Before I begin, let me say a word or two to certain prigs, who affect to

speak of our society as if it were in some degree immoral in its

tendency. Immoral! God bless my soul, gentlemen, what is it that people

mean? I am for morality, and always shall be, and for virtue and all

that; and I do affirm, and always shall (let what will come of it), that

murder is an improper line of conduct, highly improper; and I do not

stick to assert that any man who deals in murder must have very

incorrect ways of thinking, and truly inaccurate principles; and so far

from aiding and abetting him by pointing out his victim’s hiding-place,

as a great moralist[A] of Germany declared it to be every good man’s

duty to do, I would subscribe one shilling and sixpence to have him

apprehended, which is more by eighteen-pence than the most eminent

moralists have subscribed for that purpose. But what then? Everything in

this world has two handles. Murder, for instance, may be laid hold of

by its moral handle (as it generally is in the pulpit, and at the Old

Bailey); and _that_, I confess, is its weak side; or it may also be

treated _æsthetically_, as the Germans call it, that is, in relation to

good taste.

To illustrate this, I will urge the authority of three eminent persons,

namely, S. T. Coleridge, Aristotle, and Mr. Howship the surgeon. To

begin with S. T. C. One night, many years ago, I was drinking tea with

him in Berners Street (which, by the way, for a short street, has been

uncommonly fruitful in men of genius). Others were there besides myself;

and amidst some carnal considerations of tea and toast, we were all

imbibing a dissertation on Plotinus from the attic lips of S. T. C.

Suddenly a cry arose of “_Fire,--fire!_” upon which all of us, master

and disciples, Plato and ὁι περί τον Πλάτωνα, rushed out, eager for the

spectacle. The fire was in Oxford Street, at a piano-forte maker’s; and,

as it promised to be a conflagration of merit, I was sorry that my

engagements forced me away from Mr. Coleridge’s party before matters

were come to a crisis. Some days after, meeting with my Platonic host, I

reminded him of the case, and begged to know how that very promising

exhibition had terminated. “O sir,” said he, “it turned out so ill, that

we damned it unanimously!” Now, does any man suppose that Mr.

Coleridge,--who, for all he is too fat to be a person of active virtue,

is undoubtedly a worthy Christian,--that this good S. T. C., I say, was

an incendiary, or capable of wishing any ill to the poor man and his

piano-fortes (many of them, doubtless, with the additional keys)? On the

contrary, I know him to be that sort of man, that I durst stake my life

upon it he would have worked an engine in a case of necessity, although

rather of the fattest for such fiery trials of his virtue. But how stood

the case? Virtue was in no request. On the arrival of the fire-engines,

morality had devolved wholly on the insurance office. This being the

case, he had a right to gratify his taste. He had left his tea. Was he

to have nothing in return?

