THE WALDENSES APPEAR.
(1526 TO OCTOBER 1532.)
On Friday, 12th July, Farel came from Morat to Grandson, where a quiet
conference was to be held. Four disciples of the Gospel begged to
receive the imposition of hands. Farel and his colleagues examined them,
and, finding them fitted for the evangelical work, sent them to announce
the Gospel in the neighbouring villages of Gy, Fy, Montagny, Noville,
Bonvillars, St. Maurice, Champagne, and Concise. But the conference was
to be occupied with more important business.
[Sidenote: THE WALDENSES.]
For two or three years past a strange report had circulated among the
infant churches that were forming between the Alps and the Jura. They
heard talk of christians who belonged to the Reformation without having
ever been reformed. It was said that in some of the remote valleys of
the Alps of Piedmont and Dauphiny, and in certain parts of Calabria,
Apulia, Provence, Lorraine, and other countries,[446] there were
believers who for many centuries had resisted the pope and recognised no
other authority than Holy Scripture. Some called them 'Waldenses,'
others 'poor men of Lyons,' and others 'Lutherans.' The report of the
victories of the Reformation having penetrated their valleys, these
pious men had listened to them attentively; one of them in particular,
Martin Gonin, pastor of Angrogne, was seriously moved by them. Being a
man of decided and enterprising character, and ready to give his life
for the Gospel, the pious _barbe_ (the name given by the Waldenses to
their pastors) had felt a lively desire to go and see closely what the
Reformation was. This thought haunted him everywhere: whether he
traversed the little glens which divided his valley, like a tree with
its branches,[447] or whether he followed the course of the torrent, or
sat at the foot of the Alps of Cella, Vachera, and Infernet, Gonin
sighed after Wittemberg and Luther. At last he made up his mind; he
departed in 1526, found his way to the reformers, and brought back into
his valleys much good news and many pious books. From that time the
Reformation was the chief topic of conversation among the barbes and
shepherds of those mountains.
* * * * *
In 1530 many of them, threading the defiles of the Alps, arrived on the
French slopes, and following the picturesque banks of the Durance, took
their way towards Merindol, where a synod of Waldensian christians had
been convened. They walked on, animated with the liveliest joy; they had
thought themselves alone, and in one day there had been born to them in
Europe thousands of brethren who listened humbly to the Word of God, and
made the pope tremble on his throne. .... They spoke of the Reformation,
of Luther, and Melanchthon, and of the Swiss as they descended the rough
mountain paths. When the synod was formed, they resolved to send a
deputation to the evangelicals of Switzerland, to show them that the
Waldensian doctrines were similar to those of the reformers, and to
prevail upon the latter to give them the hand of fellowship. In
consequence, two of them, George Morel and Peter Masson, set out for
Basle.
[Sidenote: DEPUTATION TO ŒCOLAMPADIUS.]
On their arrival in that city, they asked for the house of Œcolampadius;
they entered his study, and the old times, represented by these
simple-minded worthy barbes, greeted the new times in the person of the
amiable and steadfast reformer. The latter could not see these brave and
rustic men standing before him and not feel an emotion of respect and
sympathy. The Waldenses took from their bosoms the documents of their
faith, and presented them to the pious doctor. 'Turning away from
Antichrist,' said these papers, and Masson and Morel repeated the words,
'we turn towards Christ. He is our life, our truth, our peace, our
righteousness, our shepherd, our advocate, our victim, our high-priest,
who died for the salvation of believers.[448] But alas! as smoke goeth
before the fire, the temptation of Antichrist precedeth the glory.[449]
In the time of the apostles Antichrist was but a child; he has now grown
into a perfect man. He robs Christ of the merit of salvation, and
ascribes it to his own works. He strips the Holy Ghost of the power of
regeneration, and attributes it to his ceremonies. He leads the people
to mass, a sad tissue of jewish, pagan, and christian rites, and
deprives them of the spiritual and sacramental manducation.[450] He
hates, persecutes, accuses, robs, and kills the members of Jesus
Christ.[451] He boasts of his length of life, of his monks, his virgins,
his miracles, his fasts, and his vigils, and uses them as a cloak to
hide his wickedness. Nevertheless, the rebel is growing old and
decreasing, and the Lord is killing the felon by the breath of his
mouth.'[452] Œcolampadius admired the simplicity of their creed. He
would not have liked a doctrine without life, or an apparent life
without doctrine, but he found both in the Waldensian barbes. 'I thank
God,' he told them, 'that he has called you to so great light.'[453]
Ere long the doctors and faithful ones of Basle desired to see these men
of the ancient times. Seated round the domestic hearth, the Waldenses
narrated the sufferings of their fathers, and described their flocks
scattered over the two slopes of the Alps. 'Some people,' they said,
'ascribe our origin to a wealthy citizen of Lyons, Peter de Vaux or
Waldo, who, being at a banquet with his friends, saw one of them
suddenly fall dead.[454] Moved and troubled in his conscience he prayed
to Jesus, sold his goods, and began to preach and sent others to preach
the Gospel everywhere.[455] But,' added the barbes, 'we descend from
more ancient times, from the time when Constantine introducing the world
into the Church, our fathers set themselves apart, or even from the time
of the apostles.'[456]
[Sidenote: CONFESSIONS OF THE BARBES.]
