1 peece fine broad cloath

6 yards 1/2 branch and Streaked stuffe

6 coates for men

1 stuffe pa. briches and dublet

3 pa. cloath briches

1 old dublet

1 girles petticoat

2 pa. Irish stockings

3 pa. childrens hose

1 woe. boddy of a gowne

1 pewter candlestick and socket

5 boyes hatts

17 yards blue linnon

one perriwig

2 white tiffeny[18] hoods

2 pa. gloves

12 yards stuffe in 2 p'ces

3 bands[19] 1 laced

5 yards searge

2 pa. sleeves

2 small p'ces diaper filleting

4 yards 1/4 searge

1 gr. and 11 doz. buttons

4 yards striped stuffe

3 doz. thread laces

6 yards shalloune[20]

a parcell of thread about 1/2 ld.

1 childes silke cap and a little parcell of silke and severall

other small things.

[Footnote 18: Tiffany, thin transparent silk.]

[Footnote 19: Collars.]

[Footnote 20: Woollen stuff used for linings.]

* * * * *

1 kettle }

1 pott } left on board

1 stuepann }

26 Iron potts

25 Iron long bolts

6 chaine plates with dead eyes[21]

10 Iron bound dead eyes

7 wood axes

6 pump speires

12 small boltes

17 Iron clamps

1 bagg of 2d. nayles

2 baggs of 4d. nayles.

2 pruneing hookes for gardens

8 musquets (1 noe lock)

5 Iron hinges for ports

80 great speeks[22]

2 pintles

2 good Irons

1 top chaine

3 great rings

1 basket of sheathing nayles } halfe full each.

1 basket of 40d. nayles }

1 fiz gigg[23]

4 hookes

1 shovel

12 small rings

1 poope lanthhorne

1 Iron mill with 2 winches

1 cross cutt saw

2 chaine bolts more

2 pumpe Irons

2 table hookes

1 shirk hooke[24]

2 dogg Irons

2 doz. of 8 Inch blocks

1 doz. of 6 Inch blocks

1 doz. of 4 Inch blocks

11 blocks of 6 and 4 Inch

1 doz. of 5 Inch blocks

7 of 14 Inch blocks

1 topsaile sheete block

3 double table blocks

17 dead eyes

9 pump uper boxes

10 dito lower

5 blacking barrels

8 small glasses

1 wach glass

4 cumpasses

12 sk. twine

about halfe a barrel of powder

8 yards of canvas

2 pa. Stilliards without peises

3 small baggs of 2d. nayles (in a bagg)

1 dipsey lead[25] 18 lb.

2 pistalls

1 carbine

1 p'ce Leather

1 small fouleing peece

3 straw hatts

3 cables and 2 hallsers

4 anckors (sheet, best bower, small bower and kedge)

5 Iron gunns

The Ship _Providence_ and standing rigging with long

boat and Skiffe.

[Footnote 21: Wooden blocks for extending the stays.]

[Footnote 22: A speek was a large nail; a pintle, then as now, a

rudder-pin.]

[Footnote 23: A kind of harpoon.]

[Footnote 24: Hook for sturgeons; dog-irons were probably fire-dogs.]

[Footnote 25: Deep-sea lead (for sounding).]

In Obedience to a Warrant Comeing from the County Court held in Boston

the 30th day of Aprill 1673, Unto us whose names are hereunder

written, for to take an Inventory of the Estate and goods in the Shipp

_Providence_ of Falmouth, lately arived in Piscataqua River, etc., and

to Render an acco't thereof unto the present Deputy Governor by the

7th of May, wee haveing accordingly done the same (as time would

afford) Doe Signifie Unto the Honourable Deputy Governor, that the

before mentioned particulars are the whole, that to our certaine

knowleidg is come (in the said shipp) and that, according to the

wrighting at the beginning hereof, they are Secured in the said Fryers

hands and the shipp well mored in the harbour at the Great Island in

Piscataqua River.

NATHANIELL FRYER.

