me of a nature to interest your Excellency. You will see besides, Sir,
by the despatch of the British Minister, with what affectation he
seeks to make the Thirteen States to be considered as subjected to the
English domination, and you will judge of what importance it is to you
to treat with the Court of London upon the footing of perfect
equality, and how useful an act of this nature may be to the
negotiations of Congress in Europe, when they can add to all the
facts, of which the Court of Madrid makes mention in its memoir, a
cartel regulated on the footing of perfect parity, and which would
prejudge beforehand the question of your independence. I congratulate
myself, that this negotiation is in your hands, and I am well
persuaded, that nothing will pass derogatory to the part, which my
Court has taken in acknowledging the independence and the perfect
sovereignty of the United States.
I shall intrust to your Excellency, that the King is disposed to send
over succors to this continent, of arms and ammunition, but as the
events of the sea are uncertain, I believe that it will be proper to
make no change in the measures, which may have been taken otherwise to
procure them. This news not having reached me till yesterday, I have
not yet been able to make a communication of it to Congress.
As you may be retained in your quarters by important considerations, I
propose to go to render you my duties in the course of the next month,
and confer with your Excellency on objects of great importance, and
relative to the measures necessary to push the next campaign with
vigor, and to put the American army in a condition truly proper to
hold the enemy in check upon the continent, whilst his Majesty and the
King of Spain shall display in the other parts of the world all their
forces to secure advantageous terms of peace to the allies.
I am, with respect, Sir,
LUZERNE.
_P. S._ This letter will be delivered to your Excellency by M. de
Galvan, who has been raised to the rank of Major by your goodness; he
desires to merit it anew, and prays me to solicit you to put his zeal
in activity. I shall be very grateful for what you may be pleased to
do for him. He was particularly recommended to me by the Minister of
France. He appeared to me to merit a great deal from his zeal, and
from his personal attachment to your Excellency.
* * *
PAPERS MENTIONED IN THE ABOVE LETTER.
No. 1.
Translation.
_Extract of a Memorial communicated by the Ambassador of England to
the Court of Madrid, on the 28th of March, 1779._
Let the Colonies expose also their grievances, and the conditions for
their security, or for their precaution, in order that the continuance
and authority of lawful government may be re-established; and then we
shall see if a direct and immediate accommodation can take place. If
this same method is preferred in this last case only, let a truce be
made in North America, that is to say, a real truce and suspension of
arms, during which may be established and secured the liberty and
estates of persons of every condition, and let all sort of violence
against the respective subjects, or against the estates or effects
which they possess, be made to cease. During this truce, the French
may treat upon their particular concerns, avoiding thereby the
suspicions, to which they would necessarily expose themselves, if they
wish to involve in the negotiation their private advantage relatively
to the pretended interests of those, whom France with affectation
calls her allies; and his Majesty will be able to establish the
government of his own dominions, without suffering the humiliation of
not receiving, but from the hand of a declared enemy, the conditions
which regard this government.
* * *
No. 2.
Translation.
_Ultimatum proposed by the Court of Madrid to the Courts of France
and England, dated 3d of April, 1779._
If these overtures or propositions had arrived here immediately after
the King had made his to adjust the plan of reconciliation, several
difficulties might have been some time since removed, by the
modifications, which might have been negotiated, counting upon good
faith and reciprocal confidence, as well as the desire of obtaining a
peace; but after having lost more than two months, without reckoning
the time that uselessly passed before, and after having observed that
during this interval they did not cease to make great preparations of
war, it must necessarily be suspected, that the object of England is
to let glide away the months, which the campaign might still last, to
continue the war with vigor. In this case all the efforts of the King
to bring back the belligerent powers to peace would be ineffectual.
Nevertheless, his Majesty, wishing to give one more proof of his love
of humanity, and to make it appear that he has neglected nothing to
stop and prevent the calamities of war, has ordered to propose to the
two Courts the following plan, which will be on his part an ultimatum
in this affair.
"That there shall be an unlimited suspension of arms with France on
the condition, that neither of the belligerent powers can break it
without advertising the other a year beforehand.
"That with a view of re-establishing reciprocal security and good
faith between the two Crowns, by means of this suspension of
hostilities, there shall be a general disarming in the space of one
month on the side of Europe, in four months on that of America, and in
eight months or a year for those of Africa and of Asia the most
remote.
"That they shall determine in a month the place where the
Plenipotentiaries of the two Courts shall assemble, to treat of a
definitive accommodation of peace, and to regulate the restitutions or
compensations relative to the reprisals, which have been made without
adjudication of war, and to other grievances or pretensions of one or
the other Crown. For this purpose the King will continue his
mediation, offering in the first place the city of Madrid to hold a
Congress.
