The successful commander, in transmitting by Captain Glegg his

dispatches to the governor-general at Montreal, expressed, through his

aide-de-camp, his intention of proceeding immediately to Kingston, and

from thence to the attack of the naval arsenal at Sackett's Harbour, on

Lake Ontario. Had its destruction been accomplished--and no one can

doubt that this was the proper period to attempt it, as the enemy,

dispirited by the capture of Detroit, would probably have offered but a

feeble resistance--the Americans could not, without much additional

difficulty and future risk of destruction, have built and equipped the

fleet which subsequently gave them the naval ascendancy on that lake,

and enabled them twice in 1813 to capture the capital of Upper Canada.

The armistice, however, caused a delay of nearly a fortnight in the

necessary preparations, as Major-General Brock returned from Detroit to

Fort George on the 24th of August, and the cessation of the truce was

not known to him until his arrival at Kingston, on the 4th of September.

The distance by water between Fort George and Kingston is about 160

miles, and from Kingston to Sackett's Harbour only 35 miles; so that the

destruction of the arsenal might have been effected early in September,

had not the armistice prevented the attempt. But, unhappily for the

interests of his country and the credit of his own fame, Sir George

Prevost disapproved of the proposition, and commanded Major-General

Brock to relinquish all idea of the contemplated enterprize, although

the official intelligence of the president's refusal to continue the

suspension of hostilities reached him at Montreal on the 30th of August,

a day or two _before_ Captain Glegg, with the dispatches and trophies of

the capture of Detroit. At the commencement of the war, a defensive

attitude was perhaps excusable, especially as the British cabinet seems

to have been anxious to accommodate the differences between the two

countries; but _after_ the American government had refused to continue

the armistice, it appears to us that Sir George Prevost was pursuing a

suicidal course, as to wait for the enemy till he shall have prepared

his forces and passed your frontiers, to plunder your towns and occupy

your country, is a very recent expedient recognized by no government,

and practised by no people of ancient or modern times. But

notwithstanding the delay caused by the armistice, the proposed attack

could still have been carried into effect after its cessation; and it

was only relinquished by express orders from the commander-in-chief. We

seek not to impugn his motives, as they probably originated in a

mistaken sense of duty, and evidently from an impression that to attack

the Americans again on their own frontier would be to render the contest

more popular among them. It was under this impression that, in a general

order[88] issued at Montreal on the 31st of August, the

commander-in-chief was weak enough to offer an indirect apology to the

American people for the invasion of their territory at Detroit. Whether

this continued defensive policy was such as, under all the

circumstances, ought to have been observed, we leave it to others to

determine; but certainly the result did not justify its expediency, and

the tree is usually judged of by its fruit. Forbearance in war, where

success is probable, strikes us as a positive evil that a very doubtful

good may ensue--it is seldom properly appreciated; and the

governor-general appears to have seen his error when too late, as in the

following year he was himself ignobly foiled in an attack on Sackett's

Harbour. We cannot understand why the attack under Sir George Prevost,

in May, 1813, was more politic than it would have been in September the

year preceding, under Major-General Brock; and although Captain Glegg

met with a very chilling reception from the former officer, yet we would

willingly acquit him of any jealous feeling where such important

interests were at stake. At the same time it is due to the memory of

this unfortunate officer to add, that his civil administration was as

able as his military one in Canada was inglorious; and that although his

conduct as a soldier was on more than one occasion the subject of much

and just animadversion in England, yet he acquired the warm attachment

of the French Canadians, who speak highly of him to this day. Those

leading men who, during the administration of Sir James Craig, had been

considered almost as enemies, were treated with confidence by his

successor, who gradually appointed them to situations of trust, and by

this wise measure secured their aid and influence in the defence of the

province. Certain it is, on the other hand, that Major-General Brock did

not approve of the defensive warfare to which he was restricted, and

subsequent events too truly proved that had he been permitted to pursue

that course which his zeal and foresight dictated, his valuable life

might have been spared, and a very different series of incidents in that

war claimed the attention of the historian. The high-minded soldier

could not brook a state of inaction with such promising prospects before

him. His best feelings revolted at being compelled to languish within

the strict pale of military obedience, when so rich a field for doing

good service presented itself; and in place of becoming the assailant,

he was soon doomed, by awaiting the attacks of his opponents, to

sacrifice not only life, but, what is far dearer, the opening prospects

of honorable ambition.

On the 16th December, 1812, the inhabitants of the Niagara district

addressed a spirited letter to Sir George Prevost, from which we copy

the following extract, as confirming what we have already stated on the

same subject: "Nevertheless, such was the popularity of the general,

such the confidence he had inspired, that he was enabled to carry with

him to Detroit, though under great privations, a large body of

volunteers, which, in addition to the small regular force at

Amherstburg, enabled him to capture an entire army of our invaders, with

the fortress from which they had made their descent into Canada--a

success unparalleled in the annals of war. Here, for the first time, we

got a supply of good arms. The success of this first enterprize, in

which the militia were engaged, acted like an electric shock throughout

the country: it awed the disaffected, of whom there were many; it

confirmed the timid and the wavering; and it induced the Six Nation

Indians, who had until that time kept aloof, to take an active part in

our favor. At that moment such was the energy and confidence that had

been excited by our illustrious chief and the success of his plans, that

had _he_ been permitted, he could, and would, have destroyed and laid

waste the whole American frontier, from Sandusky to St. Regis. Your

excellency doubtless recollects the armistice which immediately preceded

the capture of Detroit, which gave the enemy an opportunity to recover

from their consternation, to fortify and strengthen their lines, to

accumulate in security the means of annoying us at pleasure along our

whole frontier, and which sent at least 800 of our Indian allies in

disgust to their own homes."

_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock._

MONTREAL, August 13, 1812.[89]

I wrote to you from Albany on the 8th instant, but as my

letter was submitted to the inspection of General Dearborn, I

of course confined myself to the sole subject of the armistice

entered into with that officer.... A clause, admitting

reinforcements to pass with stores, was readily agreed to on

my part. General Dearborn told me that a considerable

reinforcement with stores was on its way to Niagara, and that

he could not delay or alter its destination. I informed him

that we were also forwarding reinforcements and stores, and

that it would be advisable to agree that all movements of that

nature on either side should be suffered to proceed

unmolestedly by troops under instructions to preserve

defensive measures. I am apprehensive that General Dearborn

may not explicitly explain all these points; and I have

therefore cautioned all the officers, to whom I have

communicated them, to act with the utmost caution, and to be

prepared for all events that may arise. I feel extremely

prepossessed in favor of General Dearborn, whose manners

appear to evince great candour and sincerity: he assured me

that no event of his life would afford him so much

satisfaction and happiness as resigning his command in

consequence of our honorable adjustment of differences. He

told me that General Hull was placed under his orders merely

for form sake, but that he acted by particular instructions

from the war department, and would not consider himself bound

to obey any order that was not in conformity to them.

[Colonel Baynes describes at length the incipient state of

military preparation for the invasion of Lower Canada, which

he witnessed on his journey; and after mentioning that the

Americans had sent the most efficient of their forces to the

Niagara frontier, he adds:]

Under all these circumstances, which I have represented to

Sir George, I have strongly urged his sending you further

reinforcements, which I am sure can be spared: we are at

present checked from the want of conveyance, but I trust after

the corps, now on their route, are dispatched, that Sir George

will be induced to send you further aid, and that of the best

description. I think it of the highest importance,

particularly if we are likely to arrange matters with the

States, that the balance of military events should be

unequivocally in our favor. I found a very general prejudice

prevailing with Jonathan, of his own resources and means of

invading these provinces, and of our weakness and inability to

resist, both exaggerated in a most absurd and extravagant

degree--a little practical correction of this error would be

attended with the best effects.

The 1st battalion of the royals are upwards of 1,100 strong,

but sickly, having suffered from their long residence in the

West Indies, and they are in consequence marked for the Quebec

garrison.

_Major-General Brock to Colonel Proctor._

FORT GEORGE, August 25, 1812.

I wrote to you yesterday, informing you that a cessation of

hostilities had been agreed upon between Sir George Prevost

and General Dearborn, and requesting you in consequence to

postpone any attempt upon Fort Wayne, or any other post of the

enemy. I consider the present forbearance may lead to such

consequences that I cannot refrain from sending a second

express, to urge you to restrain the Indians likewise in their

predatory excursions: this, however, ought to be done with the

utmost caution, and on grounds foreign from the present

considerations.

Colonel Myers tells me that he forwarded on the 11th instant a

dispatch received from Sir George Prevost to me, in which his

excellency so clearly stated the principles of moderation upon

which he thought it expedient to act, that I fully expect,

should you have received the dispatch and perused his

sentiments, you will forbear from any hostile aggression; in

fact, act completely upon the defensive.

Should every thing remain quiet in the vicinity of Detroit,

you will proceed hither, bringing to Fort Erie the detachments

which Captain Chambers and Lieutenant Bullock took to

Amherstburg. All the spare ordnance is to be transported to

Fort Erie without delay.

I should also think that Lieutenant Troughton and a few of his

men could be spared for some time from the duties at

Amherstburg; in that case, you will have the goodness to order

them to accompany you.