May the 5th, 1673. HENRY DERING.

_34. Examination of John Johnson. May 5, 1673._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 1257, paper 18.]

The examination of John Johnson steersman of the frigott

_commonwealth_, Capt. Cornelius Lincourt Comd'r.

December the 15th their stile[2] they came out of Flushing in the

above sd Frigott with 20 gunns and ninety six men and boys, bound from

Flushing to the Canarie Island, and in their way they tooke a Londoner

bound from Malaga laden with fruit, which they sent to the Groyne,[3]

and the men they putt on shore at the canaries. from the Canaries we

sailed to the Cape de Verd Islands and from thence to Barbados, where

they tooke a small French sloope, and from thence we sailed to the

Capes of Verginia and in our way we mett with the _Providence_ of

Falmouth, which ship we tooke on the 15 day of Aprill, our Stile,[4]

in the latitude of the capes, about 30 Leagues to the Eastward. it

being a stormy night they drive away under a maine course to the

northward. for 2 days afterward they stood in againe to the capes but

could not see their frigott, so then we stood away for the Groine, and

meet with a small Londoner bound for Verginia, who came abord on us

for water, and we took the men being 5 and putt them in to the hold,

then he that was Master of the ship went on board the Londoner and

those men with him, whome the Londoner carried away, so then we

followed them but could not overtake him, so the night following the

English that were upon Decke conspireing with them in the hold, in the

morneing they tooke the ship from us, and brought us to Piscataqua.

[Footnote 2: _I.e._, new style, which the Dutch used.]

[Footnote 3: The name then used by the English for Coruna, in

northwestern Spain.]

[Footnote 4: April 5, O.S. See documents 32 and 36.]

Taken in Boston 5 May 1673 before

JOHN LEVERETT, Dep. Gov.[5]

[Footnote 5: John Leverett was deputy-governor 1671-1673. Two days

later, May 7, 1673, he was elected governor, and so continued till

1679.]

_35. Declaration of Edward Bant and Others. May 8, 1673._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 1257, paper 12.]

A Declaration of some Occurrents that happened to us in our late

voiadge from London in the Ship _Barkely_ of the saide port, Nicholas

Prynne Commander, intended for Virginia, Anno 1672/3.

On the twelfth Aprill 1673 being in saide Ship about the Lattitude of

the Capes of Virginia about 80 Leagues distant, wee saw a sail towards

Evening, and being in want of provitions, seeing her to be a Fly

boate,[2] made towards her and came up with her about Eight a clock

and hailed them asking them of whence theire Ship. they answered of

Falmoth. wee ask't them from whence they came. they answered from

Virginia, and called mee by my name and asked mee how I did. wee asked

them what places they loaded at. they answered, in Petuxin River.[3]