"That the King of Great Britain shall grant a like cessation of
hostilities to the American Colonies, by the intercession and
mediation of his Catholic Majesty, a year beforehand, to the end, that
he may apprize the said American Provinces, that they are equally
ordered to make a reciprocal disarming at the epochas, and for the
spaces of time, which have been specified with regard to France.
"That the bounds be fixed beyond which neither of the two parties
shall pass from the positions and territories, in which it shall be at
the time of the ratification of this arrangement.
"That they may send to Madrid one or more Commissioners on the part of
the Colonies, and that his Britannic Majesty may also send others on
his part under the mediation of the King, if necessary, in order to
adjust all those points and others, which respect this suspension of
arms, and the effects which it ought to produce, so long as it shall
subsist, and that during this interval the Colonies shall be treated
as independent in fact. That in case all the belligerent powers, or
any others among them, or even the Colonies themselves, demand that
the treaties or accommodations, which are concluded, be guarantied by
those powers and by Spain, they shall in effect be so guarantied. And
the Catholic King now offers his guarantee for the preliminaries."
* * *
No. 3.
Translation.
_Extract from the Exposition of the Motives of the Court of Spain
relative to England._
Among the propositions of the ultimatum of the King of Spain, there is
one for which the British Cabinet has affected to have the greatest
repugnance, and that is the proposition which imparts, that the
Colonies shall be treated as independent _in fact_, during the
interval of the truce. It is extraordinary, since it is even
ridiculous, that the Court of London after having treated the Colonies
during the war as independent, not only _in fact_, but also _of
right_, should have any repugnance to treat them as independent only
_in fact_, during the truce, or suspension of arms. The Convention of
Saratoga, General Burgoyne considered as a lawful prisoner, the
exchange and liberation of other Colonial prisoners, the nomination of
Commissioners to meet the Americans at their own homes, the act of
having asked peace of them, and to treat with them, or with Congress,
and a hundred other facts of this nature, authorised by the Court of
London, have been genuine signs of an acknowledgment of the
independence of the Colonies.
It is the English nation itself, who can best judge and decide,
whether all these acts are as compatible with the honor of the British
Crown, as would be that of granting to the Colonies, by the
interposition of his Catholic Majesty, a suspension of arms to discuss
their differences, and to treat them during this interval as
independent _in fact_.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Translation.
Philadelphia, January 24th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor of sending you the credentials, by which M. d'Anmours
is provisionally appointed his Majesty's Consul in the State of North
Carolina. I entreat you to be pleased to cause them to be invested
with the sanction of Congress, by having them entered upon the
registers, and by taking the trouble to affix your approval, or
causing that of Mr Thompson to be affixed, according to the mode
heretofore pursued in similar cases.
I have the honor to be, &c.
LUZERNE.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Translation.
Philadelphia, January 25th, 1780.
Sir,
The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has received express orders
from the King, his master, to inform Congress, that the present
situation of the affairs of the alliance in Europe announces the
necessity of another campaign, which is indispensable to bring England
to an acknowledgment of the independence of the Thirteen United
States, which is the essential purpose of the present war. That power
is making preparations the most proper for continuing the war with
vigor, and appears willing to employ, in the course of this year, all
the means possible to procure reparation, by some important
enterprise, for the losses it has already sustained. Congress cannot
doubt, that in this situation of affairs his Most Christian Majesty
and the King of Spain have concerted plans to maintain that
superiority by sea, which has begun to appear in their favor; and the
underwritten has reason to believe, that the United States have
nothing to desire of their ally, touching the use he is making of the
resources of his realm, and the efficacy of the measures adopted by
the Cabinets of Versailles and Madrid.
But while this powerful diversion retains in Europe, and the West
Indies, the greater part of the land and sea forces of the common
enemy, it is absolutely necessary, that the United States, on their
part, should make efforts proportionable to the greatness of the
object for which they are contending. The only means of putting an end
to the calamities of the war is to push it with new vigor; to take
effectual measures immediately for completing the army and putting it
in condition to begin an early campaign.
It is also necessary to concert, as far as the distance of places will
permit, a plan of common operations; and this is one of the principal
points on which the underwritten Minister is ordered to consult with
Congress. He is also ordered to assure this Assembly, that the King
being informed of the wants of the American army, with respect to arms
and ammunition, has commanded his Ministers to make suitable
arrangements for supplying them. It is necessary that the underwritten
Minister should confer with Congress on the subjects just mentioned.
Besides, he has some particular circumstances to communicate relative
to the present or probable state of the negotiations; and he desires
that this assembly will be pleased to inform him in what manner they
will receive the communication, the subject of which, as well as the
plan of operations for the ensuing campaign, requires the most
profound secrecy. In the meanwhile, he now only assures Congress, that
in the whole course of the negotiations carried on last year, the King
would not listen to either peace or truce, without an assurance, of
some sort, of the independence of the United States.
