CHAPTER XXVII

1672-1683

TRADE AT MONTREAL UNDER FRONTENAC AND PERROT

WEST INDIA COMPANY SUPPRESSED--MONTREAL HEAD OF FUR

INDUSTRY--EXPEDITIONS--MARQUETTE--JOLIET--THE ANNUAL

FAIRS--LAVAL RETURNS--THE "CONGREGATION" CONFIRMED--THE

INDIAN MISSIONS--CATHERINE TEKAKWITHA--THE "FORT DES

MESSIEURS"--EXPLORATIONS--LA SALLE, DULUTH, HENNEPIN--LOUISIANA

NAMES--THE GOVERNOR GENERAL AND THE INTENDANT--FACTIONS AT

MONTREAL, "A PLAGUE ON BOTH YOUR HOUSES!"--FRONTENAC AND

DUCHESNEAU RECALLED.

Trade at Montreal was prospering. In 1674 the West India Company,

which had fulfilled none of its obligations, was suppressed, being

succeeded by that of Oudiette and others, till 1707. Speaking of this

period, Garneau (I, 262) in his "Histoire du Canada" says: "The new

impulses which had been given to Canada by Colbert and Talon began

to bear fruits. Commerce revived, immigration increased and the

natives, dominated by the genius of civilization, feared and respected

everywhere the power of France."

Montreal was to share in this prosperity. It was the centre of the

fur trade and the starting place and base of expeditions such as the

one of Joliet and Marquette, who had set out in 1673 to discover the

Mississippi. La Salle frequently made Montreal his home at this period,

as well as Duluth. At the east corner of the present Royal Insurance

Building on the Place d'Armes, a tablet placed by the Antiquarian

Society records the dwelling of another explorer: "Here lived in 1675

Daniel de Greysolon, Sieur Duluth, one of the explorers of the Upper

Mississippi, after whom the city of Duluth was named."

Meanwhile, on May 18th, Father Marquette died on the west shores of

Michigan. In 1776 the "Place du Marché" was granted by the seigneurs

of the seminary to the people. It was situated where now stands the

Place Royale and faced the historic landing place of the first pioneers

arriving with de Maisonneuve. The growing trade needed a regular market

and on this site subsequently were held the annual fairs in June,

the first recorded being held in 1680. The picturesque description

of Francis Parkman in his "Old Régime in Canada," dealing with this

period, may be here introduced:

"To induce the Indians to come to the colonists, in order that the fur

trade might be controlled by the government, a great annual fair was

established, by order of the king, at Montreal. Thither every summer a

host of savages came down from the lakes in their bark canoes. A place

was assigned them a little distance from the town. They landed, and

drew up their canoes in a line up the bank, took out their packs of

beaver skins, set up their wigwams, slung their kettles and encamped

for the night.

"On the next day there was a grand council on the common, between St.

Paul street and the river. Speeches were made amid a solemn smoking of

pipes. The governor was usually present, seated in an armchair, while

the visitors formed a ring about him, ranged in the order of their

tribe. On the next day the trade began in the same place. Merchants

of high and low degree brought up their goods from Quebec, and every

inhabitant of Montreal of any substance, sought a share in the profits.

Their booths were set up along the palisades of the town and each had

an interpreter to whom he usually promised a certain portion of his

gains. The scene abounded in those contrasts, which mark the whole

course of French Canadian history. Here was a throng of Indians, armed

with bows and arrows, war clubs, and the cheap guns of the trade, some

of them, completely naked, except for the feathers on their heads and

the paint on their faces; French bush rangers, tricked out with savage

finery; merchants and _habitants_ in their coarse and plain attire, and

the grave priests of St. Sulpice robed in black."

In June, 1676, Monseigneur Laval, on his return from France as bishop

of Quebec, visited Montreal to receive postulants into the new

religious communicants of the "Congregation," which approved by him in

1669 and later confirmed by royal letters, was now confirmed by him

in an authentic act, shortly after his arrival at Quebec--but whose

rules were still to be examined and approved, which did not occur until

January 24, 1698. Historians date from the above epoch the adoption of

the religious habit, worn by the Sisters of the Congregation of Notre

Dame to this day. In order to prepare her rules wisely Marguerite

Bourgeoys determined to go to France for advice and experience, having

been previously elected as the first superior. The opportunity was

offered her in November as a companion to the wife of the governor,

Madame Perrot, who had been advised to go to France for the good of

her health. On her return she was followed to Montreal by Louis Frins,

the servant of M. de Maisonneuve, who had died in Paris on September

9, 1676, as well as by several young girls, who were sent out to the

colony at the expense of the seminary.