wee told them wee wanted some provitions. they answered us if we would

hoise out our Boate and come on boarde, they would spare us water and

other provitions what they could. in order thereunto wee did soe, and

I being desired by the Master and Merchant[4] to goe on board with the

Boate to Endeavor to gett what provitions I could, our Marchant who

was the owner also desired mee to stay, and hee and the Doctor would

goe with mee as soon as they had sealed theire letters. Our Master

not having ended his writing the marchant desired him to goe on board

with us also and to finish his letter there, and accordingly with

three more Seamen wee went on board saide Ship, and when wee came

there founded severall Dutchmen on board who had the Command of her,

they having lately taken her from the English. the Ship was called the

_Providence_, belonging to Falmoth, Thomas Radden having been lately

master of her. the saide Dutchman Surprized six of us and kept us

prisoners and sent one of our Company with three Dutchmen on board our

Ship, who lay by us till the next morning. then the Dutch Commander

comanded our Ships' Boate to come on board his Ship againe, which

accordingly they did, hee promising our merchant to take out our goods

and to give us our Ship againe, in order whereunto hee provided one

hogshead of bread to have given us as hee saide and tooke our marchant

with him and went on board our Ship, and about halfe an hour after our

Ship made sail and Steered to the westward: and then the Dutch men put

us who formerly belonged to her down into the hole and made sail after

the saide Ship for about two houres, and seeing they could not come up

with her stood on theire course againe to the Eastward, and by

receiving advice from those Englishmen that were at liberty were

combined together for them to make way for our coming up and soe to

rush out upon the Dutchmen at once and to Subdue them, for the

rescueing of ourselves and Ship, which with god's blessing wee

Effected, without loss of life or bloodshed to any, and then agreed

among our Selves to come away with saide Ship to New England, which

accordingly wee did and after Eleven days passage by reason of

contrary wind and foggy weather arrived in Piscataquay River on the

23th Aprill 1673.

[Footnote 2: A small swift ship of Dutch pattern (originally _Vlie

boot_).]

[Footnote 3: Patuxent River, in Maryland.]

[Footnote 4: _I.e._, supercargo.]

EDWARD BANT, Mate.

JOHN RESSELL.

JONAS LEWIS.

Att a Court of Assistants on Adjournment the 8th May 1673, Edward

Bant, John Russell and Jonas Lewis deposed in Court that having

subscribed their names to this declaration that it was the truth the

whole truth and nothing but the truth:

As Attests EDWARD RAWSON Sec'ty

_36. Declaration of Henry King and John Champion. May 8, 1673._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 1257, paper 10.]

A Declaracion of some Occurrents that happened us in our late voiadge

from Falmouth intended for Virginia in the Ship _Providence_ of

Falmoth, Anno 1672/3, Thomas Radden Commander.

About the 12th November 1672 wee sailed from Falmoth in the aforesaid

Ship to Plimouth for convoy and there lay till the 15th January

following, when wee sailed under convoy with a fleete of about 90

sail. our convoy went with us about 80 Leagues to the Westward of

Silly,[2] then with about ten sail more were parted from the fleet and

were making the best Emprovement of winde and weather to gaine our

port till the 4th Aprill following, when wee between the houres of

four and six in the morning saw a Sail upon our weather quarter. wee

made what sail wee could, hee giving us chase, in about two houres hee

came up with us, showed us Dutch colours, comanded us by the lee and

to strike our Topsaile and ancient:[3] wee seeing of him to bee a man

of War of Force could make no resistance against him, did accordingly:

then the Capt. himself came aboard of us with twelve Dutch men more,

showed us his Commission Signed by the Prince of Orange, for the

taking of English Ships: the Capt. was named Cornelius Linquoint and

commanded the Ship in English called the _Commonwealth_, of 20 peice

of Ordnance. then hee tooke our master, merchant and ten seamen more

out of our Ship and left seven of us aboard and soe went aboard his

man of war againe and ordered the Dutch Steersman, whome hee left

with Eleven Dutchmen more on board of our Ship, to Steere after the

man of War, and in case wee should bee parted by weather to Saile with

our Ship to the Groyne in Galecia, as the said Steeresman informed

mee: the same night following wee lost the man of War--the said Capt

having told mee that if wee kept Company while the next morning hee

would take the Goods out of our Ship on board the man of war and give

us our own Ship againe, but having lost Company of him in the night,

wee bore up the helme to the Eastward, intending for the Groyne, as

the Steersman informed mee. having plied too and againe 6 days hoping

to meete with the man of war againe, two days after wee bore up wee

saw a sail which made towards us, being about 3 Leagues from us.