* * * * *

Major-General Brock arrived at Kingston on the 4th of September, and

left it on the 6th for Fort George. During this hasty visit he reviewed

the militia, and expressed his satisfaction at its evolutions and

appearance. He also received a flattering address from the magistrates,

officers of militia, and other inhabitants; and in reply he told them

with much tact, that it was the confidence inspired by the admirable

conduct of the York and Lincoln regiments of militia which had induced

him to undertake the expedition which terminated in the capture of

Detroit, and that from the report of the officers of the garrison at

Kingston, he relied with the same confidence on the bravery and the

discipline of the militia of that district. In the same manner, in an

address a few days before from the inhabitants of York, he said:

"Gentlemen,--I cannot but feel highly gratified by this expression of

your esteem for myself; but, in justice to the brave men at whose head I

marched against the enemy, I must beg leave to direct your attention to

them, as the proper objects of your gratitude. It was a confidence,

founded on their loyalty, zeal, and valour, that determined me to adopt

the plan of operations which led to so fortunate a termination. Allow me

to congratulate you, gentlemen, at having sent out from among yourselves

a large portion of that gallant band; and that at such a period a spirit

had manifested itself, on which you may confidently repose your hopes of

future security. It will be a most pleasing duty for me to report to our

sovereign a conduct so truly meritorious."

_Major-General Brock, to Sir George Prevost._

KINGSTON, September 4, 1812.

Upon my arrival here an hour ago, Captain Fulton delivered me

your excellency's dispatch, dated the 31st ultimo, enclosing a

letter from General Dearborn, in which the president's

disapproval of the armistice is announced. I am in consequence

induced to return without loss of time to Fort George. Captain

Fulton having expressed a wish to accompany me, I have the

more readily consented, as he will be able to give you full

information of our actual state. The enemy was very busy upon

Fort Niagara, and appeared inclined to erect additional

batteries. I may perhaps think it proper to stop their career.

I enclose several documents lately received from Colonel

Proctor, at Detroit. That officer appears to have conducted

himself with much judgment. I likewise transmit a memorial

which I have received from some merchants in the Niagara

district, but of course I cannot judge of its merits.

I shall be obliged to your excellency to direct the remittance

of the £5,000, for which I sent a requisition some time ago,

on account of the civil expenditure of this province, either

in government paper or specie, as you may deem most

convenient. I doubt not the former meeting a ready currency.

The very flattering manner in which your excellency is pleased

to view my services, and your kindness in having represented

them to his majesty's ministers in such favorable light, are

gratifying to my feelings, and call for my grateful

acknowledgments.

_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost._

FORT GEORGE, September 9, 1812.

I have been honored with your excellency's dispatch, dated the

24th ultimo, and have to thank you for ordering a company of

the Glengary regiment to strengthen Colonel Lethbridge at

Prescott, whose force you have been led to believe was

weakened in consequence of my interference, but which, I beg

leave to state, was done without my knowledge, and contrary to

my intention.

The enclosed copies of letters will inform you of the state of

affairs to the westward. It appears evident the enemy

meditates a second attempt on Amherstburg. The greater part of

the troops, which are advancing, marched from Kentucky with an

intention of joining General Hull. How they are to subsist,

even for a short period, in that already exhausted country, is

no easy matter to conceive. This difficulty will probably

decide them on some bold measure, in the hope of shortening

the campaign. If successfully resisted, their fate is

inevitable.

The Indians, it appears by the accompanying documents, were

adverse to retreating without first making a trial of their

strength. Taking, however, every circumstance into

consideration, I am inclined to think that Captain Muir acted

judiciously. Should the Indians continue to afford a willing

co-operation, I entertain not the smallest doubt of the result

that awaits this second attempt to turn my right; but your

excellency will easily perceive that doubts and jealousies

have already seized their minds. The officers of the Indian

department will, I trust, be able to remove all such

impressions. Although, from the daily observations of what is

passing on the opposite shore, a single man can ill be spared

from this line, I have notwithstanding determined to send the

two flank companies of the royal Newfoundland regiment to

Amherstburg. Fresh troops are daily arriving, supposed to

belong to the Pennsylvania quota of 2,000 men, known to be

intended for this frontier. After the whole arrive, an attack,

I imagine, cannot be long delayed. The wretched state of their

quotas, and the raggedness of the troops, will not allow them

to brave the rain and cold, which during the last week have

been so severely felt.

Between 200 and 300 Indians have joined and augmented the

force on the other side. Their brethren here feel certain that

they will not act with any spirit against us--so I imagine, if

we continue to shew a bold front; but in the event of a

disaster, the love of plunder will prevail, and they will then

act in a manner to be the most dreaded by the inhabitants of

this country.

I beg leave to recommend to your excellency's indulgent

consideration, Colonel Proctor's application for an increase

of pay as commanding a district, which I request may commence

from the 16th August last.

_Colonel Baynes to Major-General Brock_.

MONTREAL, September 10, 1812.

Sir George writes to you so fully upon the several subjects to

which your letters refer, that I have little left to

communicate to you. Major Heathcote leaves this to-day, with

all the small description of ordnance stores intended for

Amherstburg, but we have detained the 12-pounders and shot; as

you have helped yourself so amply at Detroit, it is imagined

you do not now want them. I enclose a letter from Captain

Roberts, who was, I suppose, induced to address himself direct

to head quarters, by an opportunity of doing so offering

itself at the moment. The North-West gentlemen are very urgent

in recommending a reinforcement in that quarter; but Sir

George has told them that their representation must be

addressed to you, who will act as you deem proper.

Your friend, Mr. Isaac Todd, is arrived, and looking much

better for his trip; he was suffered to pass by Albany and the

lake. He tells me that Mr. M'Donell is confirmed

attorney-general, and that the governor's salary is increased,

£1,000 a year. I sincerely trust that it will soon be your

own. Sir George has in his official dispatches, after paying

that tribute of praise so justly your due, stated as his

confirmed opinion, that the salvation of the Upper Province

has in a very great measure arisen from the civil and military

authority being combined in able hands. The prisoners, with

their general, arrived here on Sunday night; as they had not

halted since they left Kingston, and were in a very dirty

state, we kept them here on Monday, and they yesterday

proceeded to William Henry, on their way to Quebec; the

officers are to be on parole in Charlesbourg, and the men

confined on board two transports in the river. Sir George has

permitted most of the officers, who have families with them,

to return on their parole; four of them are proposed to be

exchanged for the officers of the Royal Scots, taken by the

Essex frigate. Sir George has also consented to allow General

Hull to return upon his parole: he is loud in his complaints

against the government at Washington, and the general thinks

that his voice, in the general cry, may be attended with

beneficial effects, and has allowed him to return and enter

the lists. General Hull appears to possess less feeling and

sense of shame than any man in his situation could be supposed

to do. He seems to be perfectly satisfied with himself, is

lavish of censure upon his government, but appears to think

that the most scrupulous cannot attach the slightest blame to

his own immediate conduct at Detroit. The grounds upon which

he rests his defence are not, I fancy, well founded, for he

told us that he had not gunpowder at Detroit for the service

of one day. Sir George has since shown him the return of the

large supply found in the fort; it did not create a blush, but

he made no reply. He professes great surprise and admiration

at the zeal and military preparation that he has everywhere

witnessed; that it was entirely unlooked for, and that he has

no doubt that his friend, General Dearborn, will share his

fate, if he has the imprudence to follow his example. Hull

seems cunning and unprincipled: how much reliance is to be

placed on his professions, time will shew.

General Dearborn has certainly left Albany for Skeensborough,

at the head of the lake, where great preparations have been

making in collecting boats and sending the regulars from

Greenbush to the stations in our vicinity. Major Cotton, with

about 300 men, half of the king's regiment, is stationed at

Isle aux Noix,[90] and two gun-boats have been carried into

that river, as the enemy's preparations seem to indicate that

quarter as their point of attack. Colonel Murray commands at

St. John's, and will give them a warm reception. I do not feel

a doubt of Jonathan's complete discomfiture and disgrace if he

make the attempt: we could, I fancy, bring as many men as he

will be able to persuade into the field, and of very superior

stuff, for our militia have really improved beyond all

expectation in discipline, and with it in spirit and

confidence. This town would turn out 2,000 volunteer militia,

a great proportion of whom are clothed and very tolerably

drilled. We have destroyed all the roads of communication in

our front, leaving open the water route only, and these woody

positions will be shortly occupied by the Indians of this

neighbourhood and a corps of volunteer _voyageur_ Canadians.

The enemy's preparations, however, may be a feint to cover

some plans in agitation against your province.

I send you a long letter from Kempt for your perusal, with a

sketch of Badajos, though no longer recent news. I am sure the

interest you take in the success of our arms, and in his share

in particular, will induce you to read it with pleasure.

_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._

MONTREAL, September 14, 1812.