In 1676 the Mountain Mission was commenced.[128] To encourage the Indians

to settle with the Europeans, various attempts had already been made.

This nomadic people could not be civilized as long as the trail, by the

lakes and rivers and through the forest, called them to the pursuit

of the chase or the lust of battle. Thus we have seen the Jesuits

had already formed their Christian Indian settlements at Madeleine

la Prairie on the south shore across the St. Lawrence. But now the

Sulpicians would do the same on the island, on the slope of Mount

Royal, and today the site of Montreal College, on Sherbrooke Street,

with its old-time Martello towers, marks the scene of the Mountain

Mission. Quarrels had arisen among the chiefs at La Prairie and thus

the dissentients joined the Christian band at the mountain, while the

La Prairie Mission was transferred to the Sault St. Louis, known as the

Caughnawaga Reservation. By 1681, it was determined to conduct schools

for the children of redskins, and M. François Vachon de Belmont,

who came as a deacon to Canada in this year, was named director of

the boys' school. That for the girls was to be under the care of

the Sisters of the Congregation. Marguerite Bourgeoys says that the

Mountain Mission was the first place on the island where the Indians

came for instruction. On arriving, M. de Belmont began to build a

little chapel, dedicated to Notre Dame des Neiges, and a straggling

village of a few irregularly built bark huts clustered round it. In

these lived the missionaries and the sisters, and round them were the

wigwams of their neophytes, Huron and Iroquois. Fearing attack from the

non-Christian tribes, M. de Belmont, a priest since September 14, 1681,

had built by 1685 a palisade surrounding his settlement which boasted

of four bastions. These fortifications were gradually strengthened.

The schools were soon in operation. "In the Mountain Mission and that

of the Sault de la Prairie de la Madeleine (Sault St. Louis); in those

of Sillery and Lorette, the only Indian villages we have, boys are now

being taught to read and write. In the Mountain Mission of Montreal

the Congregation nuns apply themselves to the instruction of the

little girls and make them do needle work," is the description of M.

Duchesneau in a letter to the minister of finance, dated November 13,

1681. Later on these children were taught to knit, spin and do lace

work, the government providing grants of money for women to instruct

them. In 1685 Monseigneur de St. Vallier, Laval's successor, visited

the Mountain Mission and gave this account of its success: "The

daughters of the Congregation, now spread over the different parts of

Canada, have in the Mountain Mission a school of about forty Indian

girls, whom they clothe and bring up 'à la Française.' They are also

taught the mysteries of faith, manual labour, the hymns and prayers of

the church, not only in their own tongue, but also in ours, that they

may be brought little by little to our manners and customs."

[Illustration: PLAN OF THE FORT OF THE LAKE OF TWO MOUNTAINS

A. Church.

B. Missionaries' dwelling.

C. The "Congregation Sisters."

D. Farm workers.

E. Entrance to fort.

F. Towers.

Part of the Lake of Two Mountains.]

[Illustration: PLAN OF THE MOUNTAIN FORT ERECTED IN 1677

A. Residence of the missionaries. B. Chapel. C. Village of Catholic

Indians. D. Vegetable garden. E. Towers and walls in stone. F. Bastions

and palisades in woods. G. Redoubts and palisades in woods.]

[Illustration: THE PRIEST'S FORT]

[Illustration: 1694

Two old watch towers built in 1694 by M. de Belmont, a Sulpician

Missionary at the "Mountain Fort." In the western tower Marguerite

Bourgeoys taught the Indian children. In the eastern tower, which was

used afterward as a chapel, an Indian brave and his grandchild are

buried. These towers still stand on Sherbrooke Street, West, in the

grounds of the Grand Seminary.]

Two of the Indian maidens of the Mountain Mission stand out, Marie

Barbe Attontinon and Marie Thérèse Gannensagouas. Both were received

into the congregation community. The latter was one of the first pupils

of the mission, receiving baptism on the 28th of June, 1681, at the age

of fourteen, and was a teacher in the mission until her saintly death

at the age of twenty-seven.