LUZERNE.
* * * * *
REPORT OF A COMMITTEE ON THE COMMUNICATIONS
OF THE FRENCH MINISTER.
In Congress, January 28th, 1780.
The committee appointed to receive the communications of the Minister
of France, reported the following summary, accompanied with extracts
of papers, which he had recently received.[32]
The Minister of France informed the Committee, that he had it in
command from his King to impress upon the minds of Congress, that the
British Cabinet have an almost insuperable reluctance to admit the
idea of the independence of these United States, and will use every
possible endeavor to prevent it. That they have filled several of the
Courts of Europe with negotiations, in order to excite them to a war
against France, or to obtain succors; and are employing the most
strenuous endeavors to persuade the several powers, that the United
States are disposed to enter into treaties of accommodation. That many
persons in Europe are actually employed in bringing such treaties to
perfection; and that they have no doubt of their success. That the
objects which the British Cabinet hope for from those measures are, to
destroy the superiority, which France has now at sea, by diverting her
powers and resources from naval to land operations, and by engaging
her in a land war, where she must risk very important interests, while
England would risk nothing but money; or to break, or weaken the
alliance, by destroying the confidence, which the allies ought to have
in each other.
That his Most Christian Majesty gives no credit to the suggestions of
Britain, relative to the disposition of the United States; and it is
necessary, that measures be taken for the preventing of other powers
from being deceived into a belief of them. That the negotiations of
Britain, as far as could yet be learned, had not succeeded. That the
dispositions of all the European powers are, as far as can be known,
very friendly to France; but some of them may be engaged in secret
treaties with Britain, which may oblige them, in some event, to assist
her with troops even against their inclinations. That such event may
arise, and if it should, it is probable it will produce an armed
mediation, the consequences of which would be, that the allies must
accept of the terms proposed by the mediator, or continue the war
under the disadvantage of having the forces of the mediator united
with those of their enemies. That in such event, it is possible the
terms proposed will be such as Spain offered, and Britain rejected, in
the last proposed mediation.
That, though the powers who may be under such engagements by treaty to
Great Britain, from their friendly disposition towards his Most
Christian Majesty, may be very unwilling to give assistance to his
enemies, yet they may find it indispensably necessary in compliance
with their engagements; but it is not improbable that their
reluctance, or the distance of their dominions, may delay such
assistance, if granted at all, so as to be too late for the next
campaign. That should the enemy be in possession of any part of the
United States at the close of the next campaign, it will be extremely
difficult to bring Great Britain to acknowledge their independence;
and if a mediator should be offered, while the enemy is in possession
of any part, an impartial mediator could not easily refute the
arguments, which might be used for its retaining such possessions.
And, probably, a mediator well disposed towards Great Britain might
insist on her holding them; and if not agreed to, the hostility of
such a mediator would be the necessary consequence. That should Great
Britain form such alliances, or procure such aids, as are the objects
of her present negotiations, there will be every reason to fear a long
and an obstinate war, whereof the final event may be doubtful.
That this view of affairs plainly points out the necessity for the
greatest possible vigor in the operations of the next campaign, in
order to dispossess the enemy of every part of the United States, and
to put them in condition to treat of peace, and accept of a mediation
with the greatest advantage; and the preparations for it ought to be
as speedy and as effectual as possible. That France and Spain are
prepared to make a very powerful diversion, and will exert themselves
most strenuously for preserving and improving their naval superiority,
and for employing the powers of the enemy in Europe and the West
Indies. The Minister declared, as from himself, that he doubted not
his Most Christian Majesty will spare some ships to the United States,
if it can be done without endangering his superiority at sea; and that
an application made to the Minister informally is more eligible than
to the King, because it would give his Majesty great pain to refuse
the request, though he might be in no condition to grant it. That at
all events, supplies should be prepared on a supposition that the
ships will be granted; and such supplies should be put into the hands
of the Agent for the Marine of France, and considered as the King's
property.
He desires to be informed, as far as Congress may deem proper, what
force the United States can bring into the field next campaign? On
what resources they rely for their maintenance and necessary
appointments? And what shall be the general plan of the campaign, on
supposition either of having, or not having the aid of ships of war?
He gives it as his opinion, that an application for clothing may be
made to his Most Christian Majesty with prospect of success; and
although measures have been taken for sending arms and warlike stores
to America, yet it would be prudent in Congress not to neglect any
other means for procuring those supplies, or supplies of clothing.
FOOTNOTE:
[32] These extracts were the same as had been sent to General
Washington, and are printed above, in connexion with M. de la
Luzerne's letter to him, dated January 23d, 1780.
* * * * *
ANSWER OF CONGRESS TO THE COMMUNICATIONS OF THE FRENCH MINISTER.
In Congress, January 31st, 1780.