betweene six and eight aclock in the evening they came up with us, and

hailed us asking whence wee were. The Dutch Steersman, standing with a

laden pistol presented to my breast, commanded mee to answer them in

those words he should dictate to mee, bid mee answer them, of Falmoth,

and to tell them wee came from Petuxine River in Virginia, and if they

wanted anything if they would hoise out theire Boat and Come aboard

wee would supply them, upon which they hoised out theire Boat and the

Master, Merchant, Mate, Doctor and two seamen came on board in the

Boate, and after they had entred our Ship the Dutchmen Surprized them

and sent three Dutchmen on board theire Ship and the Ship staied by us

all the night. next morning the Dutchmen intending to goe on board

commanded the said Shipps boats on board, who came accordingly, and

the Dutch Skipper went on board the aforesaid Ship intending to take

out her goods and put on board of our Ship, as hee saide, in order

whereunto hee tooke the merchant along with him. about halfe an hour

after, the said Ship made sail and steered to the westward. wee in our

Ship making Sail followed them between two and three houres, and

finding wee could not come up with her left our chase and stood to the

Eastward againe, there being five Englishmen belonging to the saide

Ship prisoners in our Ships hold. about six houres after, the same

day, wee Englishmen that were at liberty, by writing to them in the

hold, conspired together with them to lett them come up and soe to

rush all out together upon the Dutch men and if wee could Subdue them

to rescue ourselves and Ship, which accordingly with gods' blessing

wee effected without any loss of life or shedding of blood and soe

intended to New England, being afraide to goe for Virginia leaste wee

should meete the man of War againe and being unable to carry the Ship

home for England, and after eleven days lying at Sea by reason of

foggy weather and contrary windes wee arrived at Piscataquay in New

England aforesaid being 23th Aprill 1673.

[Footnote 2: The Scilly Isles, off the southwesternmost cape of

England.]

[Footnote 3: Ensign.]

HENRY KING, Mate.

JOHN CHAMPION, Bosson.[4]

[Footnote 4: Boatswain.]

At a Court of Assistants held at Boston on Adjou't, 8th May '73, Henry

King, John Champyn and John Sennet deposed in open Court that this

Declaration is the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.

As Attests

EDWARD RAWSON, Secty.

Portlidge bill of Wages due to the Company belonging to said Ship

_Providence_ is as followeth:

L s.d.

Henry King, Mate, at 55s. per mo.,--4 mos., 5 days-- 11. 9.2

John Champyn, Boatswaine, at 36s. per mo.,--4-1/2 mo., 5d. 8. 6.2

John Jorey, Carpenter, at 3 [pounds] per mo., 4-1/2 mo. 13.10.0

John Sennett at 28s. per mo., 3 mo., 5d. 4. 8.6

John Burley at 28s. per mo., 4 mo., 5d. 5.16.6

George Taylor at 28s. per mo., 3-1/2 mo. 4.18.0

Richard Gross[5] at 20s. per mo., 4 mo., 5d. 4. 3.4

-------

52.11.8

[Footnote 5: The margin adds, "sick aboard."]

8 May 1673.

It is ordered that the seamen above shall be allowed and payd their

severall wages (according to their Portlidge bills here Given in) by

Mr. Fryer, he taking their receipts of the several seamen. As Attests,

EDWARD RAWSON, Sec'y.

_37. Petition of Thomas Raddon. June 10, 1673._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 1257, paper 7.]

To the Hon'rble the Governour and Magistrates Assembled in Boston,

The humble request of Thomas Raddon is that whereas the authority of

this Jurisdiction hath taken care to secure the ship _Providence_ of

Fallmouth in old England, wich was brought into Piscataway by

reprisall and the Cargo in her, whereof I the said Thomas Raddon was

shipped Master by the owners to performe a voiage to Virginia and from

thence home againe, for which care I doe in the behalf of myself and

owners returne humble and hearty thanks to your worships.

And whereas the Providence of God soe ordering that I am now come

myselfe, my humble request is that your worships would bee pleased to

give orders that the said ship and Goods may be speedily delivered

unto your petitioner, that soe I may (with Gods blessing) proceed in

my intended voige for the benefit of my imployers according to my

obligation, and your petitioner shall ever pray for your worships

prosperity.

THOS. RADDON.

In Boston this 10th of June, 1673.

This was presented to the Hono'ble Jno. Leveret, Esq'r, Gov., the 11th

of June 1673. As Attest EDWARD RAWSON.