The chapel at Caughnawaga preserves the bones of the holy Mohawk

maiden, Catherine Tekakwitha, born in 1656 of an Iroquois father, a

pagan, and an Algonquin mother, a Christian, who both died in her

infancy. On Holy Wednesday, 1678, she died, leaving behind her the

reputation of sanctity. The anniversary of "La bonne Catherine" is kept

each year with great devotion by the Caughnawaga Indians. Charlevoix,

the historian, speaking of the appearance of the face of this holy

maiden, says: "Nothing could be more beautiful, but with that beauty,

which the love of virtue inspires. The people were never weary of

gazing at her." The latter's grandfather, the warrior, François

Thoronhiongo, who had been baptized by the Martyr Jesuit, Père de

Brébeuf, lived at the Mountain Mission. In 1824 the east Martello

tower, now standing on Sherbrooke Street, wherein the Sisters of the

Congregation had lived while teaching, was transferred into a chapel

and the bodies of the grandfather and grandchild, which had rested

there since 1796, were allowed to remain. The tower on the west was a

school for the Indian girls. These towers, still remaining, are all

that is left to mark the site of the Priests' Fort and Jacques Viger's

manuscripts tell us that this fort was so called to distinguish it from

the enclosure next to it and which, being surrounded by a palisade,

was known as "The Indian's Fort." Both structures formed part of the

same outwork and are mentioned under the common title of "The Mountain

Fort." The Priests' Fort was built in 1694 by the Sulpician, François

Vachon de Belmont, at his own expense. It was, first a square enclosed

by a stone wall with portholes and flanked by a tower at each angle;

secondly, the fort proper or manor, in the middle of the enclosure

where the missionaries lived; thirdly, the chapel which was opposite

the manor and between the two towers. In 1844 the erection of the vast

edifice now used as a college and as a seminary was begun on this very

site. The two towers still standing and the wall connecting them are

over two hundred years old and are after the Seminary of St. Sulpice

on Notre Dame Street the oldest building in Montreal. Long may the

towers stand as sentinels guarding the traditions of the past!... The

Sulpicians accompanied the Indians when the mission was transplanted to

Sault-au-Récollet and thence later to the Lake of the Two Mountains.

Leaving the Mountain Mission whose commencement we have placed in 1676

and traversing the streets down town, we notice the unpaved state

of the streets. In this year, 1676, an ordinance stipulated that

proprietors should pave to the middle of the roadway every street

passing in front of their dwellings. But it seems that up to the

cession, these regulations had fallen into desuetude.

The year of 1678 saw great preparations at Montreal for new ventures

on the part of La Salle and Duluth, in which the governor general was

reported by Intendant Duchesneau to be commercially interested. In

July, 1678, La Salle left France armed with a royal patent allowing

him "to build forts through which it would seem that a passage to

Mexico can be found." He had made good friends in France since his

previous visit in 1674 and found financial supporters, "bringing with

him about thirty artisans and labourers, with much of the gearing and

equipment necessary for rigging a vessel, including anchors, with the

usual assortment of the articles required for his intercourse with the

Indians." With him was Henri de Tonti, an Italian officer, who was to

prove a most devoted and loyal lieutenant to La Salle. At the siege of

Gaëta, de Tonti had had a hand blown off and it was now replaced with

a metal substitute, which, though covered with a glove, could deal a

heavy blow, as the surprised Indians afterwards learned. A third was

with them, the Sieur de la Motte. Arriving at Quebec on September

15th, La Salle was shortly afterwards joined by the Recollect Father,

Hennepin, eager to explore the Mississippi.

