Professor Galland was a French littérateur of the good old school

which is rapidly becoming extinct. Homme vrai dans les moindres

choses (as his Éloge stated); simple in life and manners and

single-hearted in his devotion to letters, he was almost childish

in worldly matters, while notable for penetration and acumen in

his studies. He would have been as happy, one of his biographers

remarks, in teaching children the elements of education as he was

in acquiring his immense erudition. Briefly, truth and honesty,

exactitude and indefatigable industry characterised his most

honourable career.

Galland informs us (Epist. Ded.) that his MS. consisted of four

volumes, only three of which are extant,[FN#214] bringing the

work down to Night cclxxxii., or about the beginning of

“Camaralzaman.” The missing portion, if it contained like the

other volumes 140 pages, would end that tale together with the

Stories of Ghánim and the Enchanted (Ebony) Horse; and such is

the disposition in the Bresl. Edit. which mostly favours in its

ordinance the text used by the first translator. But this would

hardly have filled more than two-thirds of his volumes; for the

other third he interpolated, or is supposed to have interpolated,

the ten[FN#215] following tales.

1. Histoire du prince Zeyn Al-asnam et du Roi des

Génies.[FN#216]

2. Histoire de Codadad et de ses frères.

3. Histoire de la Lampe merveilleuse (Aladdin).

4. Histoire de l’aveugle Baba Abdalla.

5. Histoire de Sidi Nouman.

6. Histoire de Cogia Hassan Alhabbal.

7. Histoire d’Ali Baba, et de Quarante Voleurs exterminés par

une Esclave.

8. Histoire d’Ali Cogia, marchand de Bagdad.

9. Histoire du prince Ahmed et de la fée Peri-Banou.

10. Histoire de deux Surs jalouses de leur Cadette.[FN#217]

Concerning these interpolations which contain two of the best and

most widely known stories in the work, Aladdin and the Forty

Thieves, conjectures have been manifold but they mostly run upon

three lines. De Sacy held that they were found by Galland in the

public libraries of Paris. Mr. Chenery, whose acquaintance with

Arabic grammar was ample, suggested that the Professor had

borrowed them from the recitations of the Rawis, rhapsodists or

professional story-tellers in the bazars of Smyrna and other

ports of the Levant. The late Mr. Henry Charles Coote (in the

“Folk-Lore Record,” vol. iii. Part ii. p. 178 et seq.), “On the

source of some of M. Galland’s Tales,” quotes from popular

Italian, Sicilian and Romaic stories incidents identical with

those in Prince Ahmad, Aladdin, Ali Baba and the Envious Sisters,

suggesting that the Frenchman had heard these paramythia in

Levantine coffee-houses and had inserted them into his unequalled

corpus fabularum. Mr. Payne (ix. 268) conjectures the

probability “of their having been composed at a comparatively

recent period by an inhabitant of Baghdad, in imitation of the

legends of Haroun er Rashid and other well-known tales of the

original work;” and adds, “It is possible that an exhaustive

examination of the various MS. copies of the Thousand and One

Nights known to exist in the public libraries of Europe might yet

cast some light upon the question of the origin of the

interpolated Tales.” I quite agree with him, taking “The Sleeper

and the Waker” and “Zeyn Al-asnam” as cases in point; but I

should expect, for reasons before given, to find the stories in a

Persic rather than an Arabic MS. And I feel convinced that all

will be recovered: Galland was not the man to commit a literary

forgery.

As regards Aladdin, the most popular tale of the whole work, I am

convinced that it is genuine, although my unfortunate friend, the

late Professor Palmer, doubted its being an Eastern story. It is

laid down upon all the lines of Oriental fiction. The

mise-en-scène is China, “where they drink a certain warm liquor”

(tea); the hero’s father is a poor tailor; and, as in “Judar and

his Brethren,” the Maghribi Magician presently makes his

appearance, introducing the Wonderful Lamp and the Magical Ring.

Even the Sorcerer’s cry, “New lamps for old lamps!”—a prime

point—is paralleled in the Tale of the Fisherman’s Son,[FN#218]

where the Jew asks in exchange only old rings and the Princess,

recollecting that her husband kept a shabby, well-worn ring in

his writing-stand, and he being asleep, took it out and sent it

to the man. In either tale the palace is transported to a

distance and both end with the death of the wicked magician and

the hero and heroine living happily together ever after.