Captain Fulton arrived on the 11th instant with your letter of

the 7th; the intelligence you have communicated by it

convinces me of the necessity of the evacuation of Fort

Detroit, unless the operations of the enemy on the Niagara

frontier bear a character less indicative of determined

hostile measures against your line in their front than they

did when you last reported to me. You will therefore be

pleased, subject to the discretion I have given you under the

circumstances to which I have alluded, to take immediate steps

for evacuating that post, together with the territory of

Michigan; by this measure you will be enabled to withdraw a

greater number of the troops from Amherstburg, instead of

taking them from Colonel Vincent, whose regular force ought

not on any account to be diminished.

I have already afforded you reinforcements to the full extent

of my ability; you must not, therefore, expect a further

supply of men from hence until I shall receive from England a

considerable increase to the present regular force in this

province: the posture of affairs, particularly on this

frontier, requires every soldier who is in the country.

In my last dispatch from Lord Bathurst, dated the 4th of July,

he tells me, "that his majesty's government trusts I will be

enabled to suspend with perfect safety all extraordinary

preparations for defence which I may have been induced to make

in consequence of the precarious state of the relations

between this country and the United States; and that as every

specific requisition for warlike stores and accoutrements

which had been received from me had been complied with, with

the exception of the clothing of the corps proposed to be

raised from the Glengary emigrants, he had not thought it

necessary to direct the preparation of any further supplies."

This will afford you a strong proof of the infatuation of his

majesty's ministers upon the subject of American affairs, and

shew how entirely I have been left to my own resources in the

event which has taken place.

Judging from what you have already effected in Upper Canada,

I do not doubt but that, with your present means of defence,

you will be able to maintain your position at Fort George, and

that the enemy will be again foiled in any further attempts

they may make to invade the province.

I leave to your discretion to decide on the necessity of

sending a reinforcement to Michilimakinack.

_Major-General Brock to Colonel Proctor_.

FORT GEORGE, September 17, 1812.

I have had before me your several communications to the 11th

instant, addressed to myself and to Major-General Sheaffe. I

approve of your having detached a party to aid in the

reduction of Fort Wayne, not only because its destruction will

render your position more secure, but also from the probable

result of saving the garrison from sharing the fate of that of

Chicago; but it must be explicitly understood, that you are

not to resort to offensive warfare for purposes of conquest.

Your operations are to be confined to measures of defence and

security. With this view, if you should have credible

information of the assembling of bodies of troops to march

against you, it may become necessary to destroy the fort at

Sandusky, and the road which runs through it from Cleveland to

the foot of the rapids: the road from the river Raisin to

Detroit is perhaps in too bad a state to offer any aid to the

approach of an enemy, except in the winter; and if a winter

campaign should be contemplated against you, it is probable

that magazines would be formed in Cleveland and its vicinity,

of all which you will of course inform yourself. In carrying

on our operations in your quarter, it is of primary importance

that the confidence and good-will of the Indians should be

preserved, and that whatsoever can tend to produce a contrary

effect should be most carefully avoided. I therefore most

strongly urge and enjoin your acting on those principles on

every occasion that may offer, inculcating them in all those

under your influence, and enforcing them by your example,

whether in your conduct towards the Indians or what may regard

them, or in your language when speaking to, or of, them. I am

aware that they commit irregularities at times, which will

make this a difficult task; but you must endeavour to perform

it--attending at the same time to the means already suggested

to you for preventing, as much as possible, a repetition of

disorderly conduct.

Colonel E---- is a respectable, gentlemanly man, but he by no

means possesses the influence over the Indians which Captain

M'K---- does. I recommend to you to promote, as far as in you

lies, a good understanding with and between them, and to

observe a conciliating deportment and language towards the

latter, that his great influence may be secured and employed

in its fullest extent for the benefit of your district, and

for the general good. In conversation with him, you may take

an opportunity of intimating, that I have not been unmindful

of the interests of the Indians in my communications to

ministers; and I wish you to learn (as if casually the subject

of conversation) what stipulations they would propose for

themselves, or be willing to accede to, in case either of

failure or of success.

I understand that salvage has been demanded from individuals

on several accounts; for property recovered or restored, for

patents, &c. &c. I lament that such a course has been adopted,

for it was my intention, and it is now my wish, that our

conduct in those matters should be governed by the broadest

principles of liberality. You will, therefore, be pleased to

have returned to the several individuals the amount which each

may have paid as salvage on any account.

With respect to calling out the militia, I am particularly

desirous that it should not be resorted to but in case of

urgent necessity, and then only in such numbers as shall be

actually required. It appears to me that the cavalry employed

exceed the number that may be indispensably necessary: if,

without risk or detriment to the public service, any of either

of those corps can be spared, let them be dismissed.

I wish the engineer to proceed immediately in strengthening

Fort Amherstburg, his plan for which I shall be glad to see as

soon as possible.

Of the ordnance stores of every description, you will reserve

such proportions as may be absolutely required for the public

service in your district, and cause the remainder to be

embarked and sent down to Fort Erie with the least possible

delay.

I cannot at present make the change in the distribution of the

41st regiment which you propose, but, whenever circumstances

may permit, I shall be happy to accede to your wishes.

_Major-General S.V. Rensselaer to Major-General Brock_.

Head Quarters, Lewiston, Sept. 17, 1812.

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of

yesterday evening; an extract of a letter addressed to you on

the 15th instant by Captain Dyson, of the United States

regiment of artillery; also a packet addressed to the

Honorable Albert Gallatin, secretary of the treasury of the

United States.

Colonel Van Rensselaer will have the honor to deliver this

communication, and I have entrusted him to solicit your

permission for an interview with Captain Dyson, for the

purpose of ascertaining, particularly, the condition of the

prisoners of war under his charge, to the end that they may be

relieved from Fort Niagara, if practicable; and if not, that I

may, without delay, state their condition to the government,

that they may receive from the proper department the earliest

possible supplies.

The women and children, and such other persons as have

accompanied the detachment from Detroit, and ought to be here

received, I will immediately receive at Fort Niagara, or such

other convenient place as you may order them to be landed at.

In a communication which I some time since had the honor of

receiving from Lieut.-Colonel Myers, he assured me that it had

been the constant study of the general officer commanding on

this line to discountenance, by all means in his power, the

warfare of sentinels; yet the frequent recurrence of this

warfare within a few days past, would warrant the presumption

that a different course has been adopted. I wish to be assured

of this fact.

_Major-General Brock to Major-General S.V. Rensselaer._

Head Quarters, Fort George, Sept. 17, 1812.

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of

this date. Captain Dyson has obtained my permission to cross

on his parole to the United States; he has, however, requested

to remain till to-morrow, to settle with the men of his

detachment. He shall in the mean time have an interview with

Colonel Van Rensselaer.

Measures will be immediately taken to land the women and

children at Fort Niagara.

It has been with the utmost regret that I have perceived

within these few days a very heavy firing from both sides of

the river. I am, however, given to understand, that on all

occasions it commenced on yours; and from the circumstance of

the flag of truce, which I did myself the honor to send over

yesterday, having been repeatedly fired upon, while in the

act of crossing the river, I am inclined to give full credit

to the correctness of the information. Without, however,

recurring to the past, you may rest assured on my repeating my

most positive orders against the continuance of a practice,

which can only be injurious to individuals, without promoting

the object which both our nations may have in view.

* * * * *

We cannot find the dispatch from Sir George Prevost of the 7th of

September, to which the next letter is an answer, but it could not have

been of a very pleasing character, and certainly Major-General Brock's

_implicit_ obedience to _such_ instructions is most creditable to him.

_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.

FORT GEORGE, September 18, 1812.

I have been honored with your excellency's dispatch, dated the

7th instant. I have implicitly followed your excellency's

instructions, and abstained, under great temptation and

provocation, from every act of hostility. The information

received from a deserter, and which I had the honor to detail

in my last, is far from correct, and, where credit is to be

given, the facts apply solely to the regular force. The

militia, being selected from the most violent democrats, are

generally inclined to invade this province--provisions are in

tolerable plenty--the only complaint arises from a want of

vegetables. It is currently reported that the enemy's force is

to be increased to 7,000, and that on their arrival an attack

is immediately to be made. I am convinced the militia would

not keep together in their present situation without such a

prospect, nor do I think the attempt can be long deferred.

Sickness prevails in some degree along the line, but

principally at Black Rock.

The flank companies of the royal Newfoundland have joined me.

A sergeant and twenty-five rank and file of the Veterans

arrived at the same time, whom I propose sending to

Michilimakinack.

The enclosed letter from Colonel Proctor will inform your

excellency of a force having been detached, under Captain

Muir, for the reduction of Fort Wayne.[91] I gave orders for

it previous to my leaving Amherstburg, which must have induced

Colonel Proctor to proceed, upon receiving intelligence of the

recommencement of hostilities, without waiting for further

directions. I regret exceedingly that this service should be

undertaken contrary to your excellency's wishes; but I beg

leave to assure you, that the principal object in sending a

British force to Fort Wayne is with the hope of preserving the

lives of the garrison. By the last accounts, the place was

invested by a numerous body of Indians, with very little

prospect of being relieved. The prisoners of war, who know

perfectly the situation of the garrison, rejoiced at the

measure, and give us full credit for our intentions.