While at Quebec, La Salle was named one of the twenty commissioners,

then sitting to investigate the murders and other crimes reported to

have arisen during the past six years from the use of liquors. In

consequence, the old dispute was arising again as to the propriety of

preventing liquors being taken to the Indians, to encourage traffic

with the French instead of the Dutch. It was urged that the fur trade

would leave Montreal for Albany, as beaver skins, if they got there,

would fetch a higher price. For prohibition, were Laval and the

Intendant Duchesneau, whilst against it was Frontenac backed up by

Colbert, who supported Talon, one of whose last actions in Canada had

been to permit the use of spirits as an article of commerce. The report

of the commission to France was in favour of the traffic in spirits as

necessary for the support of the fur trade, which was the one source

of wealth for the country. M. Laval started for France with a counter

memorial. Finally a compromise was arranged to the effect that strong

liquors might not be taken to the woods openly, and if clandestinely,

punishment was to follow. But as liquor was permitted in the houses of

the French and those houses could be built anywhere, the law was easily

evaded, so that in reality liquor became to be recognized currency in

the trade for fur.

Shortly after the above event La Salle left Montreal, doubtless with

a good supply of "eau de vie," for his fief, Mount Cataracqui, and in

the second week of November he started thence to make his way to the

Mississippi, returning at intervals to Montreal for supplies. At last

after thrilling and hazardous adventures La Salle and his men reached

the mouth of the Mississippi, where he declared the basin of the river

to be the territory of Louis the Great and named it Louisiana. All

honour to Montreal, the fruitful home of discoverers!

David Greysolon du Luth left Montreal on the 1st of September, 1678,

with seven Frenchmen on a similar adventure. It was he who built the

fort at the entrance of the Kaministiquia, Lake Superior, known under

Hudson Bay rule as Fort William, and who strove persistently to foil

the rival English traders of this company. He was a man equally at

home in camp, in society, or in the Indian wigwams--a type of the many

roving adventurers, fighters, traders and explorers, whom Canada was

then alluring and who were little removed from the _coureurs de bois_,

at whom so many ordinances were leveled, but whose number was steadily

increasing.[129]

Meanwhile relations had become more and more strained between Frontenac

and Duchesneau. As early as 1676 the troubles began with the questions

of precedence and of the degrees of courtesy that should be paid to

the governor and the intendant. On May 1, 1677, Colbert wrote to the

intendant warning him not to take sides against the governor and on May

18th he wrote to the governor exhorting him to live amicably with the

intendant. On April 30, 1681, the king wrote to Frontenac complaining

of his arbitrary conduct and threatening to recall him unless he mended

his ways. He was accused of being too lenient with the _coureurs de

bois_ and in consequence the king ordered that whoever went to the

woods without a license should be branded and whipped for the first

offence, and sent to the galleys for life, for the second.

Every ship to France carried complaints from Duchesneau and Frontenac

against one another. The rivalry was intense. The last official act

of Frontenac in the _Registre du Conseil Supérieur_ is a formal

declaration that his rank in that body is superior to the intendant's.

Finally the untenable position was relieved by the king, who recalled

them by an act of May 1st. Before leaving and early in the August of

this year Frontenac was at Montreal to meet the Ottawas and the Hurons

on their yearly descent from the lakes and there he met the famous

Huron Iroquois chief, the Rat, and at a solemn council succeeded in

averting, for the time, the war then brewing about Michillimackinac,

when the Illinois and some of the tribes of the lakes were in likely

danger of speedy and complete destruction at the hands of the Iroquois.

This would have been fatal to the trade of Canada.

Shortly afterwards, Frontenac sailed for France, leaving Canada when

he was most needed. When he sailed, "it was a day of rejoicing to more

than half of the merchants of Canada" (who were not in his ring), says

Parkman ("Frontenac," p. 71), "and excepting the Recollects, to all the

priests; but he left behind him an impression, very general among the

people, that if danger threatened the colony, Count Frontenac was the

man for the hour."