I contend that the most virtuous man, under the premises stated, was

entitled to make a luxury of the fire, and to hiss it, as he would any

other performance that raised expectations in the public mind, which

afterwards it disappointed. Again, to cite another great authority, what

says the Stagyrite? He (in the Fifth Book, I think it is, of his

Metaphysics) describes what he calls κλεπτὴν τέλειον, i.e. _a perfect

thief_; and, as to Mr. Howship, in a work of his on Indigestion, he

makes no scruple to talk with admiration of a certain ulcer which he had

seen, and which he styles “a beautiful ulcer.” Now will any man pretend

that, abstractly considered, a thief could appear to Aristotle a perfect

character, or that Mr. Howship could be enamored of an ulcer? Aristotle,

it is well known, was himself so very moral a character that, not

content with writing his Nichomachéan Ethics, in one volume octavo, he

also wrote another system, called _Magna Moralia_, or Big Ethics. Now,

it is impossible that a man who composes any ethics at all, big or

little, should admire a thief _per se_; and, as to Mr. Howship, it is

well known that he makes war upon all ulcers, and, without suffering

himself to be seduced by their charms, endeavors to banish them from

the county of Middlesex. But the truth is, that, however objectionable

_per se_, yet, relatively to others of their class, both a thief and an

ulcer may have infinite degrees of merit. They are both imperfections,

it is true; but to be imperfect being their essence, the very greatness

of their imperfection becomes their perfection. _Spartam nactus es, hanc

exorna._ A thief like Autolycus or Mr. Barrington, and a grim phagedænic

ulcer, superbly defined, and running regularly through all its natural

stages, may no less justly be regarded as ideals after _their_ kind,

than the most faultless moss-rose amongst flowers, in its progress from

bud to “bright consummate flower”; or, amongst human flowers, the most

magnificent young female, apparelled in the pomp of womanhood. And thus

not only the ideal of an inkstand may be imagined (as Mr. Coleridge

demonstrated in his celebrated correspondence with Mr. Blackwood), in

which, by the way, there is not so much, because an inkstand is a

laudable sort of thing, and a valuable member of society; but even

imperfection itself may have its ideal or perfect state.

Really, gentlemen, I beg pardon for so much philosophy at one time, and

now let me apply it. When a murder is in the paulo-post-futurum tense,

and a rumor of it comes to our ears, by all means let us treat it

morally. But suppose it over and done, and that you can say of it,

Τετέλεςαι, or (in that adamantine molossus of Medea) είρξαςαι; suppose

the poor murdered man to be out of his pain, and the rascal that did it

off like a shot, nobody knows whither; suppose, lastly, that we have

done our best, by putting out our legs to trip up the fellow in his

flight, but all to no purpose,--“abiit, evasit,” etc.,--why, then, I

say, what’s the use of any more virtue? Enough has been given to

morality; now comes the turn of Taste and the Fine Arts. A sad thing it

was, no doubt, very sad; but _we_ can’t mend it. Therefore let us make

the best of a bad matter; and as it is impossible to hammer anything out

of it for moral purposes, let us treat it æsthetically, and see if it

will turn to account in that way. Such is the logic of a sensible man,

and what follows? We dry up our tears, and have the satisfaction,

perhaps, to discover that a transaction which, morally considered, was

shocking, and without a leg to stand upon, when tried by principles of

Taste, turns out to be a very meritorious performance. Thus all the

world is pleased; the old proverb is justified, that it is an ill wind

which blows nobody good; the amateur, from looking bilious and sulky, by

too close an attention to virtue, begins to pick up his crumbs, and

general hilarity prevails. Virtue has had her day; and henceforward,

_Vertu_ and Connoisseurship have leave to provide for themselves. Upon

this principle, gentlemen, I propose to guide your studies, from Cain to

Mr. Thurtell. Through this great gallery of murder, therefore, together

let us wander hand in hand, in delighted admiration, while I endeavor to

point your attention to the objects of profitable criticism.

* * * * *

The first murder is familiar to you all. As the inventor of murder, and

the father of the art, Cain must have been a man of first-rate genius.

All the Cains were men of genius. Tubal Cain invented tubes, I think, or

some such thing. But, whatever were the originality and genius of the

artist, every art was then in its infancy, and the works must be

criticised with a recollection of that fact. Even Tubal’s work would

probably be little approved at this day in Sheffield; and therefore of

Cain (Cain senior, I mean) it is no disparagement to say, that his

performance was but so so. Milton, however, is supposed to have thought

differently. By his way of relating the case, it should seem to have

been rather a pet murder with him, for he retouches it with an apparent

anxiety for its picturesque effect:--

“Whereat he inly raged; and, as they talk’d,

Smote him into the midriff with a stone

That beat out life: he fell; and, deadly pale,

Groan’d out his soul _with gushing blood effus’d_.”

_Par. Lost_, B. XI.

Upon this, Richardson, the painter, who had an eye for effect, remarks

as follows, in his Notes on Paradise Lost, p. 497: “It has been

thought,” says he, “that Cain beat (as the common saying is) the breath

out of his brother’s body with a great stone; Milton gives in to this,

with the addition, however, of a large wound.” In this place it was a

judicious addition; for the rudeness of the weapon, unless raised and

enriched by a warm, sanguinary coloring, has too much of the naked air

of the savage school; as if the deed were perpetrated by a Polypheme

without science, premeditation, or anything but a mutton bone. However,

I am chiefly pleased with the improvement, as it implies that Milton was

an amateur. As to Shakespeare, there never was a better; as his

description of the murdered Duke of Gloucester, in Henry VI., of

Duncan’s, Banquo’s, etc., sufficiently proves.