In the course of conversation, however, with these brethren, the
christians of Basle noticed certain points of doctrine which did not
seem conformable with evangelical truth, and a certain uneasiness
succeeded to their former joy. Wishing to be enlightened, Œcolampadius
addressed a few questions to the two barbes. 'All our ministers,' they
answered on the first point, 'live in celibacy, and work at some honest
trade.' 'Marriage, however,' said Œcolampadius, 'is a state very
becoming to all true believers, and particularly to those who ought to
be in all things _ensamples to the flock_. We also think,' he continued,
'that pastors ought not to devote to manual labour, as yours do, the
time they could better employ in the study of scripture. The minister
has many things to learn; God does not teach us miraculously and without
labour; we must take pains in order to know.'[457]
The barbes were at first a little confused at seeing that the elders had
to learn of their juniors; however, they were humble and sincere men,
and the Basle doctor having questioned them on the sacraments, they
confessed that through weakness and fear they had their children
baptised by Romish priests, and that they even communicated with them
and sometimes attended mass. This unexpected avowal startled the meek
Œcolampadius. 'What,' said he, 'has not Christ, the holy victim, fully
satisfied the everlasting justice for us? Is there any need to offer
other sacrifices after that of Golgotha? By saying _Amen_ to the
priests' mass you deny the grace of Jesus Christ.'
Œcolampadius next spoke of the strength of man after the fall. 'We
believe,' said the barbes modestly, 'that all men have some natural
virtue, just as herbs, plants, and stones have.'[458] 'We believe,' said
the reformer, 'that those who obey the commandments of God do so, not
because they have more strength than others, but because of the great
power of the Spirit of God which renews their will.'[459] 'Ah,' said the
barbes, who did not feel themselves in harmony with the reformers on
this point, 'nothing troubles us weak people so much as what we have
heard of Luther's teaching relative to free-will and predestination....
Our ignorance is the cause of our doubts: pray instruct us.'
The charitable Œcolampadius did not think the differences were such as
ought to alienate him from the barbes. 'We must enlighten these
christians,' he said, 'but above all things we must love them.' Had they
not the same Bible and the same Saviour as the children of the
Reformation? Had they not preserved the essential truths of the faith
from the primitive times? Œcolampadius and his friends agitated by this
reflection, gave their hands to the Waldensian deputation: 'Christ,'
said the pious doctor,' is in you as he is in us, and we love you as
brethren.'
[Sidenote: THE MARTYRED BARBE.]
The two barbes left Basle and proceeded to Strasburg to confer with
Bucer and Capito, after which they prepared to return to their valleys.