Montreal was no little concerned with this division between the

disputants, for whereas the merchants, traders and _habitants_ over the

country took sides with either party, those of Montreal, such as Le

Moyne and his sons, Jacques LeBer, and left many more of the leading

men sided with Duchesneau, while Perrot, the local governor, seems

to have come to a mutual understanding with Frontenac and carried on

illicit trade as before. "Frontenac had," as the intendant wrote to

the minister on November 16, 1679, "gradually made himself master of

the trade of Montreal; as soon as the Indians arrived, he sets guard

in his camp, which would be very well, if these soldiers did their

duty and protected the savages from being annoyed and plundered by

the French, instead of being employed to discover how many furs they

have brought with a view to future operations. Monsieur, the governor,

then compels the Indians to pay his guards for protecting them; and he

has never allowed them to trade with the inhabitants till they have

first given him a certain number of packs of beaver skins, which he

calls his presents. His guards trade with them openly at the fair,

with their bandoliers on their shoulders." Moreover, Duchesneau in the

same communication accused Frontenac of sending up goods to Montreal

to be traded in his behalf, so that with the presents exacted and his

trading, only little ever reached the people of the colony of what the

Indians brought to market. It is only fair to add that Frontenac made

similar charges against the intendant for engaging in trade. Meanwhile

partisan spirit ran high and the streets of Quebec and Montreal

witnessed brawls such as those between the Capulets and Montagues

of Romeo and Juliet. "A plague on both your houses!" The Count de

Frontenac and the Intendant Duchesneau were respectively replaced on

May 1, 1680, by M. de La Barre and M. de Meulles, although they did not

enter upon their functions until Friday, October 9th, of the same year.

NOTE

A writer who visited Quebec in 1683 in his "Memoirs of North America"

tells us that the merchant who had carried on the greatest trade in

Canada was the Sieur Samuel Bernon of Rochel, who had great warehouses

at Quebec, from which the inhabitants of the other towns were supplied

with such commodities as they wanted.

"There is no difference," he says, "between the pirates that scour

the seas and the Canada merchants, unless it be this, that the former

sometimes enrich themselves all of a sudden by a good prize; and the

latter cannot make their fortune without trading for five or six

years, and that, without running the hazard of their lives. I have

known twenty little peddlers that had not above a thousand crowns stock

when I arrived at Quebec in the year 1683, and when I left that place,

had got to the tune of 12,000 crowns. It is an unquestioned truth that

they get 50 per cent upon all goods they deal in, whether they buy

them up, upon the arrival of the ships at Quebec, or have them from

France by way of commissions: but over and above that, there are some

gaudy trinkets, such as ribbands, laces, embroideries, tobacco-boxes,

watches, and an infinity of other baubles of iron ware, upon which they

get 150 per cent, all costs clear.

"As soon as the French ships arrive at Quebec the merchants of that

city, who have their factors in other towns, load their barks with

goods in order to transport them to these other towns. Such merchants

as act for themselves at Trois Rivières, or Montreal, come down in

person to Quebec to market for themselves, and then put their effects

on board of barks to be conveyed home. If they pay for their goods in

skins, they buy cheaper than if they made their payments in money or

letters of exchange; by reason that the seller gets considerably by the

skins, when he returns to France. Now you must take notice, that all

these skins are bought up from the inhabitants, or from the savages,

upon which the merchants are considerable gainers. To give you an

instance of this matter, a person that lives in the neighbourhood of

Quebec, carries a dozen of marten skins, five or six fox skins, and as

many skins of wild cats, to a merchant's house, in order to sell them

for woolen cloth, linen, arms, ammunition, etc. In the trade of those

skins, the merchant draws a double profit, one upon the score of his

paying no more for these skins than one-half of what he afterwards

sells them for, in the lump, to the factors, for the Rochel ships; and

the other, by the exorbitant rate he puts upon the goods which the poor

planter takes in exchange for his skins. If this be duly weighed, we

will not think it strange that these merchants have a more beneficial

trade than a great many tradesmen in the world."--Canadian Antiquarian

and Numismatic Journal, 1872, p. 130.

FOOTNOTES:

[128] Some authors have supposed that the Mountain Mission began as

early as 1657, but this appears impossible, when we recollect that for

twenty-seven years or more settlers scarcely dared to leave the town

for fear of the Iroquois, who tracked them to their very doorsteps!

Moreover, the first registrations of the Mountain Mission date from

1688, and, note, that all previous baptisms had been set down in the

Ville Marie registre. The latter before 1677 makes no mention of the

aforesaid mission. (Cf. Note by Mary Drummond in the "Life and Times of

Marguerite Bourgeoys.")

[129] In 1680 Duchesneau reported on November 13th the population

of Canada at 9,400; of this number there were five or six hundred

coureurs de bois. "There is not a family," wrote the Intendant, "of any

condition or quality soever, who have not children, brothers, uncles

and nephews among them."

Montreal, 1535-1914. Vol. 1. Under the French Régime, 1535-1760 · 第 27 / 43 章