All Arabists have remarked the sins of omission and commission,

of abridgment, amplification and substitution, and the audacious

distortion of fact and phrase in which Galland freely indulged,

whilst his knowledge of Eastern languages proves that he knew

better. But literary license was the order of his day and at

that time French, always the most bégueule of European languages,

was bound by a rigorisme of the narrowest and the straightest of

lines from which the least écart condemned a man as a barbarian

and a _tudesque_. If we consider Galland fairly we shall find that

he errs mostly for a purpose, that of popularising his work; and

his success indeed justified his means. He has been derided (by

scholars) for “Hé Monsieur!” and “Ah Madame!”; but he could not

write “O mon sieur” and “O ma dame;” although we can borrow from

biblical and Shakespearean English, “O my lord!” and “O my lady!”

“Bon Dieu! ma sur” (which our translators English by “O

heavens,” Night xx.) is good French for Wa’lláhi—by Allah; and

“cinquante cavaliers bien faits” (“fifty handsome gentlemen on

horseback”) is a more familiar picture than fifty knights.

“L’officieuse Dinarzade” (Night lxi.), and “Cette plaisante

querelle des deux frères” (Night lxxii.) become ridiculous only

in translation—“the officious Dinarzade” and “this pleasant

quarrel;” while “ce qu’il y de remarquable” (Night lxxiii.) would

relieve the Gallic mind from the mortification of “Destiny

decreed.” “Plusieurs sortes de fruits et de bouteilles de vin”

(Night ccxxxi. etc.) Europeanises flasks and flaggons; and the

violent convulsions in which the girl dies (Night cliv., her head

having been cut off by her sister) is mere Gallic squeamishness:

France laughs at “le shoking” in England but she has only to look

at home especially during the reign of Galland’s contemporary—

Roi Soleil. The terrible “Old man” (Shaykh) “of the Sea” (-board

) is badly described by “l’incommode vieillard” (“the ill-natured

old fellow”): “Brave Maimune” and “Agréable Maimune” are

hardly what a Jinni would say to a Jinniyah (ccxiii.); but they

are good Gallic. The same may be noted of “Plier les voiles pour

marque qu’il se rendait” (Night ccxxxv.), a European practice;

and of the false note struck in two passages. “Je m’estimais

heureuse d’avoir fait une si belle conquête” (Night lxvii.) gives

a Parisian turn; and, “Je ne puis voir sans horreur cet

abominable barbier que voilà: quoiqu’il soit né dans un pays où

tout le monde est blanc, il ne laisse pas à resembler a un

Éthiopien; mais il a l’âme encore plus noire et horrible que le

visage” (Night clvii.), is a mere affectation of Orientalism.

Lastly, “Une vieille dame de leur connaissance” (Night clviii.)

puts French polish upon the matter of fact Arab’s “an old woman.”

The list of absolute mistakes, not including violent liberties,

can hardly be held excessive. Professor Weil and Mr. Payne (ix.

271) justly charge Galland with making the Trader (Night i.)

throw away the shells (écorces) of the date which has only a

pellicle, as Galland certainly knew; but dates were not seen

every day in France, while almonds and walnuts were of the quatre

mendiants. He preserves the écorces, which later issues have

changed to noyaux, probably in allusion to the jerking practice

called Inwá. Again in the “First Shaykh’s Story” (vol. i. 27)

the “maillet” is mentioned as the means of slaughtering cattle,

because familiar to European readers: at the end of the tale it

becomes “le couteaufuneste.” In Badral Din a “tarte à la crême,”

so well known to the West, displaces, naturally enough, the

outlandish “mess of pomegranate-seeds.” Though the text

especially tells us the hero removed his bag-trousers (not only

“son habit”) and placed them under the pillow, a crucial fact in

the history, our Professor sends him to bed fully dressed,

apparently for the purpose of informing his readers in a foot-note

that Easterns “se couchent en caleçon” (Night lxxx.). It

was mere ignorance to confound the arbalète or cross-bow with the

stone-bow (Night xxxviii.), but this has universally been done,

even by Lane who ought to have known better; and it was an

unpardonable carelessness or something worse to turn Nár (fire)