The Governor and Magistrates having perused the Certificate and

finding that Tho. Raddon above, being now arrived, and the rest of the

company that was took out of her, was the Master of the said Ship

_Providence_, ordered the Secretary to signify to Mr. Nathaniell Fryer

that they advise him to deliver the said ship and what was in her to

the said Tho. Raddon, Master, for the use and benefit of the owners,

he discharging the charges formerly advised to. As Attest. EDW.

RAWSON, Secret'y.

THE _ST. ANTHONY_.

_38. Examination of John Tooly. June 17, 1673._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 1257, paper 17.]

It was my Chance to be in Lesbon and wanting a woage[2] I shiped my

slefe [selfe] A board of a portungal buelt ship, Mr. Orchard

Commander, but some five dayes After it plesed the Almyty God to take

him out of the woarld, and when that wee was Agoing to bury him I

heard the men that was in the boate to helpe Rowe him over the water,

for the portugeses would not suffer us to bury him in Lesbone, say

that thay would have A Ship Are Longe, but I did not know how, not

then, and some one day thay went into the house[3] for thay Could open

the Locke of the haches when thay plesed and drawed wine of the

Marchantes and soe sate doune to geather to drinke, and I being near,

thay not deming of it, I heard them say that thay would asay[4] it all

at once, and Liquise[5] that thay would Rune away with the ship, soe I

disclosed it to the Master and the Marchant for our Marchant had gone,

another master, which was Capt. haddockes second mate, which was then

Comander of the Engles[6] ship Lying in Lesbone Rever, John Terry by

Name, soe thay tooke three of them and put them in presone at Lesbone.

it was the boatswane and two men more, but by Resone that one willam

forrest which was Aboard that Gave the suprecargo Mr. John Pane fare

words, the suprecargo would not sufer him to be put in to preson, but

that hee should Goe the woage, and because thay Could note Geete

another Carpenter thay would not put the Carpenter in to preson, but

that hee should goe the woage Lyquise, soe the Master John Terry shipd

two men more in there Romes which ware English men, Edmun Cooke and

John Smith, and Afterwards hee shiped 2 Duchmen whose names I know

not, and wee ware bound for newfoundland for a sacke,[7] but when wee

had been about A weake at sea these two men, namly Willam forrest and

John peket the Carpenter, perswaded the other two Engles men, Edmun

Cooke and John Smith, and one other Engles which was a board and the

two Duch men, to surprise the Master, the suprecargo and Mate, a

portungall boy and I, and soe to Rune away with the ship. And waching

thare Oppertunity when the Master and the Marchant was a slepe in the

Roundhouse, the Mate A Riting in the Cabing, and I was at helme, the

Carpenter came into the sterege and cauled the [said?] Edmun Cooke and

John Smith out of thare Cabing whare thay ware aslepe, and soe thay

went forward togeather into the forcasell and immeadly thay Came Aft

agane, the two Duchmen and willam forrest, the Carpenter and Edmun

Cooke, John Smith and the other Engles man. soe the two Duchmen and

the Englesman that is not named came into the sterege. the other fower

wente up upon the Quarterdecke and surprised the Master and the

Marchant where thay ware a slepe in the Round house, and the other

three sayed to me that if I did offer to stere I was a dead man. soe

the Mate hering that in the Cabin where he was a riting salied out of

the Cabing in to the sterege. soe thay tooke hould of him and throed

him upon his back and soe held him and would not suffer him to ster.

soe I rune doune the scutell which was in the sterege and hede my

slefe amounge the sayles betweene deckes, for I heard the Master and

the Marchant Cry out most petifully. soe I thought to my slife when

thare pasene[8] was over that I mite perswaed them to save my Life.