As Peter Masson was of Burgundian origin, they determined to pass
through Dijon, a journey not unattended with danger. It was said here
and there in cloisters and in bishops' palaces that the old heretics had
come to an understanding with the new. The pious conversation of the two
Waldensians having attracted the attention of certain inhabitants of
Dijon, a clerical and fanatical city, they were thrown into prison. What
shall they do? What, they ask, will become of the letters and
instructions they are bearing to their co-religionists? One of them,
Morel, the bearer of this precious trust, succeeded in escaping: Masson,
who was left, paid for both; he was condemned, executed, and died with
the peace of a believer.
When they saw only one of their deputation appear, the Waldenses
comprehended the dangers to which the brethren had been exposed, and
wept for Masson. But the news of the reformers' welcome spread great joy
among them, in Provence, Dauphiny, in the valleys of the Alps, and even
to Apulia and Calabria. The observations, however, of Œcolampadius, and
his demand for a stricter reform, were supported by some and rejected by
others. The Waldensians determined therefore to take another step: 'Let
us convoke a synod of all our churches,' said they, 'and invite the
reformers to it.'
One July day in 1532, when Farel was at Grandson, as we have seen, in
conference with other ministers, he was told that two individuals, whose
foreign look indicated that they came from a distance, desired to speak
with him. Two barbes, one from Calabria, named George, the other Martin
Gonin, a Piedmontese, entered the room. After saluting the evangelicals
in the name of their brethren, they told them that the demand that had
been addressed to them to separate entirely from Rome had caused
division among them. 'Come,' they said to the ministers assembled at
Grandson, 'come to the synod and explain your views on this important
point. After that we must come to an understanding about the means of
propagating over the world the doctrine of the Gospel which is common to
both of us.' No message could be more agreeable to Farel; and as these
two points were continually occupying his thoughts, he determined to
comply with the request of the Waldensian brethren. His
fellow-countryman, the pious Saunier, wished to share his dangers.
The members of the conference and the evangelicals of Grandson gazed
with respect upon these ancient witnesses of the truth, arriving among
them from the farther slopes of the Alps and the extremity of Italy,
where they would have had no idea of going to look for brethren. They
crowded round them and gave them a welcome, overflowing with love for
them as they thought of the long fidelity and cruel sufferings of their
ancestors. They listened with interest to the story of the persecutions
endured by their fathers, and the heroism with which the Waldenses had
endured them. They were all ears when they were told how the barbes and
their flocks were suddenly attacked by armed bands in their snowy
mountains during the festival of Christmas in the year 1400; how men,
women, and children had been compelled to flee over the rugged rocks,
and how many of them had perished of cold and hunger, or had fallen by
the sword. In one place the bodies of fourscore little children were
found frozen to death in the stiffened arms of their mothers who had
died with them.... In another place thousands of fugitives who had taken
refuge in deep caverns (1488) had been suffocated by the fires which
their cruel persecutors had kindled at the entrance of their
hiding-place.[460] Would not the Reformation regard these martyrs as its
precursors? Was it not a privilege for it thus to unite with the
witnesses who had given glory to Jesus Christ since the first ages of
the Church?
[Sidenote: FAREL'S DANGEROUS JOURNEY.]
Some of the Swiss christians were alarmed at the idea of Farel's
journey. In truth great dangers threatened the reformer. The martyrdom
of Peter Masson, sacrificed two years before, had exasperated the
Waldenses of Provence, and their lamentations had aroused the anger of
their enemies. The bishops of Sisteron, Apt, and Cavaillon had taken
counsel together and laid a remonstrance before the parliament of Aix,
which had immediately ordered a raid to be made on the heretics: the
prisons were filled with Waldensians and Lutherans, real or pretended.
Martin Gonin, one of the two Waldensian deputies, was in a subsequent
journey arrested at Grenoble, put into a sack, and drowned in the Isère.