The Indians were likewise looking to us for assistance: they

heard of the armistice with every mark of jealousy, and, had

we refused joining them in the expedition, it is impossible to

calculate the consequences. I have already been asked to

pledge my word that England would enter into no negociation in

which their interests were not included, and, could they be

brought to imagine that we should desert them, the

consequences must be fatal.

I shall be obliged to your excellency to direct £5,000 to be

transmitted to the receiver-general, for the civil expenditure

of this province. Army bills, I make no doubt, will answer

every purpose.

This dispatch is entrusted to Lieut.-Colonel Nichol,

quartermaster-general of this militia, whom I take the liberty

to introduce to your excellency, as perfectly qualified, from

his local knowledge and late return, to afford every

information of the state of affairs in the western district.

He is instructed to make extensive purchases of necessaries

for the use of the militia, and I have to entreat your

excellency to indulge him with the means of a speedy

conveyance back to this place.

_Major-General Brock to his brother Savery_.

FORT GEORGE, September 18, 1812.

You doubtless feel much anxiety on my account. I am really

placed in a most awkward predicament. If I get through my

present difficulties with tolerable success, I cannot but

obtain praise. But I have already surmounted difficulties of

infinitely greater magnitude than any within my view. Were the

Americans of one mind, the opposition I could make would be

unavailing; but I am not without hope that their divisions may

be the saving of this province. A river of about 500 yards

broad divides the troops. My instructions oblige me to adopt

defensive measures, and I have evinced greater forbearance

than was ever practised on any former occasion. It is thought

that, without the aid of the sword, the American people may be

brought to a due sense of their own interests. I firmly

believe I could at this moment sweep every thing before me

between Fort Niagara and Buffalo--but my success would be

transient.

I have now officers in whom I can confide: when the war

commenced, I was really obliged to seek assistance among the

militia. The 41st is an uncommonly fine regiment, but

wretchedly officered. Six companies of the 49th are with me

here, and the remaining four at Kingston, under Vincent.

Although the regiment has been ten years in this country,

drinking rum without bounds, it is still respectable, and

apparently ardent for an opportunity to acquire distinction:

it has five captains in England, and two on the staff in this

country, which leaves it bare of experienced officers. The

U.S. regiments of the line desert over to us frequently, as

the men are tired of the service: opportunities seldom offer,

otherwise I have reason to think the greater part would follow

the example. The militia, being chiefly composed of enraged

democrats, are more ardent and anxious to engage, but they

have neither subordination nor discipline. They die very fast.

You will hear of some decisive action in the course of a

fortnight, or in all probability we shall return to a state of

tranquillity. I say decisive, because if I should be beaten,

the province is inevitably gone; and should I be victorious, I

do not imagine the gentry from the other side will be anxious

to return to the charge.

It is certainly something singular that we should be upwards

of two months in a state of warfare, and that along this

widely extended frontier not a single death, either natural or

by the sword, should have occurred among the troops under my

command, and we have not been altogether idle, nor has a

single desertion taken place.

I am quite anxious for this state of warfare to end, as I wish

much to join Lord Wellington, and to see you all.

Has poor Betsey recovered the loss of my young and dear

friend, John Tupper?

_Sir George Prevost to Major-General Brock._

MONTREAL, September 25, 1812.

It no longer appears, by your letter of the 13th, that you

consider the enemy's operations on the Niagara frontier

indicative of active operations. If the government of America

inclines to defensive measures, I can only ascribe the

determination to two causes: the first is, the expectation of

such overtures from us as will lead to a suspension of

hostilities, preparatory to negociations for peace; the other

arises from having ascertained, by experience, our ability in

the Canadas to resist the attack of a tumultuary force.

In consequence of your having weakened the line of

communication between Cornwall and Kingston, a predatory

warfare is carrying on there very prejudicial to the

intercourse from hence with Upper Canada. I have ordered a

company of the Glengary to Prescott to strengthen Colonel

Lethbridge, and, under present circumstances, you are not to

expect further aid.

I agree in opinion with you, that so wretched is the

organization and discipline of the American army, that at this

moment much might be effected against them; but as the

government at home could derive no substantial advantage from

any disgrace we might inflict on them, whilst the more

important concerns of the country are committed in Europe, I

again request you will steadily pursue that policy which shall

appear to you best calculated to promote the dwindling away

of such a force by its own inefficient means.

I shall receive with much satisfaction Colonel Proctor's

report of having saved the garrison of Fort Wayne from the

inhuman fury of the Indians. I am particularly anxious that

class of beings should be restrained and controlled as much as

possible, whilst there exists a pretence of implicating the

national character in their cruelties.

* * * * *

The following letter not only explains the impolicy of obeying Sir

George Prevost's provisional orders for the evacuation of Detroit and

the Michigan territory, but also ably deprecates any abandonment of our

Indian allies. With such leaders as its author and Tecumseh, what might

not have been done in this war to obtain the security and regeneration

of this much injured people? But alas! these "kindred spirits" lived not

long enough to plead their cause, and in the negociations for peace

their interests were shamefully overlooked or cruelly forgotten;[92]

although, in the first American war, the Indians had also, with few

exceptions, taken part with Great Britain against the colonists in their

contest for independence. It is true that their mode of warfare is

abhorrent to Europeans, as differing from the more _honorable_

slaughter of _civilized_ enemies; but Sir Isaac Brock proved that they

were to be restrained, and Tecumseh was as humane as he was brave.

Moreover, we should not condemn their previous excesses without

remembering the many injuries they had received. They knew from sad

experience that they could place no faith in the whites, who had long

considered them as legal prey, and too often treated them as the brute

animals of the forest. Expelled from the coasts, and dispossessed of

their hunting grounds, they had been gradually driven westward, until

they had too much cause to apprehend that the cupidity of their invaders

would be satisfied only with their utter extermination. "The red men are

melting," to borrow the expressive metaphor of a celebrated Miami chief

of the last century, "like snow before the sun." Indeed, it is

melancholy to reflect, that the aborigines of both continents of America

have, from their first intercourse with Europeans or their descendants,

experienced nothing but fraud, spoliation, cruelty, and ingratitude.

_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost_.

YORK, September 28, 1812.

I have been honored with your excellency's dispatch, dated the

14th instant.[93] I shall suspend, under the latitude left by

your excellency to my discretion, the evacuation of Fort

Detroit. Such a measure would most probably be followed by the

total extinction of the population on that side of the river,

or the Indians, aware of our weakness and inability to carry

on active warfare, would only think of entering into terms

with the enemy. The Indians, since the Miami affair, in 1793,

have been extremely suspicious of our conduct; but the violent

wrongs committed by the Americans on their territory, have

rendered it an act of policy with them to disguise their

sentiments. Could they be persuaded that a peace between the

belligerents would take place, without admitting their claim

to an extensive tract of country, fraudulently usurped from

them, and opposing a frontier to the present unbounded views

of the Americans, I am satisfied in my own mind that they

would immediately compromise with the enemy. I cannot conceive

a connection so likely to lead to more awful consequences.

If we can maintain ourselves at Niagara, and keep the

communication to Montreal open, the Americans can only subdue

the Indians by craft, which we ought to be prepared to see

exerted to the utmost. The enmity of the Indians is now at its

height, and it will require much management and large bribes

to effect a change in their policy; but the moment they are

convinced that we either want the means to prosecute the war

with spirit, or are negociating a separate peace, they will

begin to study in what manner they can most effectually

deceive us.

Should negociations for peace be opened, I cannot be too

earnest with your excellency to represent to the king's

ministers the expediency of including the Indians as allies,

and not leave them exposed to the unrelenting fury of their

enemies.

The enemy has evidently assumed defensive measures along the

strait of Niagara. His force, I apprehend, is not equal to

attempt, with any probability of success, an expedition across

the river. It is, however, currently reported that large

reinforcements are on their march; should they arrive, an

attack cannot be long delayed. The approach of the rainy

season will increase the sickness with which the troops are

already afflicted. Those under my command are in perfect

health and spirits.

I have the honor to transmit the purport of a confidential

communication[94] received in my absence by Brigade-Major

Evans from Colonel Van Rensselaer. As your excellency's

instructions agree with the line of conduct he is anxious I

should follow, nothing of a hostile nature shall be attempted

under existing circumstances.

* * * * *

The unlettered Tecumseh well knew the wrongs of the red men when he

endeavoured, several years before the war, to induce the Osages to unite

in a general Indian confederacy against the continued encroachments of

the Americans, and gave extemporaneous utterance before a large

assemblage to the following simple but faithful narration of their

grievances. The harangue, eloquent as it is, suffers under all the

disadvantages of translation, and is but the shadow of the substance,

because the gestures, and the interests and feelings excited by the

occasion, which constitute the essentials of its character, are

altogether wanting.

Brothers,--We all belong to one family; we are all children of

the Great Spirit; we walk in the same path; slake our thirst

at the same spring; and now affairs of the greatest concern

lead us to smoke the pipe around the same council fire!

Brothers,--We are friends; we must assist each other to bear

our burdens. The blood of many of our fathers and brothers has

run like water on the ground, to satisfy the avarice of the

white men. We, ourselves, are threatened with a great evil;

nothing will pacify them but the destruction of all the red

men.