and Dún (in lieu of) into “le faux dieu Nardoun” (Night lxv.): as

this has been untouched by De Sacy, I cannot but conclude that he

never read the text with the translation. Nearly as bad also to

make the Jewish physician remark, when the youth gave him the

left wrist (Night cl.), “voilà une grande ignorance de ne savoir

pas que l’on presente la main droite à un médecin et non pas la

gauche”—whose exclusive use all travellers in the East must

know. I have noticed the incuriousness which translates “along

the Nile-shore” by “up towards Ethiopia” (Night cli.), and the

“Islands of the Children of Khaledan” (Night ccxi.) instead of

the Khálidatáni or Khálidát, the Fortunate Islands. It was by no

means “des petite soufflets” (“some taps from time to time with

her fingers”) which the sprightly dame administered to the

Barber’s second brother (Night clxxi.), but sound and heavy

“cuffs” on the nape; and the sixth brother (Night clxxx.) was not

“aux lèvres fendues” (“he of the hair-lips”), for they had been

cut off by the Badawi jealous of his fair wife. Abu al-Hasan

would not greet his beloved by saluting “le tapis à ses pieds:”

he would kiss her hands and feet. Haïatalnefous (Hayat al-Nufús,

Night ccxxvi.) would not “throw cold water in the Princess’s

face:” she would sprinkle it with eau-de-rose. “Camaralzaman” I.

addresses his two abominable wives in language purely European

(ccxxx.), “et de la vie il ne s’approcha d’elles,” missing one of

the fine touches of the tale which shows its hero a weak and

violent man, hasty and lacking the pundonor. “La belle

Persienne,” in the Tale of Nur al-Din, was no Persian; nor would

her master address her, “Venez çà, impertinente!” (“come hither,

impertinence”). In the story of Badr, one of the Comoro Islands

becomes “L’île de la Lune.” “Dog” and “dog-son” are not “injures

atroces et indignes d’un grand roi:” the greatest Eastern kings

allow themselves far more energetic and significant language.

Fitnah[FN#219] is by no means “Force de curs.” Lastly the

dénoûement of The Nights is widely different in French and in

Arabic; but that is probably not Galland’s fault, as he never saw

the original, and indeed he deserves high praise for having

invented so pleasant and sympathetic a close, inferior only to

the Oriental device.[FN#220]

Galland’s fragment has a strange effect upon the Orientalist and

those who take the scholastic view, be it wide or narrow. De

Sacy does not hesitate to say that the work owes much to his

fellow-countryman’s hand; but I judge otherwise: it is necessary

to dissociate the two works and to regard Galland’s paraphrase,

which contains only a quarter of The Thousand Nights and a Night,

as a wholly different book. Its attempts to amplify beauties and

to correct or conceal the defects and the grotesqueness of the

original, absolutely suppress much of the local colour, clothing

the bare body in the best of Parisian suits. It ignores the

rhymed prose and excludes the verse, rarely and very rarely

rendering a few lines in a balanced style. It generally rejects

the proverbs, epigrams and moral reflections which form the pith

and marrow of the book; and, worse still, it disdains those finer

touches of character which are often Shakespearean in their depth

and delicacy, and which, applied to a race of familiar ways and

thoughts, manners and customs, would have been the wonder and

delight of Europe. It shows only a single side of the gem that

has so many facets. By deference to public taste it was

compelled to expunge the often repulsive simplicity, the childish

indecencies and the wild orgies of the original, contrasting with

the gorgeous tints, the elevated morality and the religious tone

of passages which crowd upon them. We miss the odeur du sang

which taints the parfums du harem; also the humouristic tale and

the Rabelaisian outbreak which relieve and throw out into strong

relief the splendour of Empire and the havoc of Time. Considered

in this light it is a caput mortuum, a magnificent texture seen

on the wrong side; and it speaks volumes for the genius of the

man who could recommend it in such blurred and caricatured

condition to readers throughout the civilised world. But those

who look only at Galland’s picture, his effort to “transplant

into European gardens the magic flowers of Eastern fancy,” still

compare his tales with the sudden prospect of magnificent

mountains seen after a long desert-march: they arouse strange

longings and indescribable desires; their marvellous

imaginativeness produces an insensible brightening of mind and an

increase of fancy-power, making one dream that behind them lies

the new and unseen, the strange and unexpected—in fact, all the

glamour of the unknown.

The Nights has been translated into every far-extending Eastern

tongue, Persian, Turkish and Hindostani. The latter entitles

them Hikáyát al-Jalílah or Noble Tales, and the translation was

made by Munshi Shams al-Din Ahmad for the use of the College of

Fort George in A.H. 1252 = 1836.[FN#221] All these versions are

direct from the Arabic: my search for a translation of Galland

into any Eastern tongue has hitherto been fruitless.