A similar fate might easily happen to Farel. Did not the country he
would have to cross depend on the duke of Savoy, and had not Bellegarde
and Challans laid hands on Bonivard in a country less favourable to
ambuscades than that which Farel had to pass through? That mattered not:
he did not hesitate. He will leave these quarters where the might of
Berne protects him and pass through the midst of his enemies. 'There was
in him the same zeal as in his Master,' says an historian;[461] 'like
the Saviour, he feared neither the hatred of the Pharisees, nor the
cunning of Herod, nor the rage of the people.' He made every preparation
for his departure, and Saunier did the same.[462]
Just as Farel was about to leave Switzerland, he received unpleasant
tidings from France, and thus found himself solicited on both sides. He
wrote to his fellow-countrymen one of those letters, so full of
consolation and wisdom, which characterise our reformers. 'Men look
fiercely at you,' he said, 'and threaten you, and lay heavy fines upon
you; your friends turn their robes and become your enemies.... All men
distress you.... Observing all modesty, meekness, and friendship,
persevering in holy prayers, living purely, and helping the poor, commit
everything to the Father of mercies, by whose aid you will walk, strong
and unwearied, in all truth.'[463]
[Sidenote: FAREL'S ARRIVAL IN THE VALLEYS.]
Towards the end of August, Farel and Saunier took leave of the brethren
around them, got on their horses, and departed. Their course was
enveloped in mystery: they avoided the places where they might be known
and traversed uninhabited districts. Having crossed the Alps and passed
through Pignerol, they fixed their eyes, beaming with mournful interest,
on the lonely places where almost inaccessible caverns, pierced in the
ragged sides of the mountains, often formed the only temple of the
Christians, and where every rock had a history of persecution and
martyrdom. Their place of meeting was Angrogne, in the parish of the
pious Martin Gonin. The two reformers quitted La Tour, and following the
sinuosities of the torrent, and turning the precipices, they arrived at
the foot of a magnificent forest, and then reached a vast plateau
abounding in pastures: this was the Val d'Angrogne. They gazed upon the
steep ranges of the Soirnan and Infernet, the pyramidal flanks of mount
Vandalin, and the gentler slopes upon which stood the lowly hamlets of
the valley. They found Waldenses here and there in the meadows and at
the foot of the rocks; some were prepared 'to be a guard for the
ministers of the good law;' and all looked with astonishment and joy at
the pastors who came from Switzerland. 'That one with the red beard and
riding the white horse is Farel,' said John Peyret of Angrogne, one of
their escort, to his companions; 'the other on the dark horse is
Saunier.' 'There was also a third,' add the eye-witnesses, 'a tall man
and rather lame:' he may have been a Waldensian who had acted as a guide
to the two deputies.[464] Other foreign Christians met in this remote
valley of the Alps. There were some from the southern extremity of
Italy, from Burgundy, Lorraine, Bohemia, and countries nearer home.
There was also a certain number of persons of more distinguished
appearance: the lords of Rive Noble, Mirandola, and Solaro had quitted
their castles to take part in this Alpine council. Clergy, senate, and
people were thus assembled; and as no room could have held the number,
it was resolved to meet in the open air. Gonin selected for this purpose
the hamlet of Chanforans, where there is now only one solitary house.
There, in a shady spot, on the side of the mountain, surrounded by an
amphitheatre of rugged cliffs and distant peaks, the barbe had arranged
the rude benches on which the members of this Christian assembly were to
sit.
Two parties met there face to face. At the head of that which was
unwilling to break entirely with the Roman Catholic Church were two
barbes, Daniel of Valence and John of Molines, who struggled for the
success of their system of accommodation and compliance. On the other
hand Farel and Saunier supported the evangelical party, who had not such
distinguished representatives as the traditional party, and proposed the
definitive rejection of all semi-catholic doctrines and usages. Before
the opening of the synod the two ministers, finding themselves
surrounded by numbers of the brethren, both in their homes and under the
shade of the trees where the assembly was to be held, had already
explained to them the faith of the Reformation, and several of the
Waldenses had exclaimed that it was the doctrine taught from father to
son among them, and to which they were resolved to adhere. Yet the issue
of the combat appeared doubtful; for the semi-catholic party was strong,
and described the reformers as foreigners and innovators who had come
there to alter their ancient doctrines. But Farel had good hopes, for he
could appeal to Holy Scripture and even to the confessions of the
Waldenses themselves.
[Sidenote: OPENING OF THE SYNOD.]