Brothers,--When the white men first set foot on our grounds,

they were hungry; they had no place on which to spread their

blankets, or to kindle their fires. They were feeble; they

could do nothing for themselves. Our fathers commiserated

their distress, and shared freely with them whatever the Great

Spirit had given his red children. They gave them food when

hungry, medicine when sick, spread skins for them to sleep on,

and gave them grounds, that they might hunt and raise

corn.--Brothers, the white people are like poisonous serpents:

when chilled, they are feeble and harmless; but invigorate

them with warmth, and they sting their benefactors to death.

The white people came among us feeble; and now that we have

made them strong, they wish to kill us, or drive us back, as

they would wolves and panthers. Brothers,--The white men are

not friends to the Indians: at first, they only asked for land

sufficient for a wigwam; now, nothing will satisfy them but

the whole of our hunting grounds, from the rising to the

setting sun.

Brothers,--The white men want more than our hunting grounds;

they wish to kill our old men, women, and little ones.

Brothers,--Many winters ago, there was no land; the sun did

not rise and set; all was darkness. The Great Spirit made all

things. He gave the white people a home beyond the great

waters. He supplied these grounds with game, and gave them to

his red children; and he gave them strength and courage to

defend them.

Brothers,--My people wish for peace; the red men all wish for

peace; but where the white people are, there is no peace for

them, except it be on the bosom of our mother.

Brothers,--The white men despise and cheat the Indians; they

abuse and insult them; they do not think the red men

sufficiently good to live.

The red men have borne many and great injuries; they ought to

suffer them no longer. My people will not; they are determined

on vengeance; they have taken up the tomahawk; they will make

it fat with blood; they will drink the blood of the white

people.

Brothers,--My people are brave and numerous; but the white

people are too strong for them alone. I wish you to take up

the tomahawk with them. If we all unite, we will cause the

rivers to stain the great waters with their blood.

Brothers,--If you do not unite with us, they will first

destroy us, and then you will fall an easy prey to them. They

have destroyed many nations of red men, because they were not

united, because they were not friends to each other.

Brothers,--The white people send runners amongst us; they wish

to make us enemies, that they may sweep over and desolate our

hunting grounds, like devastating winds, or rushing waters.

Brothers,--Our Great Father, over the great waters, is angry

with the white people, our enemies. He will send his brave

warriors against them; he will send us rifles, and whatever

else we want--he is our friend, and we are his children.

Brothers,--Who are the white people that we should fear them?

They cannot run fast, and are good marks to shoot at: they are

only men; our fathers have killed many of them: we are not

squaws, and we will stain the earth red with their blood.

Brothers,--The Great Spirit is angry with our enemies; he

speaks in thunder, and the earth swallows up villages, and

drinks up the Mississippi. The great waters will cover their

lowlands; their corn cannot grow; and the Great Spirit will

sweep those who escape to the hills from the earth with his

terrible breath.

Brothers,--We must be united; we must smoke the same pipe; we

must fight each other's battles; and, more than all, we must

love the Great Spirit: he is for us; he will destroy our

enemies, and make all his red children happy.

Conclusion of Major-General Brock's general order, Detroit, 16th August,

1812: "The conduct of the Indians under Colonel Elliott, Captain M'Kee,

and the other officers of that department, joined to that of the gallant

and brave chiefs of their respective tribes, has since the commencement

of the war been marked with acts of true heroism, and in nothing can

they testify more strongly their love to the king, their great father,

than in following the dictates of honor and humanity, by which they have

been hitherto actuated. Two fortifications have already been captured

from the enemy, without a drop of blood being shed by the hands of the

Indians: the instant the enemy submitted, his life became sacred."

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 86: To the facts and observations above stated I must add the

extraordinary circumstance, that a staff officer was sent, express from

Montreal to Upper Canada, to prevent General Brock from proceeding to

the western district, but which most happily was prevented from taking

effect by the extraordinary rapidity of the movements of that most

zealous and gallant officer, who had arrived thither before the officer

so sent could reach him.--_Letters of Veritas._]

[Footnote 87: See extract from Letters of Veritas on this point.

Appendix A, Section 1, No. 3.]

[Footnote 88: Appendix A, Section 1, No. 4.]

[Footnote 89: This letter was forwarded by Brigade-Major Shekleton with

that of the 12th August (see page 217), from Sir George Prevost, who

doubtless wrote another the following day relative to the armistice, but

we cannot find it among Major-General Brock's papers.]

[Footnote 90: Coteau du Lac and Isle aux Noix are the keys of Lower

Canada; the former completely commands the navigation of the St.

Lawrence between the Upper and Lower Provinces, and the latter had been

so decidedly regarded as the barrier of Lower Canada from the Champlain

frontier, that it excited the particular attention of the French

engineers in the last defence of the country, and was afterwards

fortified at considerable expense by General Haldimand, daring the war

of the American revolution.--_Quarterly Review_.]

[Footnote 91: Fort Wayne is situated at the junction of the St. Mary and

St. Joseph rivers, which form the Miami of the lake, and not more than

twelve miles from the navigable waters of the Wabash. This post is

nearly in the centre of the Indian settlements on this side the

Mississippi. Many Indian villages lay from twelve to sixty miles from

this place.--_Brown's American History_.]

[Footnote 92: "The Indians on this occasion" (the defence of

Michilimakinack, in 1814,) "behaved with exemplary zeal and fidelity in

our cause; and indeed their attachment throughout has been such as to

make me blush for my country, in the dereliction of their interests in

the negotiations at Ghent, after so many promises made them, and so fair

a prospect at the commencement of these negotiations."--_Letters of

Veritas_.]

[Footnote 93: See page 291. We cannot discover a copy of Major-General

Brock's letter of the 7th September, to Sir George Prevost, to which the

latter officer refers in his letter of the 14th.]

[Footnote 94: This communication, of which we have no particulars, is

the more singular, as Colonel Van R---- commanded the advance of the

American attacking party on the 13th of October, when Sir Isaac Brock

lost his life. Colonel Van R---- was severely wounded on that day.]

CHAPTER XIV.

The Americans, burning to wipe away the stain of their discomfiture at

Detroit, and apparently determined to penetrate into Upper Canada at any

risk, concentrated with those views, along the Niagara frontier, an army

consisting, according to their own official returns, of 5,206 men, under

Major-General Van Rensselaer, of the New York militia, exclusive of 300

field and light artillery, 800 of the 6th, 13th, and 23d regiments, at

Fort Niagara; making a total of 6,300 men. Of this powerful force, 1,650

regulars, under the command of Brigadier Smyth, were at Black Rock; 386

militia at the last named place and Buffalo; and 900 regulars and 2,270

militia at Lewistown, distant from Black Rock 28 miles. Thus the enemy

had, along their frontier of 36 miles, 3,650 regulars and 2,650

militia.[95] To oppose this force Major-General Brock, whose head

quarters were at Fort George, had under his immediate orders part of the

41st and 49th regiments, a few companies of militia, amounting to nearly

half these regulars, and from 200 to 300 Indians--in all about 1,500

men--but so dispersed in different posts at and between Fort Erie and

Fort George, (34 miles apart,) that only a small number was quickly

available at any one point. With unwearied diligence the British

commander watched the motions of the enemy; but under these

circumstances it was impossible to prevent the landing of the hostile

troops, especially when their preparations were favored by the obscurity

of the night.

On the 9th of October, the brig Detroit, of 200 tons and 6 guns, (lately

the U.S. brig Adams,) and the North-West Company's brig Caledonia, of

about 100 tons, having arrived the preceding day from Detroit, were

boarded and carried opposite Fort Erie, before the dawn of day, by

Lieutenant Elliott, of the American navy, with 100 seamen and soldiers

in two large boats. This officer was at this time at Black Rock,

superintending the equipment of some schooners, lately purchased for the

service of Lake Erie. But for the _defensive_ measures to which

Major-General Brock was restricted, he would probably have destroyed

these very schooners, for whose equipment, as vessels of war, Lieutenant

Elliott and 50 seamen had been sent from New York. The two British brigs

contained 40 prisoners, some cannon and small arms, captured at Detroit,

exclusive of a valuable quantity of furs belonging to the North-West

Company, in the Caledonia. Joined by the prisoners, the Americans who

boarded numbered 140, and the crews of the two brigs, consisting of

militia and Canadian seamen, amounted to 68. After the capture,

Lieutenant Elliott succeeded in getting the Caledonia close under the

batteries at Black Rock, but he was compelled, by a few well-directed

shots from the Canada shore, to run the Detroit upon Squaw Island. Here

she was boarded by a subaltern's detachment from Fort Erie, and the

Americans soon after completed her destruction by setting her on fire.

Some lives were lost upon this occasion, and among the Americans a Major

Cuyler was killed by a shot from Fort Erie, as he was riding along the

beach on the opposite side of the river.

_Sir Isaac Brock to Sir George Prevost_.

FORT GEORGE, October 11, 1812.