The foundation of the art having been once laid, it is pitiable to see

how it slumbered without improvement for ages. In fact, I shall now be

obliged to leap over all murders, sacred and profane, as utterly

unworthy of notice, until long after the Christian era. Greece, even in

the age of Pericles, produced no murder of the slightest merit; and Rome

had too little originality of genius in any of the arts to succeed,

where her model failed her. In fact, the Latin language sinks under the

very idea of murder. “The man was murdered”;--how will this sound in

Latin? _Interfectus est_, _interemptus est_,--which simply expresses a

homicide; and hence the Christian Latinity of the Middle Ages was

obliged to introduce a new word, such as the feebleness of classic

conceptions never ascended to. _Murdratus est_, says the sublimer

dialect of Gothic ages. Meantime, the Jewish school of murder kept alive

whatever was yet known in the art, and gradually transferred it to the

Western World. Indeed the Jewish school was always respectable, even in

the dark ages, as the case of Hugh of Lincoln shows, which was honored

with the approbation of Chaucer, on occasion of another performance from

the same school which he puts into the mouth of the Lady Abbess.

Recurring, however, for one moment to classical antiquity, I cannot but

think that Catiline, Clodius, and some of that coterie would have made

first-rate artists; and it is on all accounts to be regretted, that the

priggism of Cicero robbed his country of the only chance she had for

distinction in this line. As the _subject_ of a murder, no person could

have answered better than himself. Lord! how he would have howled with

panic, if he had heard Cethegus under his bed. It would have been truly

diverting to have listened to him; and satisfied I am, gentlemen, that

he would have preferred the _utile_ of creeping into a closet, or even

into a _cloaca_, to the _honestum_ of facing the bold artist.

To come now to the dark ages (by which we, that speak with precision,

mean, _par excellence_, the tenth century, and the times immediately

before and after), these ages ought naturally to be favorable to the art

of murder, as they were to church architecture, to stained glass, etc.;

and, accordingly, about the latter end of this period, there arose a

great character in our art, I mean the Old Man of the Mountains. He was

a shining light, indeed, and I need not tell you that the very word

“assassin” is deduced from him. So keen an amateur was he, that on one

occasion, when his own life was attempted by a favorite assassin, he was

so much pleased with the talent shown, that, notwithstanding the failure

of the artist, he created him a Duke upon the spot, with remainder to

the female line, and settled a pension on him for three lives.

Assassination is a branch of the art which demands a separate notice;

and I shall devote an entire lecture to it. Meantime, I shall only

observe how odd it is that this branch of the art has flourished by

fits. It never rains, but it pours. Our own age can boast of some fine

specimens; and about two centuries ago there was a most brilliant

constellation of murders in this class. I need hardly say that I allude

especially to those five splendid works,--the assassinations of William

I., of Orange, of Henry IV., of France, of the Duke of Buckingham (which

you will find excellently described in the letters published by Mr.

Ellis, of the British Museum), of Gustavus Adolphus, and of Wallenstein.

The King of Sweden’s assassination, by the by, is doubted by many

writers, Harte amongst others; but they are wrong. He was murdered; and

I consider his murder unique in its excellence; for he was murdered at

noonday, and on the field of battle,--a feature of original conception,

which occurs in no other work of art that I remember. Indeed, all of

these assassinations may be studied with profit by the advanced

connoisseur. They are all of them _exemplaria_, of which one may say,--

“Nocturna versata manu, versate diurne”;

especially _nocturna_.