On the 12th September the synod was opened 'in the name of God.' One
party looked with favour on Farel and Saunier, the other on John of
Molines and Daniel of Valence; but the majority appeared to be on the
side of the Reformation. Farel rose and boldly broached the question: he
contended that there was no longer any ceremonial law, that no act of
worship had any merit of itself, and that a multitude of feasts,
dedications, rites, chants, and mechanical prayers was a great evil. He
reminded them that Christian worship consists essentially in faith in
the Gospel, in charity, and in the confession of Christ. '_God is a
spirit_,' he said, 'and divine worship should be performed _in spirit
and in truth_.' The two barbes strove in vain to oppose these views, the
meeting testified their assent to them. Did not their confession reject
'all feasts, vigils of saints, water called holy, the act of abstaining
from flesh, and other like things invented by men?'[465] The worship in
spirit was proclaimed.
Farel, delighted at this first victory, desired to win another and
perhaps more difficult one. He believed that it was by means of the
doctrine of the natural power of man that popery took salvation out of
the hands of God and put it into the hands of the priests: 'God,' said
he, 'has elected before the foundation of the world all those who have
been or who will be saved. It is impossible for those who have been
ordained to salvation not to be saved. Whosoever upholds free-will,
absolutely denies the grace of God.' This was a point which Molines and
his friend resisted with all their might. But did not the Waldensian
confessions recognise the impotency of man and the all-sufficiency of
grace? Did not they call the denial of these things 'the work of
Antichrist?'[466] Farel moreover adduced proof from Scripture. The synod
was at first in suspense, but finally decided that it recognised this
article as 'conformable with Holy Scripture.'[467]
Certain questions of morality anxiously occupied the reformer. In his
opinion the Romish Church had turned everything topsy-turvy, calling
those works _good_ which she prescribed though they had nothing good in
them, and those _bad_ which were in conformity with the will of God.
'There is no good work but that which God has commanded,' said Farel,
'and none bad but what He has forbidden.' The assembly expressed their
entire assent.
[Sidenote: FAREL'S OPINIONS GAIN GROUND.]
Then continuing the struggle, the firm evangelical doctor successively
maintained that the true confession of a Christian is to confess to God
alone; that marriage is forbidden to no man, whatever his condition;
that Scripture determines only two sacraments, baptism and the Lord's
Supper; that Christians may swear in God's name and fill the office of
magistrate; and finally, that they should lay aside their manual
occupations on Sunday in order to have leisure to praise God, exercise
charity, and listen to the truths of Scripture.[468] 'Yes, that is it,'
said the delighted Waldenses, 'that is the doctrine of our
fathers.'[469]
Molines and Daniel of Valence did not, however, consider their cause
lost. Ought not the fear of persecution to induce the Waldenses to
persevere in certain dissimulations calculated to secure them from the
inquisitive eyes of the enemies of the faith? Nothing displeased the
reformers so much as dissembling. 'Let us put off that paint,' said
Calvin, 'by which the Gospel is disfigured, and let us not endeavour
slavishly to please our adversaries; let us go boldly to work. If we
permit compromises in some practices the whole doctrine will fall, and
the building be thrown down.'[470] Farel thought as Calvin did.
Perceiving this loophole for the two barbes, he urged the necessity of a
frank confession of the truth. The members of the assembly, pricked in
their consciences by the remembrance of their former backslidings, bound
themselves to take no part henceforward in any Romish superstition, and
to recognise as their pastor no priest of the pope's church. 'We will
perform our worship,' they said, 'openly and publicly to give glory to
God.'[470]
The two barbes, who were no doubt sincere, became more eloquent. The
moment was come that was to decide the future. In their opinion, by
establishing new principles they cast discredit on the men who had
hitherto directed the churches. No doubt it was culpable to take part in
certain ceremonies with an unworthy object, but was it so when it was
done for good ends? To break entirely with the Catholic Church would
render the existence of the Waldenses impossible, or at least would
provoke hostilities which would reduce them completely to silence....