I had scarcely closed my dispatch to your excellency, of the

9th, when I was suddenly called away to Fort Erie, in

consequence of a bold, and, I regret to say, successful attack

by the enemy on his majesty's brig Detroit, and the private

brig Caledonia, which had both arrived the preceding day from

Amherstburg. It appears by every account I have been able to

collect, that a little before day a number of boats full of

men, dropped down with the current unobserved, boarded both

vessels at the same moment, and, cutting their cables, were

proceeding with them to the American shore, when Major Ormsby,

who witnessed the transaction, directed the batteries to open

on them, and soon compelled the enemy to abandon the Detroit,

which grounded about the centre of Squaw Island, a little

more than a mile below Black Rock. She was then boarded by a

party of the 49th regiment; but as no anchor remained, and

being otherwise unprovided with every means by which she could

be hauled off, the officer, throwing her guns over board,

after sustaining a smart fire of musketry, decided to quit

her. A private, who is accused of getting drunk, and a

prisoner of war, who was unable from his wounds to escape,

with about twenty prisoners brought by the Detroit from

Amherstburg, remained however behind; these it became

necessary to remove before the vessel could be destroyed, and

Cornet Pell Major, of the provincial cavalry, offered his

services. Being unfortunately wounded as he was getting on

board, and falling back into the boat, a confusion arose,

during which the boat drifted from the vessel, leaving two of

the 41st, who had previously ascended, on board. In the mean

time the Caledonia was secured by the enemy, and a cargo of

furs, belonging to the North-West Company, landed.

The batteries on both sides were warmly engaged the whole of

the day, but I am happy to say no mischief was sustained by

the enemy's fire. I reached the spot soon after sun-set, and

intended to have renewed the attempt to recover the Detroit,

which I had _every_ prospect of accomplishing, assisted by the

crew of the Lady Prevost, which vessel had anchored a short

time before; but before the necessary arrangements could be

made, the enemy boarded her, and in a few minutes she was

seen in flames.

This event is particularly unfortunate, and may reduce us to

incalculable distress. The enemy is making every exertion to

gain a naval superiority on both lakes, which if they

accomplish I do not see how we can retain the country. More

vessels are fitting out for war on the other side of Squaw

Island, which I should have attempted to destroy but for your

excellency's repeated instructions to forbear. Now such a

force is collected for their protection as will render every

operation against them very hazardous. The manner our guns

were served yesterday, points out the necessity of an

increase, if possible, of artillerymen to our present small

number of regulars. The militia evinced a good spirit, but

fired without much effect. The enemy, however, must have lost

some men; and it is only wonderful, that in a contest of a

whole day no life was lost on our side. The fire of the enemy

was incessant, but badly directed, till the close of the day,

when it began to improve. Lieutenant Rolette, who commanded

the Detroit, had, and I believe deservedly, the character of a

brave, attentive officer. His vessel must, however, have been

surprised--an easy operation where she lay at anchor; and I

have reason to suspect that this consideration was not

sufficiently attended to by the officers commanding on board

and on shore.

We have not only sustained a heavy loss in the vessel, but

likewise in the cargo, which consisted of four 12-pounders, a

large quantity of shot, and about 200 muskets, all of which

were intended for Kingston and Prescott.

The only consolation remaining is, that she escaped the enemy,

whose conduct, after his first essay, did not entitle him to

so rich a prize. The enemy has brought some boats over land

from Schlosher to the Niagara river, and made an attempt last

night to carry off the guard over the store at Queenston. I

shall refrain as long as possible, under your excellency's

positive injunctions, from every hostile act, although

sensible that each day's delay gives him an advantage.

_Sir Isaac Brock to Colonel Proctor, at Detroit_.

The unfortunate disaster which has befallen the Detroit and

Caledonia will reduce us to great distress. They were boarded

whilst at anchor at Fort Erie and carried off: you will learn

the particulars from others. A quantity of flour and a little

pork were ready to be shipped for Amherstburg; but as I send

you the flank companies of the Newfoundland, no part of the

provisions can go this trip in the Lady Prevost. It will be

necessary to direct her to return with all possible speed,

bringing the Mary under her convoy. You will husband your

pork, for I am sorry to say there is but little in the

country.

An active interesting scene is going to commence with you. I

am perfectly at ease as to the result, provided we can manage

the Indians and keep them attached to your cause, which in

fact is theirs.

The fate of the province is in your hands. Judging by every

appearance, we are not to remain long idle in this quarter.

Were it not for the positive injunctions of the commander of

the forces, I should have acted with greater decision. This

forbearance may be productive of ultimate good, but I doubt

its policy--but perhaps we have not the means of judging

correctly. You will of course adopt a very different line of

conduct. The enemy must be kept in a state of constant

ferment. If the Indians act as they did under Tecumseh, who

probably might be induced to return to Amherstburg, that army

will very soon dwindle to nothing. Your artillery must be more

numerous and effective than any the enemy can bring, and your

store of ammunition will enable you to harass him continually,

without leaving much to chance.

I trust you will have destroyed every barrack and public

building, and removed the pickets and other defences around

the fort at Detroit.

You will have the goodness to state the expedients you possess

to enable us to replace, as far as possible, the heavy loss we

have sustained in the Detroit. Should I hear of reinforcements

coming up, you may rely upon receiving your due proportion.

Nothing new at Montreal on the 25th ult. Lord Wellington has

totally defeated Marmont, near Salamanca. I consider the game

nearly up in Spain. May every possible success attend you.

[The preceding letter is transcribed from a rough copy in the general's

handwriting, and, not being dated, may not have been transmitted, as it

was written only a day or two before his death.]

_Major-General Brock to Sir George Prevost._

October 12, 1812.

The vast number of troops which have been this day added to

the strong force previously collected on the opposite side,

convinces me, with other indications, that an attack is not

far distant. I have in consequence directed every exertion to

be made to complete the militia to 2,000 men, but fear that I

shall not be able to effect my object with willing,

well-disposed characters. Were it not for the numbers of

Americans in our ranks, we might defy all their efforts

against this part of the province.

[The above letter is also from a copy written hurriedly by Sir Isaac

Brock only a few hours before his death, and it may not have been

forwarded.]

* * * * *

A day or two prior to the battle of Queenstown, Major-General Brock

wrote copious instructions for the guidance of the officers commanding

at the different posts on the Niagara river, in the event of their being

attacked, and he explained the probable points which he thought the

enemy would select for accomplishing his descent. He evidently

entertained a high opinion of the discipline and prowess of the British

soldier, as in these instructions he observed: "If we weigh well the

character of our enemy, we shall find him more disposed to brave the

impediments of nature, when they afford him a probability of

accomplishing his end by surprise, in preference to the certainty of

encountering British troops ready formed for his reception." The

original draft of these instructions in the general's writing, contains

scarcely an erasure or correction.

On the 4th of October, an American spy was sent to the British side, and

returned with information that Major-General Brock had proceeded to

Detroit with all the force that could be spared from the Niagara

frontier. Encouraged by these false news, which perhaps the American

general circulated to induce his troops to cross over, every preparation

was made for a descent upon Queenstown. On the morning of the 11th, the

enemy assembled a force at Lewistown, opposite to Queenstown, with the

view of making an immediate attack on the latter, but, through some

mismanagement in conducting the boats to the place of embarkation, the

attack was delayed. Early on the morning of the 13th, the enemy's troops

were again concentrated and embarked in thirteen boats at Lewistown,

under cover of a commanding battery of two 18 and two 6-pounders, which,

with two field pieces, completely commanded every part of the opposite

shore, from which musketry could be effectual in opposing a landing. The

only British batteries from which the enemy could be annoyed in the

passage were one, mounting an 18-pounder, upon Queenstown Heights, and

another, mounting a 24-pound carronade, situate a little below the

village. Three of the boats put back, while the remaining ten, with 225

regulars, besides officers, struck the shore a little above the village

of Queenstown, and immediately returned for more troops. The British

force in Queenstown consisted of the two flank companies of the 49th

regiment and the York volunteer militia, amounting in all to about 300

rank and file. Of these about 60, taken from the 49th grenadiers, and

Captain Hatt's company of militia, under Captain Dennis,[96] of the

49th, advanced at four o'clock, a.m., with a 3-pounder against the first

division of the enemy, under Colonel Van Rensselaer, who had formed his

men near the river, and was awaiting the arrival of the next boats. The

Americans were driven with some loss behind a steep bank, close to the

water's edge, where they were reinforced by a fresh supply of troops,

and whence they returned the fire of the British. In the mean time the

remainder of the 49th grenadiers and of the militia company joined

Captain Dennis; while the 49th light company, under Captain Williams,

with Captain Chisholm's company of militia, stationed on the brow of the

hill, fired down upon the invaders.

