reaping, and all craft

of worldly winning, also markets, fairs, sitting of Justices and of

Judges, shedding of blood and execution, of punishing by law, and

all works that should draw men from God’s service. Nevertheless, if

sowing, reaping, mowing, carting, and such other needful works (are

done) purely for alms, and only for heaven made, and for need of them

that they are done to on holy days, then are they not servile works

nor the holy day broken thereby. Nevertheless, on Sundays and great

feasts, such works should not be done, but if great need compel men

thereto and deeds of great charity.”

Then, after saying that certain tradesmen and merchants are permitted

the preparation of wares and foods that must be ready on the Monday,

the author of _Dives and Pauper_ proceeds: “Also messengers, pilgrims,

and wayfarers that might well rest without great harm are excused, so

that they do their duty to hear Matins and Mass, if they mown, for long

abyding in many journeys is costful and perilous.” Any tendency to grow

slack in the observance of the Sunday was noted, and strictly repressed

by the authorities. In one instance a bishop directs the priest to

put a stop to the shoemakers in his parish working on the Lord’s day,

as he has heard they did; in another an inquiry is ordered upon a

denunciation being made against an individual; and in a third a parson

is directed to denounce a parishioner from the pulpit for having been

proved to have worked without reason on a holy day.

Before concluding this brief sketch of the Sunday and week-day in an

English mediæval parish from the point of view of religion, notice must

be taken of one regular feature of that life--the Angelus. The Angelus

bell, the Ave bell, or the Gabriel bell, as it was variously called

in England, probably grew out of the Curfew, which originally was a

civil notification of the time to extinguish all lights; but in the

thirteenth century it was turned into a universal religious ceremony

in honour of Our Lord’s Incarnation and of His Blessed Mother. In 1347

Ralph de Salopia, Bishop of Bath and Wells, desired the cathedral

clergy to say, the first thing in the morning and the last thing at

night, five _Aves_ for all benefactors living or dead. Some few years

before that time, Pope John XXII. had urged the habit of saying three

_Aves_ at Curfew time. The practice soon spread to England, and grew

as it spread, and Archbishop Arundel of Canterbury, in 1399, at the

earnest request of King Henry IV., ordered the usage of saluting the

Mother of God the first thing in the early morning and the last thing

at night, to be universally adopted in the province--“at daybreak and

at the Curfew,” and the bell that was then rung was called by our

English ancestors the “Gabriel Bell,” in memory of that archangel’s

salutation of Our Blessed Lady. By a fortunate chance we are able to

know the actual time at which this Angelus bell was rung, for a casual

note in a Bury St. Edmund’s book gives the times of the tolling in that

city as at 4 a.m. and 9 p.m. in summer, and 6 a.m. and 8 p.m. in the

winter.

Of this religious ceremony a writer says--

“In accordance with a practice of the Early Church at morning and

evening, the Angelus bell, as it was called,” pealed “forth from every

steeple and bell-turret in the Kingdom, and as the sound floated

through the surrounding neighbourhood, the monk in his cell, the baron

in his hall, the village maiden in her cottage, and the labourer

in the field, reverently knelt and recited the allotted prayer in

remembrance of Christ’s Incarnation for us.”

Parish life in mediæval England · 第 7 / 12 章