CHAPTER LXVIII.

We now come to the second and latter part of Father Oldcorne’s Declaration

to Humphrey Littleton, from the whole of which Declaration Littleton drew

the conclusion that Oldcorne answered “the action was good, and seemed to

approve of it.”[A]

[Footnote A: By thus disclaiming knowledge of “_these_”——that is, the

object the plotters had in view in their nefarious Plot, and the means

they purposed having recourse to, to attain their object——Oldcorne

deliberately throws a veil over the full orb of truth. But Littleton might

have discerned, had he taken the trouble so to do, that Oldcorne was

equivocating under a sense of prior obligation; and the clue was afforded

by the person of the speaker and the tenour of the answer itself. In the

former part of the Declaration, by leaving Littleton _in abstracto_, he

had thrown a veil over a portion of the full orb of truth. Just as the

silvery moon, on some tempestuous night, may be first partially obscured,

by a thick, dark, driving cloud, and then afterwards wholly obscured, from

the view of the gazer.]

“And thus I applied it to this fact of Mr. Catesbie’s; it is not to be

approved or condemned by the event, but by the proper object or end, and

means which was to be used in it; _and because I know nothing of thes_, I

will neither approve it or condeme it, but leave it to god and ther owne

consciences, and in this wary sort I spoke to him bycause I doubted he

came to entrap me; and that he should take noe advantage of the words

whither he reported them to Catholics or Protestants.”[B]

[Footnote B: Oldcorne’s full answer to Littleton would be, “and because I

know nothing of these [that I am at liberty to tell you, Humphrey

Littleton”]: _these last words being interiorly expressed, perhaps_.]

Now, in the first place, let it be remembered that these words were spoken

_not before but after_ Wednesday, the 6th of November, when, as Oldcorne

himself has left on record, and which indeed we have seen already, Father

Tesimond came from Coughton to Huddington, and from Huddington to Hindlip;

and when “_he said that there were certain gentlemen that meant to have

blown up the Parliament House, and that their plot was discovered a day or

two before_.”[A]

[Footnote A: Father Oldcorne says that Tesimond reached Hindlip at two

o’clock. Now, as Tesimond came _from_ Huddington, where, already, he had

had an interview with Catesby, the conspirators must have reached

Huddington _before_ two o’clock; probably they reached the mansion-house

at twelve o’clock mid-day. Bates says that Tesimond was at Huddington

half-an-hour; but Jardine says two hours. Query, what does “_Greenway’s

MS._” say?]

Again; Fawkes, we are told by Eudæmon-Joannes,[169] explained at the Trial

of the conspirators why the prisoners pleaded “‘Not guilty,’ which was

that the Indictment contained ‘many other matters, which we neither can,

nor ought to countenance by our assent or silence,’ though none of them

meant to deny that which they had not only voluntarily confessed before,

_but which was quite notorious throughout the realm_.”[170] (The italics

are mine.)

Now, seeing that Oldcorne told Littleton that “_he knew nothing_” as to

the “_end or object_” the plotters had in their Plot, nor “_the means

which was to be used in it_,” when the whole of England, not to say

Europe, had been ringing with a knowledge of _not only the end or object,

but also the means_, for the last past few days, and perhaps weeks, at the

very least, I draw this inevitable conclusion:——

That because Oldcorne was a man as morally good as he was intellectually

clever, _he must have met his questioner’s inquiry with this nescience, by

reason of some antecedent, official, and professional duty; or, at least,

semi-official and quasi-professional duty, which had been imposed upon

him, ab extra, from the outside, prior in time to Humphrey Littleton’s

coming to him to be resolved of his doubts as to the moral rightness or

wrongness of the Gunpowder Plot_.[171]

In other words, that Oldcorne felt instinctively that he could recognise

in _a private individual, like Humphrey Littleton_, no valid right, title,

claim, or demand to call forth an answer, which might discover or disclose

to Littleton the secret of the repentant Christopher Wright.

Yea, neither in Justice, nor in Equity, nor in Honour could the grand

Yorkshireman betray to Humphrey Littleton the secret of trust that in a

semi-official, quasi-professional mode or fashion had come to be entrusted

to him by another, as that other’s private property and exclusive

possession.