Sir Isaac Brock for some days had suspected this invasion, and the

evening preceding it he called his staff together, and gave to each the

necessary instructions. Agreeably to his usual custom, he rose before

daylight, and hearing the cannonade, awoke Major Glegg and called for

his horse, Alfred, which Sir James Craig had presented to him. He then

gallopped eagerly from Fort George to the scene of action, and, with his

two aides-de-camp, passed up the hill at full gallop in front of the

light company, under a heavy fire of artillery and musketry from the

American shore. On reaching the 18-pounder battery at the top of the

hill, they dismounted and took a view of passing events, which at that

moment appeared highly favorable. But in a few minutes a firing was

heard, which proceeded from a strong detachment of American regulars

under Captain Wool, who had succeeded in gaining the brow of the heights

in rear of the battery, by a fisherman's path up the rocks, which, being

reported as impassable, was not guarded. Sir Isaac Brock and his

aide-de-camps had not even time to remount, but were obliged to retire

precipitately with the twelve men stationed in the battery, which was

quickly occupied by the enemy. Captain Wool having sent forward about

150 regulars, Captain Williams' detachment, of about 100 men, advanced

to meet them, personally directed by the general, who, observing the

enemy to waver, ordered a charge, which was promptly executed; but as

the Americans gave way, the result was not equal to his expectations.

Captain Wool admits that he reinforced his regulars, "notwithstanding

which the whole were driven to the edge of the bank."[97] Here some of

the American officers were on the point of hoisting a white flag, with

an intention to surrender, when Captain Wool tore it off, and reanimated

his dispirited troops. They now opened a heavy fire of musketry; and

conspicuous from his dress, his height, and the enthusiasm with which he

animated his little band, the British commander was soon singled out,

and he fell about an hour after his arrival, the fatal bullet entering

his right breast and passing through his left side. He had that instant

said: "Push on the York volunteers;" and he lived only long enough to

request that his fall might not be noticed or prevent the advance of his

brave troops, adding a wish, which could not be distinctly understood,

that some token of remembrance should be transmitted to his sister. He

died unmarried, and on the same day a week previously, he had completed

his forty-third year. The lifeless corpse was immediately conveyed into

a house at Queenstown, where it remained until the afternoon unperceived

by the enemy. His provincial aide-de-camp, Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell, of

the militia, and the attorney-general of Upper Canada--a fine promising

young man--was mortally wounded soon after his chief, and died the next

day, at the early age of twenty-five years. Although one bullet had

passed through his body, and he was wounded in four places, yet he

survived twenty hours; and during a period of excruciating agony, his

thoughts and words were constantly occupied with lamentations for his

deceased commander and friend. He fell while gallantly charging up the

hill with 190 men, chiefly of the York volunteers, by which charge the

enemy was compelled to spike the 18-pounder in the battery there.

The flank companies of the 49th having suffered severely, and both their

captains being wounded, the disputed ground was lost soon after the

death of the general, and the troops retreated in front of Vromont's

battery, where they awaited the expected reinforcements. The Americans

remained in quiet possession of the heights of Queenstown for some

hours, during which they were but partially reinforced, as their

militia, who a day or two before were so anxious to invade

Canada--having heard from the wounded men sent back what they must

expect if they came in contact with the 49th, "the green tigers," as

they called them from their green facings--could not now be induced,

either by threat or entreaty, to cross the river. Indeed, the flank

companies of the 49th, in the excitement arising from the loss of their

late beloved colonel, are said to have fought with such animosity

throughout the day, as to have fully supported this new title. In the

meanwhile, Major-General Sheaffe arrived from Fort George[98] with

nearly 400 of the 41st regiment, under Captain Derenzy and about 300

militia; and--after being joined by the remnant of the 49th flank

companies and the Indians, and leaving two field pieces with 30 men in

front of Queenstown, to prevent its occupation by the Americans--he

proceeded by a circuitous route to gain the rear of the heights upon

which the enemy was posted. Here he was reinforced by the arrival of the

41st grenadiers and some militia from Chippewa, the whole of the British

and Indian force thus assembled rather exceeding 1,000 men, of whom

about 600 were regulars. In numbers the Americans were about

equal--courage they had, but they wanted the confidence and discipline

of British soldiers.

The attack commenced in the afternoon, and after a little firing, the

British, setting up a shout which was accompanied by the war-whoop of

the Indians, advanced at the double quick or running pace, when the

Americans, perceiving the hopelessness of resistance, fled down the hill

after a feeble contest. The slaughter was unhappily protracted, because

the Indians could not at first be restrained. The Americans, who

attempted to escape into the woods, were quickly driven back by the

Indians; and many, cut off in their return to the main body, and

terrified at the sight of these exasperated warriors, flung themselves

wildly over the cliffs, and endeavoured to cling to the bushes which

grew upon them; but some, losing their hold, were dashed frightfully on

the rocks beneath; while others, who reached the river, perished in

their attempts to swim across it. Such, alas! are the dreadful horrors

too often arising from human warfare! A flag of truce soon came from the

American commander, with the offer of an unconditional surrender, and

Brigadier Wadsworth, with upwards of 900 officers and men, were made

prisoners. The death of the British general is said to have cost the

invaders many a life on that day, which otherwise had been spared. Their

loss was 90 killed and about 100 wounded, while that of the British and

Indians was 16 killed and 69 wounded. The victory, though easily won,

was complete; but it was felt by the conquerors as a poor compensation

for the loss of the British chieftain, thus prematurely cut off in the

pride of manhood and in the noon-tide of his career; while the sorrow

manifested throughout both provinces proved that those who rejoiced in

the failure of this second invasion, would gladly have foregone the

triumph, if by such means they could have regained him who rendered the

heights of Queenstown memorable by his fall.

Joy's bursting shout in whelming grief was drowned,

And Victory's self unwilling audience found;

On every brow the cloud of sadness hung,--

The sounds of triumph died on every tongue!

"The news of the death of this excellent officer," observed the Quebec

Gazette, "has been received here as a public calamity. The attendant

circumstances of victory scarcely checked the painful sensation. His

long residence in this province, and particularly in this place, had

made him in habits and good offices almost a citizen; and his frankness,

conciliatory disposition, and elevated demeanour, an estimable one. The

expressions of regret as general as he was known, and not uttered by

friends and acquaintance only, but by every gradation of class, not only

by grown persons, but young children, are the test of his worth. Such

too is the only eulogium worthy of the good and brave, and the citizens

of Quebec have, with solemn emotions, pronounced it on his memory. But

at this anxious moment other feelings are excited by his loss. General

Brock had acquired the confidence of the inhabitants within his

government. He had secured their attachment permanently by his own

merits. They were one people animated by one disposition, and this he

had gradually wound up to the crisis in which they were placed. Strange

as it may seem, it is to be feared that he had become too important to

them. The heroic militia of Upper Canada, more particularly, had knit

themselves to his person; and it is yet to be ascertained whether the

desire to avenge his death can compensate the many embarrassments it

will occasion. It is indeed true that the spirit, and even the

abilities, of a distinguished man often carry their influence beyond the

grave; and the present event furnishes its own example, for it is

certain, notwithstanding General Brock was cut off early in the action,

that he had already given an impulse to his little army, which

contributed to accomplish the victory when he was no more. Let us trust

that the recollection of him will become a new bond of union, and that,

as he sacrificed himself for a community of patriots, they will find a

new motive to exertion in the obligation to secure his ashes from the

pestilential dominion of the enemy."

A Montreal newspaper of the day also contained the following

observations: "The private letters from Upper Canada, in giving the

account of the late victory at Queenstown, are partly taken up with

encomiastic lamentations upon the never-to-be-forgotten General Brock,

which do honor to the character and talents of the man they deplore. The

enemy have nothing to hope from the loss they have inflicted; they have

created a hatred which panteth for revenge. Although General Brock may

be said to have fallen in the midst of his career, yet his previous

services in Upper Canada will be lasting and highly beneficial. When he

assumed the government of the province, he found a divided, disaffected,

and, of course, a weak people. He has left them united and strong, and

the universal sorrow of the province attends his fall. The father, to

his children, will make known the mournful story. The veteran, who

fought by his side in the heat and burthen of the day of our

deliverance, will venerate his name."[99]

And the sentiments of the British government, on the melancholy

occasion, were thus expressed in a dispatch from Earl Bathurst, the

secretary of state for the colonies, to Sir George Prevost, dated

December 8, 1812: "His royal highness the prince regent is fully aware

of the severe loss which his majesty's service has experienced in the

death of Major-General Sir Isaac Brock. This would have been sufficient

to have clouded a victory of much greater importance. His majesty has

lost in him not only an able and meritorious officer, but one who, in

the exercise of his functions of provisional lieutenant-governor of the

province, displayed qualities admirably adapted to awe the disloyal, to

reconcile the wavering, and to animate the great mass of the inhabitants

against successive attempts of the enemy to invade the province, in the

last of which he unhappily fell, too prodigal of that life of which his

eminent services had taught us to understand the value."

The Montreal Herald of April 29, 1815, blames Sir George Prevost for

having suppressed, in his general order, much of the preceding letter

from Lord Bathurst, and remarks: "We repeat that the said letter was not

published to the army or to the public, a part of which the latter ought

to have known, because the sentiments expressed by the prince are those

of the loyal people of Upper Canada, who would be glad to have seen them

soon after the official letter arrived in Canada." The following was

substituted for this letter in a general order of the late

commander-in-chief, dated the 10th March, 1813, said to have been

published to the army at the time of its date:

'His royal highness is fully aware of the severe loss which

his majesty's service has experienced in the death of

Major-General Sir Isaac Brock.'