I was assured by the late Bertholdy Seemann that the “language of

Hoffmann and Heine” contained a literal and complete translation

of The Nights; but personal enquiries at Leipzig and elsewhere

convinced me that the work still remains to be done. The first

attempt to improve upon Galland and to show the world what the

work really is was made by Dr. Max Habicht and was printed at

Breslau (1824–25), in fifteen small square volumes.[FN#222] Thus

it appeared before the “Tunis Manuscript”[FN#223] of which it

purports to be a translation. The German version is, if

possible, more condemnable than the Arabic original. It lacks

every charm of style; it conscientiously shirks every difficulty;

it abounds in the most extraordinary blunders and it is utterly

useless as a picture of manners or a book of reference. We can

explain its lâches only by the theory that the eminent Professor

left the labour to his collaborateurs and did not take the

trouble to revise their careless work.

The next German translation was by Aulic Councillor J. von

Hammer-Purgstallt who, during his short stay at Cairo and

Constantinople, turned into French the tales neglected by

Galland. After some difference with M. Caussin (de Perceval) in

1810, the Styrian Orientalist entrusted his MS. to Herr Cotta the

publisher of Tubingen. Thus a German version appeared, the

translation of a translation, at the hand of Professor

Zinserling,[FN#224] while the French version was unaccountably

lost en route to London. Finally the “Contes inédits,” etc.,

appeared in a French translation by G. S. Trébutien (Paris,

mdcccxxviii.). Von Hammer took liberties with the text which can

compare only with those of Lane: he abridged and retrenched till

the likeness in places entirely disappeared; he shirked some

difficult passages and he misexplained others. In fact the work

did no honour to the amiable and laborious historian of the

Turks.

The only good German translation of The Nights is due to Dr.

Gustav Weil who, born on April 24, 1808, is still (1886)

professing at Heidelburg.[FN#225] His originals (he tells us)

were the Breslau Edition, the Bulak text of Abd al-Rahman al-Safati

and a MS. in the library of Saxe Gotha. The venerable

savant, who has rendered such service to Arabism, informs me that

Aug. Lewald’s “Vorhalle” (pp. i.-xv.)[FN#226] was written without

his knowledge. Dr. Weil neglects the division of days which

enables him to introduce any number of tales: for instance,

Galland’s eleven occupy a large part of vol. iii. The Vorwort

wants development, the notes, confined to a few words, are

inadequate and verse is everywhere rendered by prose, the Saj’a

or assonance being wholly ignored. On the other hand the scholar

shows himself by a correct translation, contrasting strongly with

those which preceded him, and by a strictly literal version, save

where the treatment required to be modified in a book intended

for the public. Under such circumstances it cannot well be other

than longsome and monotonous reading.

Although Spain and Italy have produced many and remarkable

Orientalists, I cannot find that they have taken the trouble to

translate The Nights for themselves: cheap and gaudy versions of

Galland seem to have satisfied the public.[FN#227] Notes on the

Romaic, Icelandic, Russian (?) and other versions, will be found

in a future page.

Professor Galland has never been forgotten in France where,

amongst a host of editions, four have claims to

distinction;[FN#228] and his success did not fail to create a

host of imitators and to attract what De Sacy justly terms “une

prodigieuse importation de marchandise de contrabande.” As early

as 1823 Von Hammer numbered seven in France (Trébutien, Préface

xviii.) and during later years they have grown prodigiously. Mr.

William F. Kirby, who has made a special study of the subject,

has favoured me with detailed bibliographical notes on Galland’s

imitators which are printed in Appendix No. II.

§ III.

THE MATTER AND THE MANNER OF THE NIGHTS.

A.—The Matter.

Returning to my threefold distribution of this Prose Poem

(Section § I) into Fable, Fairy Tale and historical

Anecdote[FN#229], let me proceed to consider these sections more

carefully.

The Apologue or Beast-fable, which apparently antedates all other

subjects in The Nights, has been called “One of the earliest

creations of the awakening consciousness of mankind.” I should

regard it, despite a monumental antiquity, as the offspring of a

comparatively civilised age, when a jealous despotism or a

powerful oligarchy threw difficulties and dangers in the way of

speaking “plain truths.” A hint can be given and a friend or foe

can be lauded or abused as Belins the sheep or Isengrim the wolf

when the Author is debarred the higher enjoyment of praising them

or dispraising them by name. And, as the purposes of fables are

twofold—

Duplex libelli dos est: quod risum movet,

Et quod prudenti vitam consilio monet—

The speaking of brute beasts would give a piquancy and a

pleasantry to moral design as well as to social and political

satire.