soe thay bound the Master and the Marchant and Carryed them forward

upon the forcastell. but presenly after thay Loused them agane and put

them in to the Greate Cabing all togeather, and would suffer but one

to Come upon the deck at a time. the Master and the Marchant profered

them that if thay would thay would take a drame of the botell and set

doune and drink frinds and that all things should be forgoting, but

thay would not Exsept of there profer. soe I went upon the deck and

desyred them that thay would be plesed to Lend us a sayle, for thay

tould us that thay would hoyst out the boate and Give us some

provisones and tourne us to shift for our slevs. soe wee desyred to

beare up the helme for to put us As neare the Land as thay Could. soe

[_torn_] some 2 howers. soe thay Gave into the boate All neceesaryes,

as provisons, wood, water and Lequers, with a sayle and mast and ores,

A grapnall and grapnall rope, sayle nedles, twine and pame[9] for to

men[d] the sayle. Soe Will Forrest, walking upon the Quater deck with

a backe swoard[10] in his hand, Commanded the boat to be hoysted out

and all those forenamed nesessarys to be got in to her, with a Compas,

Quadrant and a plat,[11] and soe Comanded the Master, the Marchant and

the Mate and the portuges boy in to the boate. John Tooley and

Allexander[12] ---- would have gone into the boate with them, but thay

would not suffer us to goe [_torn_] Master saed [or] asked them

[_torn_] that thay would keepe us but thay would not harking unto them

and would not Let us goe.

[Footnote 2: Voyage.]

[Footnote 3: The house or cabin on the after-deck.]

[Footnote 4: Assay, attempt.]

[Footnote 5: Likewise.]

[Footnote 6: English.]

[Footnote 7: Plunder.]

[Footnote 8: Passion.]

[Footnote 9: A sailmaker's palm, which serves the purpose of a

thimble.]

[Footnote 10: A sword with one edge.]

[Footnote 11: Chart.]

[Footnote 12: Wilson. The name can be supplied from the _Records of

the Court of Assistants of Massachusetts Bay_, I. 12.]

John Tooley gave in this upon examination as a true narrative of the

transaction in the Ship _Anthony_ when she was surprised by forest and

Pickard, etc., he the sayd Tooley being of the age of Twenty years or

thereabouts.

Before us JOHN LEVERETT, Gvr.

EDWARD TYNG.

WILLIAM STOUGHTON.

John Terry, M'r, being present when this was spoken by John Toolly

before the Govn'r, Mr. Ting, Mr. Staughton and Major Clarke on 17 June

'73, being Asked whether what John Toolly had declared was the truth

the said Terry Ansed he acknowledged the same to be the trueth: As

Attests

EDWARD RAWSON, Sec'ty.

19 of November 1673.

This examination of John Toollys being Read in the Councill with the

Acknouledg'mt of the Master John Terry that it was the Trueth, The

Councill ordered his dischardge from further attending: and that the

Secretary Give him the signification thereof to the said John Toolly.

As Attests,

EDW. RAWSON.

The Examination of Jno. Tooly marriner of Ship _St. Anthony_:[13]

[Footnote 13: A marginal note reads: "Pres[en]t, Govr., Capt. Gookins,

Mr. Russell, Mr. Danforth, Mr. Tynge, Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Clarke", all

of whom were at this time members of the Court of Assistants. An

endorsement reads: "Toolly Examination taken 17:9:73," _i.e._,

November 17, 1673.]

What is your name?

Jno. tooly, borne nere norwich.

He saith that he was at Helme when the Rising was.

How long was it after you came to sea.

Ansr: about a weeke.

Who rise first or the manner of their Rising?

the Carpenter having a handspike in his hand called to forrest, who

with the two Dutchmen came forward with Cooke, etc.[14]

[Footnote 14: John Smith and Edmund Cooke were condemned to death for

their share in these acts of piracy, but were pardoned by the General

Court, December 10, 1673. _Records of Massachusetts Bay_, vol. IV.,

pt. II., p. 573.]

_39. Examination of William Forrest. October 20, 1673._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 1257, paper 15.]

Newport one[2] Road Iland.

[Footnote 2: On.]

Privateering and Piracy in the Colonial Period Illustrative Documents · 第 6 / 55 段