Congress taking into consideration the communications of the French
Minister, as reported by the committee on the 28th instant,
Resolved, That the following answer be given to the communications of
the honorable the Minister Plenipotentiary of France;
That Congress entertain the most grateful sense of the unremitting
attention given to the interests of the United States by their
illustrious ally; and consider the communications made to them by his
Minister under his Majesty's special command as equally wise and
interesting. That the confidence which they repose in his Majesty, in
consequence of his so generously interesting himself in the affairs of
these United States, and the wisdom and magnanimity of his councils,
determine them to give the most perfect information in their power of
their resources, their views, and their expectations.
That to this end, they state as follows; that the United States have
expectations, on which they can rely with confidence, of bringing into
the field an army of twentyfive thousand effective men, exclusive of
commissioned officers. That this army can be reinforced by militia so
as to be in force sufficient for any enterprises against the posts
occupied by the enemy within the United States. That supplies of
provisions for the army in its greatest number can certainly be
obtained within the United States; and the Congress, with the
co-operation of the several States, can take effectual measures for
procuring them in such manner as that no operation will be impeded.
That provisions, also, for such of the forces of his Most Christian
Majesty, as may be employed in conjunction or co-operation with those
of the United States, can be procured under the direction of Congress;
and such provisions shall be laid up in magazines, agreeably to such
instructions as his Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary shall give; and
the magazines shall be put under the direction of the Agent of the
Marine of France.
That Congress rely on the contributions of the States by taxes, and on
moneys to be raised by internal loans, for the pay of the army. That
supplies of clothing, of tents, of arms and warlike stores, must be
principally obtained from foreign nations; and the United States must
rely chiefly on the assistance of their ally for them; but every other
means for procuring them are already taken, and will be prosecuted
with the greatest diligence.
That the United States, with the assistance of a competent naval
force, would willingly, during the next campaign, carry on the most
vigorous offensive operations against the enemy in all the posts
occupied by them within the United States. That without such naval
force, little more can be attempted by them than straitening the
quarters of the enemy, and covering the interior parts of the country.
That their forces must be disposed in such manner as to oppose the
enemy with the greatest effect, wheresoever their most considerable
operations may be directed.
That at present, the Southern States seem to be their principal
object, and their design to establish themselves in one or more of
them; but their superiority at sea over the United States enables them
to change their objects and operations with great facility, while
those of the United States are rendered difficult by the great extent
of country they have to defend.
That Congress are happy to find that his Most Christian Majesty gives
no credit to the suggestions of the British cabinet relative to the
dispositions of the United States, or any of them, to enter into
treaties of accommodation with Great Britain; and wish his Majesty and
all the powers of Europe to be assured, that such suggestions are
insidious and without foundation.
That it will appear by the constitutions and other public acts of the
several States, that the citizens of the United States possessed of
arms, possessed of freedom, possessed of political power to create and
direct their magistrates as they think proper, are united in their
determinations to secure to themselves and their posterity the
blessings of liberty, by supporting the independence of their
governments, and observing their treaties and public engagements with
immovable firmness and fidelity. And the Congress assure his Majesty,
that should any individual in America be found base enough to show the
least disposition for persuading the people to the contrary, such
individual would instantly lose all power of effecting his purpose, by
forfeiting the esteem and confidence of the people.
* * * * *
COMMUNICATIONS OF THE FRENCH MINISTER TO A
COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS AT A SECOND CONFERENCE.
In Congress, February 2d, 1780.
The Committee report, that in a second conference with the honorable
the Minister Plenipotentiary of France he communicated to them;
That his Most Christian Majesty, being uninformed of the appointment
of a Minister Plenipotentiary to treat of an alliance between the
United States and his Catholic Majesty, has signified to his Minister
Plenipotentiary to the United States, that he wishes most earnestly
for such an alliance; and in order to make the way thereto more easy,
has commanded him to communicate to the Congress certain articles,
which his Catholic Majesty deems of great importance to the interests
of his Crown, and on which it is highly necessary that the United
States explain themselves with precision, and with such moderation as
may consist with their essential rights.
That the articles are,
1st. A precise and invariable western boundary to the United States.
2dly. The exclusive navigation of the river Mississippi.
3dly. The possession of the Floridas; and
4thly. The lands on the left or eastern side of the river Mississippi.
That on the first article, it is the idea of the cabinet of Madrid,
that the United States extend to the westward no farther than
settlements were permitted by the royal proclamation bearing date the
---- day of ---- 1763.
On the second, that the United States do not consider themselves as
having any right to navigate the river Mississippi, no territory
belonging to them being situated thereon.
On the third, that it is probable that the King of Spain will conquer
the Floridas during the course of the present war; and in such event,
every cause of dispute relative thereto between Spain and these United
States ought to be removed.