_That other was Christopher Wright, the penitent revealing plotter, and

whomsoever he had, explicitly or implicitly, willed should share a

knowledge of the mighty secret. But to none other or others beside. And

certainly not to men probably prompted by sinister motives and crooked

aims._

For a knowledge of truth in action, truth in the result, truth in the

event, truth in the external, and every other kind of truth in relation to

the Gunpowder[A] Plot, _integral or partial, was irrevocably held in

trust_ by Edward Oldcorne, not for Humphrey Littleton, or the like of him,

but for Christopher Wright and men that were true of heart.

[Footnote A: THE END DOES NOT JUSTIFY THE MEANS: NEITHER CAN A MAN OR A

WOMAN DO EVIL THAT GOOD MAY COME. But Oldcorne would contend that, in

perfect Reason, Truth may be concealed, subject to certain limitations

and, regard being had to person, time, and circumstance, the

clue-affording possibilities; and this whether partial truth or whole

truth, _in pursuance of a prior and superior moral obligation_. And so

would say all modern diplomatists and commanders in the field, however

conscientious and upright they might be, unless they wished to court

defeat, or to give away their Country, and (if justice be meted out to

them) to be cashiered. Now, _unity at all times and in all places must

prevail. For all men are subject to the one Moral Law of Right Reason, and

nowhere will you find men without souls_, notwithstanding that certain

members of the English middle classes sometimes seem to labour under a

delusion to the contrary.

Equivocation cannot be had recourse to in matters of Contract, nor for

pecuniary gain, nor sordid profit. Remember _that_, O all ye worshippers

of Mammon! For, “a more glorious doctrine for knaves and a more disastrous

doctrine for honest men,” it would be difficult, if not impossible, to

conceive of than equivocation, if it were not held strictly and severely

in check and under control by the dictates of Intellectual Reason and

Moral Justice. Now, this highly scientific liberty, “equivocation,” is

never morally lawful to the witnesses in a Court of Justice, where the

judge has jurisdiction to try the parties and the cause, whether those

witnesses be the parties themselves to the cause, or strangers

“subpœnaed” to give testimony therein. Such persons would be justly

punishable for perjury who professed that, when bearing insufficient or

inadequate witness in a Court of Justice by not telling “the whole” truth,

they were merely “equivocating.” Nor can equivocation be had recourse to

for working hurt or injury to a fellow-creature, whether bond or free,

white, black, or copper-coloured, contrary to the primary obligations of

Justice, which bid man render unto _all men_ their due. Nor with reference

to Divine Truth can equivocation be used. (Hence the piteous absurdity of

the Royal Declaration against Popery.)

By the mild and merciful Law of England, a criminally-accused person may

equivocate, on the same moral principles as justify strategy in warfare,

until his guilt has been brought home to him by sufficient proofs. Such a

person equivocates by pleading “_not guilty_.”

_Because_ I believe the ethical doctrine which justifies equivocation,

when properly taught, to be true and not false, _and because_ I

furthermore believe that, in the interests of my Country and of Humanity

at large, it is of practical consequence, as well as mentally salutary,

that a knowledge of equivocation, its foundation principles, extents, and

limitations, should be “understanded” by all those that have the

guardianship of the People, whether in the senate, in the field, or at

sea, _therefore_, I have requested one, who has a competent mastery of the

subject, to explain the matter to my readers. This has been kindly done in

a letter, which will be found in Supplementum VI. For “_Melius petere

fontes_,” the jurist as well as the poet has it. “_Better is it to have

recourse to the fountain-head._”

The philosophical explanation of the fact that, under the pressure of

necessity, certain combatants can and do exhibit in action at the theatre

of war the highest strategetical skill, in spite of their knowing nothing

of the scientific doctrine of equivocation, springs from the law of reason

that, as a rule, _doing_ is the condition precedent _to knowing_;

experience to cognition. See Ferrier’s “_Institutes of Metaphysic_”

(Blackwood), p.15.]

This was an obligation, that flowed from the truth expressed by the

luminous maxim, “_Qui prior est tempore potior est jure_.” “He who is

first in time is the stronger in point of right.”

The Jesuit could never that trust, that confidence betray. If needs be, he

must be “true till death.” For it was not necessary that he should live.

But it was necessary that he should live undishonoured.

The Gunpowder Plot and Lord Mounteagle's Letter, Being a Proof, with Moral Certitude, of the Authorship of the Document Together with Some Account of the Whole Thirteen Gunpowder Conspirators, Including Guy Fawkes · 第 68 / 76 章