Farel replied with wonderful energy maintaining the rights of truth. He
showed them that every compromise with error is a lie. The purity of the
doctrine he professed, his elevated thoughts, the ardent affection
expressed by his voice, his gestures, and his looks, electrified the
Waldenses, and poured into their souls the holy fire with which his own
was burning. These witnesses of the middle ages called to mind how the
children of Israel having adopted the customs of people alien to the
covenant of God, wept abundantly and exclaimed: '_We have trespassed
against God!_'[471] The Waldenses felt like them, and desired to make
amends for their sins. They drew up a brief confession in 17 articles,
in conformity with the resolutions that had been adopted, and then said:
'We adhere with one accord to the present declaration, and we pray God
that, of his great charity, nothing may divide us henceforward, and
that, even when separated from one another, we may always remain united
in the same spirit.' Then they signed their names.[472]
The agreement was not however universal. During the six days' discussion
several barbes and laymen might have been seen standing apart, in some
shady place, with gloomy air and uneasy look, talking together on the
resolutions proposed to the synod. At the moment when every one was
affixing his signature to the confession, the two leaders withheld
theirs, and withdrew from the assembly.
[Sidenote: OLD WALDENSIAN MANUSCRIPTS.]
During the discussion, and even before it, Farel and Saunier had had
several conversations and conferences with the Waldenses, in the course
of which the barbes had displayed their old manuscripts, handed down
from the twelfth century, as they said: the _Noble Lesson_, the _Ancient
Catechism_, the _Antichrist_, the _Purgatory_, and others. These
writings bore the date of A.D. 1120, which probably was not disputed by
Farel. One line of the _Noble Lesson_ seems to indicate this as the
period when it was composed.[473] Since then, however, more recent dates
have been assigned to the other writings, especially to the
_Antichrist_, and even to the _Noble Lesson_. In any case, however,
these documents belong to a time anterior to the Reformation.[474] The
Waldensians displayed with peculiar pride several manuscript copies of
the Old and New Testament in the vulgar tongue. 'These books,' they
said, 'were copied correctly by hand so long ago as to be beyond memory,
and are to be seen in many families.' Farel and Saunier had received and
handled these writings with emotion; they had turned over the leaves,
and 'marvelling at the heavenly favour accorded to so small a people,'
had rendered thanks to the Lord because the Bible had never been taken
from them.
They did not stop there: Farel addressing the synod, represented to them
that the copies being few in number they could only serve for a few
persons: 'Ah!' said he, 'if there are so many sects and heresies, so
much trouble and confusion now in the world, it all comes from ignorance
of the Word of God. It would therefore be exceedingly necessary for the
honour of God and the well-being of all christians who know the French
language, and for the destruction of all doctrines repugnant to the
truth, to translate the Bible from the Hebrew and Greek tongues into
French.'[475]
No proposal could be more welcome to the Waldenses; their existence was
due to their love of Scripture, and all their treatises and poems
celebrated it:
The Scriptures speak and we must believe. Look at the Scriptures from
beginning to end.[476]
Thus spoke the _Noble Lesson_. They agreed 'joyfully and with good heart
to Farel's demand, busying and exerting themselves to carry out the
undertaking.' The proposition was voted enthusiastically, and the
delighted reformers looked with emotion and joy at this faithful and
constant people, to whom God had entrusted for so many ages the ark of
the new covenant, and who were now inspired with fresh zeal for his
service.[477]
The hour had come for them to separate. John of Molines and Daniel of
Valence went to Bohemia, and joined the Waldenses of that country; the
pastors returned to their churches, the shepherds to their mountains,
and the lords to their castles. Farel mounted his white horse, Saunier
his black one; they shook hands with the Waldenses who surrounded them,
and descending from Angrogne to La Tour, bade adieu to the valleys.
[Sidenote: FAREL'S VIEWS ON GENEVA.]
Where should they go? What would be the next work undertaken by
Farel?... Geneva had long occupied his thoughts, and as he crossed the
Alps he had before him in spirit that city with its wants and its
inhabitants, especially those who were beginning to 'meditate on Jesus
Christ.'[478] Already, before his departure for Italy, Farel had
conceived the plan of stopping at Geneva on his return, and with that
intent had even received from my lords of Berne some letters of
introduction addressed to the leading Huguenots. 'I will go to them
now,' he said, 'I will speak to them, even if there is nobody that will
hear me.'[479]
This idea, which never quitted him, was the beginning of the Reformation
of Geneva.