In these assassinations of princes and statesmen, there is nothing to

excite our wonder; important changes often depend on their deaths; and,

from the eminence on which they stand, they are peculiarly exposed to

the aim of every artist who happens to be possessed by the craving for

scenical effect. But there is another class of assassinations, which has

prevailed from an early period of the seventeenth century, that really

_does_ surprise me; I mean the assassination of philosophers. For,

gentlemen, it is a fact that every philosopher of eminence for the two

last centuries has either been murdered, or, at the least, been very

near it; insomuch, that if a man calls himself a philosopher, and never

had his life attempted, rest assured there is nothing in him; and

against Locke’s philosophy in particular, I think it an unanswerable

objection (if we needed any) that, although he carried his throat about

with him in this world for seventy-two years, no man ever condescended

to cut it. As these cases of philosophers are not much known, and are

generally good and well composed in their circumstances, I shall here

read an excursus on that subject, chiefly by way of showing my own

learning.

The first great philosopher of the seventeenth century (if we except

Galileo) was Des Cartes; and if ever one could say of a man that he was

all _but_ murdered,--murdered within an inch,--one must say it of him.

The case was this, as reported by Baillet in his _Vie De M. Des Cartes_,

Tom. I. pp. 102-3. In the year 1621, when Des Cartes might be about

twenty-six years old, he was touring about as usual (for he was as

restless as a hyena), and, coming to the Elbe, either at Gluckstadt or

at Hamburg, he took shipping for East Friezland: what he could want in

East Friezland, no man has ever discovered; and perhaps he took this

into consideration himself; for, on reaching Embden, he resolved to sail

instantly for _West_ Friezland; and, being very impatient of delay, he

hired a bark, with a few mariners to navigate it. No sooner had he got

out to sea, than he made a pleasing discovery, namely, that he had shut

himself up in a den of murderers. His crew, says M. Baillet, he soon

found out to be “des scélérats,”--not _amateurs_, gentlemen, as we are,

but professional men,--the height of whose ambition at that moment was

to cut his throat. But the story is too pleasing to be abridged; I shall

give it, therefore, accurately, from the French of his biographer: “M.

Des Cartes had no company but that of his servant, with whom he was

conversing in French. The sailors, who took him for a foreign merchant,

rather than a cavalier, concluded that he must have money about him.

Accordingly they came to a resolution by no means advantageous to his

purse. There is this difference, however, between sea-robbers and the

robbers in forests, that the latter may, without hazard, spare the lives

of their victims; whereas the other cannot put a passenger on shore in

such a case without running the risk of being apprehended. The crew of

M. Des Cartes arranged their measures with a view to evade any danger of

that sort. They observed that he was a stranger from a distance, without

acquaintance in the country, and that nobody would take any trouble to

inquire about him, in case he should never come to hand, _quand il

viendroit à manquer_.” Think, gentlemen, of these Friezland dogs

discussing a philosopher as if he were a puncheon of rum. “His temper,

they remarked, was very mild and patient; and, judging from the

gentleness of his deportment, and the courtesy with which he treated

themselves, that he could be nothing more than some green young man,

they concluded that they should have all the easier task in disposing of

his life. They made no scruple to discuss the whole matter in his

presence, as not supposing that he understood any other language than

that in which he conversed with his servant; and the amount of their

deliberation was--to murder him, then to throw him into the sea, and to

divide his spoils.”

Excuse my laughing, gentlemen, but the fact is, I always _do_ laugh when

I think of this case,--two things about it seem so droll. One is, the

horrid panic or “funk” (as the men of Eton call it) in which Des Cartes

must have found himself upon hearing this regular drama sketched for his

own death,--funeral,--succession and administration to his effects. But

another thing which seems to me still more funny about this affair is,

that if these Friezland hounds had been “game,” we should have no

Cartesian philosophy; and how we could have done without _that_,

considering the world of books it has produced, I leave to any

respectable trunk-maker to declare.

However, to go on; spite of his enormous funk, Des Cartes showed fight,

and by that means awed these Anti-Cartesian rascals. “Finding,” says M.

Baillet, “that the matter was no joke, M. Des Cartes leaped upon his

feet in a trice, assumed a stern countenance that these cravens had

never looked for, and, addressing them in their own language, threatened

to run them through on the spot if they dared to offer him any insult.”