The literary origin of the fable is not Buddhistic: we must

especially shun that “Indo-Germanic” school which goes to India

for its origins, when Pythagoras, Solon, Herodotus, Plato,

Aristotle and possibly Homer sat for instruction at the feet of

the Hir-seshtha, the learned grammarians of the pharaohnic court.

Nor was it Æsopic, evidently Æsop inherited the hoarded wealth of

ages. As Professor Lepsius taught us, “In the olden times within

the memory of man, we know only of one advanced culture; of only

one mode of writing, and of only one literary development, viz.

those of Egypt.” The invention of an alphabet, as opposed to a

syllabary, unknown to Babylonia, to Assyria and to that extreme

bourne of their civilising influence, China, would for ever fix

their literature—poetry, history and criticism,[FN#230] the

apologue and the anecdote. To mention no others The Lion and the

Mouse appears in a Leyden papyrus dating from B.C. 1200–1166 the

days of Rameses III. (Rhampsinitus) or Hak On, not as a rude and

early attempt, but in a finished form, postulating an ancient

origin and illustrious ancestry. The dialogue also is brought to

perfection in the discourse between the Jackal Koufi and the

Ethiopian Cat (Revue Égyptologique ivme. année Part i.). Africa

therefore was the home of the Beast-fable not as Professor

Mahaffy thinks, because it was the chosen land of animal worship,

where

Oppida tote canem venerantur nemo Dianam;[FN#231]

but simply because the Nile-land originated every form of

literature between Fabliau and Epos.

From Kemi the Black-land it was but a step to Phoenicia,

Judæa,[FN#232] Phrygia and Asia Minor, whence a ferry led over to

Greece. Here the Apologue found its populariser in Αἴσωδπος,

Æsop, whose name, involved in myth, possibly connects with

Αιθίοψ:— “Æsopus et Aithiops idem sonant” says the sage. This

would show that the Hellenes preserved a legend of the land

whence the Beast-fable arose, and we may accept the fabulist’s

æra as contemporary with Crœsus and Solon (B.C. 570,) about a

century after Psammeticus (Psamethik 1st) threw Egypt open to the

restless Greek.[FN#233] From Africa too the Fable would in early

ages migrate eastwards and make for itself a new home in the

second great focus of civilisation formed by the Tigris-Euphrates

Valley. The late Mr. George Smith found amongst the cuneiforms

fragmentary Beast-fables, such as dialogues between the Ox and

the Horse, the Eagle and the Sun. In after centuries, when the

conquests of Macedonian Alexander completed what Sesostris and

Semiramis had begun, and mingled the manifold families of mankind

by joining the eastern to the western world, the Orient became

formally hellenised. Under the Seleucidæ and during the life of

the independent Bactrian Kingdom (B.C. 255–125), Grecian art and

science, literature and even language overran the old Iranic

reign and extended eastwards throughout northern India. Porus

sent two embassies to Augustus in B.C. 19 and in one of them the

herald Zarmanochagas (Shramanáchárya) of Bargosa, the modern

Baroch in Guzerat, bore an epistle upon vellum written in Greek

(Strabo xv. I section 78). “Videtis gentes populosque mutasse

sedes” says Seneca (De Cons. ad Helv. c. vi.). “Quid sibi volunt

in mediis barbarorum regionibus Græcæ artes? Quid inter Indos

Persasque Macedonicus sermo? Atheniensis in Asia turba est.”

Upper India, in the Macedonian days would have been mainly

Buddhistic, possessing a rude alphabet borrowed from Egypt

through Arabia and Phoenicia, but still in a low and barbarous

condition: her buildings were wooden and she lacked, as far as we

know, stone-architecture—the main test of social development.

But the Bactrian Kingdom gave an impulse to her civilisation and

the result was classical opposed to vedic Sanskrit. From Persia

Greek letters, extending southwards to Arabia, would find

indigenous imitators and there Æsop would be represented by the

sundry sages who share the name Lokman.[FN#234] One of these was

of servile condition, tailor, carpenter or shepherd; and a

“Habashi” (Æthiopian) meaning a negro slave with blubber lips and

splay feet, so far showing a superficial likeness to the Æsop of

history.

The Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night — Volume 10 (of 10)(#3444) · 第 8 / 40 段