[446] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 2.
[447] Leger, _Hist. des Eglises Vaudoises_, p. 3.
[448] 'Que Christ es la nostra vita, e verita, e paçs, e justitia, e
pastor.' _Confession de Foi des Vaudois._
[449] 'Enayma lo fum vai derant lo fuoc.'—_L'Antichrist._
[450] 'Priva lo poble de l'espiritual e sacramental manjament.'—
_L'Antichrist._
[451] 'El eyra, e persec, e acaisonna, roba e mortifica li membre de
Christ.'—Ibid.
[452] 'Lo Segnor Jesus occi aquest felon.'—Ibid.
[453] Letter from Œcolampadius, 13 Oct. 1530.
[454] Anno 1170.
[455] 'Suis omnibus venditis, officium apostolarum usurpavit.'—Stephanus
de Barbone, a dominican monk of Lyons, in 1225.
[456] 'Aliqui enim dicunt quod duraverit a tempore Sylvestri, aliqui a
tempore apostolorum.'—Reinerius, 1250, _contra Waldenses_, ch. iv.
[457] Scultet, ii. p. 294. Ruchat, ii. p. 320.
[458] Latin paper of the barbes, 15th question. Ruchat, ii. p. 324.
[459] 'Nisi per spiritum sanctum reparemur, nihil vel velimus vel agamus
boni.'—_Œcolampadii Confessio_, art. 1.
[460] See the histories of Léger, Perrin, Muston, Monastier, &c.
[461] Ancillon.
[462] Choupard MSS. Léger, 2me partie, p. 7, etc. Monastier, i. pp. 167,
201. Kirchhofer, _Farel's Leben_, p. 153.
[463] Letter of 26 July 1532. Choupard MSS.
[464] Gilles, p. 40. Monastier, i. p. 201. We learn from the _Apologie
du translateur_ at the beginning of Olivetan's Bible (1535) that
Olivetan did not go into the valleys as some have believed; he speaks of
two deputies only under the pseudonyms of _Hilerme Cusemeth_ (Guillaume
Farel) and _Antoine Almeutes_ (+almeutês+, salter, Saunier). As for the
third, whom he calls _Cephas Chlorotes_, if he addressed the _Apologie_
to him also, it was not because he had been to Angrogne, but because he
had joined the other two in asking him to undertake that edition of the
Bible. This Cephas Chlorotes is evidently Peter Viret (+chlôros+,
virens).
[465] 'Las festas et las vigilias de li sanet, e l'aiga laqual dison
benieta, &c.'
[466] Léger, _Confession de Foi des Vaudois_, p. 23, verso;
_Traité de l'Antichrist_, p. 75.
[467] Léger, _Briève Confession de Foi_ (1532), p. 95.
[468] Léger, _Briève Confession_, p. 95, verso.
[469] Ibid.
[470] Gilles, _History of the Churches of Piedmont_, p. 30.
[471] Léger, _Hist. des Eglises Vaudoises_, p. 35. Ezra, x.;
Nehemiah, ix. x.
[472] This _Briève Confession_ is in the library of the University
of Cambridge. Léger, p. 95; Muston, _Hist. des Vaudois_, &c.
[473] Ben ha mil e cent anez compli entierament; line 6.
[474] See the researches into the Cambridge MSS. and the German works of
Dieckhoff and Zezschwitz. The latter author is of opinion that the
_Waldensian Catechism_, the _Antichrist_, and other writings, belong to
the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century.
_Catechisms of the Waldenses and Bohemian Brethren_ (in German),
Erlangen, 1863.
[475] Olivetan's Bible: _Apologie du translateur_.
[476]
"Ma l'Escriptura di, e nos creire o deven."—_Nobla Leycon_, l. 19.
"Regarde l'Escriptura del fin commenczamente."—Ib. l. 23.
[477] Gilles, Léger; Muston, Monastier.
[478] Vol. II. p. 583.
[479] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 6. Choupard and Roset, MSS.