Certainly, gentlemen, this would have been an honor far above the merits

of such inconsiderable rascals,--to be spitted like larks upon a

Cartesian sword; and therefore I am glad M. Des Cartes did not rob the

gallows by executing his threat, especially as he could not possibly

have brought his vessel to port, after he had murdered his crew; so that

he must have continued to cruise forever in the Zuyder Zee, and would

probably have been mistaken by sailors for the _Flying Dutchman_,

homeward bound. “The spirit which M. Des Cartes manifested,” says his

biographer, “had the effect of magic on these wretches. The suddenness

of their consternation struck their minds with a confusion which blinded

them to their advantage, and they conveyed him to his destination as

peaceably as he could desire.”

Possibly, gentlemen, you may fancy that, on the model of Cæsar’s address

to his poor ferryman,--“_Cæsarem vehis et fortunas ejus_,”--M. Des

Cartes needed only to have said, “Dogs, you cannot cut my throat, for

you carry Des Cartes and his philosophy,” and might safely have defied

them to do their worst. A German emperor had the same notion, when,

being cautioned to keep out of the way of a cannonading, he replied,

“Tut! man. Did you ever hear of a cannon-ball that killed an emperor?”

As to an emperor I cannot say, but a less thing has sufficed to smash a

philosopher; and the next great philosopher of Europe undoubtedly _was_

murdered. This was Spinosa.

I know very well the common opinion about him is, that he died in his

bed. Perhaps he did, but he was murdered, for all that; and this I shall

prove by a book published at Brussels, in the year 1731, entitled _La

Vie de Spinosa; Par M. Jean Colerus_, with many additions, from a

manuscript life, by one of his friends. Spinosa died on the 21st

February, 1677, being then little more than forty-four years old. This,

of itself, looks suspicious; and M. Jean admits, that a certain

expression in the manuscript life of him would warrant the conclusion,

“que sa mort n’a pas été tout-à-fait naturelle.” Living in a damp

country, and a sailor’s country, like Holland, he may be thought to have

indulged a good deal in grog, especially in punch,[B] which was then

newly discovered. Undoubtedly he might have done so; but the fact is,

that he did not. M. Jean calls him, “extrêmement sobre en son boire et

en son manger.” And though some wild stories were afloat about his using

the juice of mandragora (p. 140), and opium (p. 144), yet neither of

these articles appeared in his druggist’s bill. Living, therefore, with

such sobriety, how was it possible that he should die a natural death at

forty-four? Hear his biographer’s account: “Sunday morning, the 21st of

February, before it was church time, Spinosa came down stairs and

conversed with the master and mistress of the house.” At this time,

therefore, perhaps ten o’clock on Sunday morning, you see that Spinosa

was alive and pretty well. But it seems “he had summoned from Amsterdam

a certain physician, whom,” says the biographer, “I shall not otherwise

point out to notice than by these two letters, L. M. This L. M. had

directed the people of the house to purchase an ancient cock, and to

have him boiled forthwith, in order that Spinosa might take some broth

about noon, which in fact he did, and ate some of the _old cock_ with a

good appetite, after the landlord and his wife had returned from church.

“In the afternoon L. M. stayed alone with Spinosa, the people of the

house having returned to church; on coming out from which they learnt,

with much surprise, that Spinosa had died about three o’clock, in the

presence of L. M., who took his departure for Amsterdam the same

evening, by the night boat, without paying the least attention to the

deceased. No doubt he was the readier to dispense with these duties, as

he had possessed himself of a ducatoon and a small quantity of silver,

together with a silver-hafted knife, and had absconded with his

pillage.” Here you see, gentlemen, the murder is plain, and the manner

of it. It was L. M. who murdered Spinosa for his money. Poor S. was an

invalid, meagre and weak: as no blood was observed, L. M. no doubt threw

him down and smothered him with pillows,--the poor man being already

half suffocated by his infernal dinner. But who was L. M.? It surely

never could be Lindley Murray; for I saw him at York in 1825; and

besides, I do not think he would do such a thing; at least, not to a

brother grammarian: for you know, gentlemen, that Spinosa wrote a very

respectable Hebrew grammar.

Stories of Intellect · 第 9 / 12 段