"But we have been told that even the said general order was not known to

some regiments of the right division, until it appeared in the Quebec

Gazette of the 20th instant." And "considering the character of the

distinguished chief who fell on the British side at the Queenstown

battle,"[100] we certainly do not think that Lord Bathurst intended his

dispatch, relative to that officer's death, should have been thus

mutilated or suppressed in the Canadas.

The Canadian boat songs are well known for their plaintive and soothing

effect, and a very beautiful one was composed on the death of

Major-General Brock. The writer of this memoir, while sailing one

evening in the straits of Canso, in British North America--the beautiful

and picturesque scenery of which greatly increased the effect of the

words--remembers to have heard it sung by a Canadian boatman, and he

then thought that he had never listened to vocal sounds more truly

descriptive of melancholy and regret. Even the young in Canada invoked

the Muse in expression of their sympathy, and the following lines were

indited by Miss Ann Bruyeres, described as "an extraordinary child of

thirteen years old," the daughter of the general's friend,

Lieut.-Colonel. Bruyeres, of the Royal Engineers, (see page 213,) and

who died not long after him in consequence of disease contracted in the

field:

As Fame alighted on the mountain's[101] crest,

She loudly blew her trumpet's mighty blast;

Ere she repeated Victory's notes, she cast

A look around, and stopped: of power bereft,

Her bosom heaved, her breath she drew with pain,

Her favorite Brock lay slaughtered on the plain!

Glory threw on his grave a laurel wreath,

And Fame proclaims "a hero sleeps beneath."

As if to complete the double allusion to Fame in the preceding lines,

singularly enough the mournful intelligence of Sir Isaac Brock's death

was brought from Quebec to Guernsey by the ship FAME, belonging to that

island, on the 24th November, two days before it was known in London.

Sir Isaac Brock, after lying in state at the government house, where his

body was bedewed with the tears of many affectionate friends, was

interred on the 16th of October, with his provincial aide-de-camp, at

Fort George. His surviving aide-de-camp, Major Glegg, recollecting the

decided aversion of the general to every thing that bore the appearance

of ostentatious display, endeavoured to clothe the distressing ceremony

with all his "native simplicity." But at the same time there were

military honors that could not be avoided, and the following was the

order of the mournful procession,[102] "of which," wrote Major Glegg,

"I enclose a plan; but no pen can describe the real scenes of that

mournful day. A more solemn and affecting spectacle was perhaps never

witnessed. As every arrangement connected with that afflicting ceremony

fell to my lot, a second attack being hourly expected, and the minds of

all being fully occupied with the duties of their respective stations, I

anxiously endeavoured to perform this last tribute of affection in a

manner corresponding with the elevated virtues of my departed patron.

Conceiving that an interment in every respect military would be the most

appropriate to the character of our dear friend, I made choice of a

cavalier bastion in Fort George, which his aspiring genius had lately

suggested, and which had been just finished under his daily

superintendence."

Fort Major Campbell.

Sixty Men of the 41st Regiment, commanded by a Subaltern.

Sixty of the Militia, commanded by a Captain.

Two Six-Pounders--firing minute guns.

Remaining Corps and Detachments of the Garrison, with about 200

Indians, in reversed order, forming a street through which the

Procession passed, extending from the government house to the

garrison.

Band of the 41st Regiment.

Drums, covered with black cloth, and muffled.

Late General's Horse, fully caparisoned, led by four Grooms.

Servants of the General.

The General's Body Servant.

Surgeon Muirhead. Doctor Kerr.

Doctor Moore. Staff Surgeon Thom.

Reverend Mr. Addison.

(_The Body of Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell, P.A.D.C._)

Capt. A. Cameron. Lieut. Jarvis.

Lieut. Robinson. Lieut. Ridout.

J. Edwards, Esq. Capt. Crooks.

Supporter, Supporter,

Mr. Dickson. Captain Cameron.

Chief Mourner,

Mr. M'Donell.

(_The Body of Major-General Brock._)

Supporter, Supporter,

Mr. James Coffin, D.A.C.G. Captain Williams, 49th Regt.

Capt. Vigoreaux, R.E. Major Merritt, L.H. Lin. Mil.

Capt. Derenzy, 41st Regt. Lieut.-Col. Clark, Lin. Mil.

Capt. Dennis, 49th Regt. Lieut.-Col. Butler.

Capt. Holcroft, R.A. Colonel Claus,

Supporter, Supporter,

Brigade-Major Evans. Captain Glegg, A.D.C.

Chief Mourners.

Major-General Sheaffe. Lieut.-Colonel Myers, D.Q.M.G.

Ensign Coffin, A.D.C. Lieut. Fowler, A.D.Q.M.G.

The Civil Staff.

Friends of the Deceased.

Inhabitants.[103]

Such was the esteem in which Sir Isaac Brock was held by the enemies of

his country, for he had or could have no personal enemies, that

Major-General Van Rensselaer, in a letter of condolence, informed

Major-General Sheaffe that immediately after the funeral solemnities

were over on the British side, a compliment of minute guns would be paid

to the hero's memory on theirs!!! Accordingly, the cannon at Fort

Niagara were fired, "as a mark of respect due to a brave enemy." How

much is it then to be regretted that we should ever come into collision

with those who possess the same origin and the same language as

ourselves, and who, by this generous feeling and conduct, proved that

they are a liberal, as they undoubtedly are a gallant, people; and may

the future rivalry of both powers be, not for the unnatural destruction

of each other, but for the benefit of mankind. No words can better

express the favorable opinion entertained by the Americans of the

deceased than the language of their president, Madison, who, alluding to

the battle of Queenstown in his annual message to congress, observed:

"Our loss has been considerable, and is deeply to be lamented. That of

the enemy, less ascertained, will be the more felt, as it includes

amongst the killed the commanding general, who was also the governor of

the province."

Ere we proceed to delineate the person and character of this able

soldier and excellent man, we shall transcribe the sketches of two

strangers,[104] lest the portrait of a relative should be deemed too

highly coloured. That portrait has been drawn by them with a master

hand, especially the first; and although feelingly alive to our

incompetency for the task, we also must endeavour, with a trembling pen,

to do justice to the memory of the hero.

"Thus ended in their total discomfiture," says Christie in his

Historical Memoirs, already cited, "the second attempt of the Americans

to invade Upper Canada. The loss of the British is said to have been

about 20 killed, including Indians, and between 50 and 60 wounded. The

fall of General Brock, the idol of the army and of the people of Upper

Canada, was an irreparable loss, and cast a shade over the glory of this

dear-bought victory. He was a native of Guernsey, of an ancient and

reputable family, distinguished in the profession of arms. He had served

for many years in Canada, and in some of the principal campaigns in

Europe. He commanded a detachment of his favorite 49th regiment, on the

expedition to Copenhagen with Lord Nelson, where he distinguished

himself. He was one of those extraordinary men who seem born to

influence mankind, and mark the age in which they live. Conscious of the

ascendancy of his genius over those who surrounded him, he blended the

mildest of manners with the severity and discipline of a camp; and

though his deportment was somewhat grave and imposing, the noble

frankness of his character imparted at once confidence and respect to

those who had occasion to approach his person. As a soldier, he was

brave to a fault, and not less judicious than decisive in his measures.

The energy of his character was strongly expressed in his countenance,

and in the robust and manly symmetry of his frame. As a civil governor,

he was firm, prudent, and equitable. In fine, whether we view him as a

man, a statesman, or a soldier, he equally deserves the esteem and

respect of his contemporaries and of posterity. The Indians who flocked

to his standard were attached to him with almost enthusiastic affection,

and the enemy even expressed an involuntary regret at his untimely fall.

His prodigality of life bereft the country of his services at the early

age of forty-two years. The remains of this gallant officer were, during

the funeral service, honored with a discharge of minute guns from the

American, as well as the British, batteries, and with those of his

faithful aide-de-camp, Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell, were interred in the

same grave at Fort George, on the 16th October, amidst the tears of an

affectionate soldiery and a grateful people, who will cherish his memory

with veneration, and hand to their posterity the imperishable name of

BROCK."

"General Brock was killed at the battle of Queenstown heights," observes

Howison in his Sketches of Upper Canada, "and the place where he fell

was pointed out to me. The Canadians hold the memory of this brave and

excellent man in great veneration, but have not yet attempted to

testify their respect for his virtues in any way, except by shewing to

strangers the spot on which he received his mortal wound. He was more

popular, and more beloved by the inhabitants of Upper Canada, than any

man they ever had among them, and with reason; for he possessed, in an

eminent degree, those virtues which add lustre to bravery, and those

talents that shine alike in the cabinet and in the field. His manners

and dispositions were so conciliating as to gain the affection of all

whom he commanded, while his innate nobleness and dignity of mind

secured him a respect almost amounting to veneration. He is now styled

the Hero of Upper Canada, and, had he lived, there is no doubt but the

war would have terminated very differently from what it did. The

Canadian farmers are not over-burthened with sensibility, yet I have

seen several of them shed tears when an eulogium was pronounced upon the

immortal and generous-minded deliverer of their country.

"General Brock was killed close to the road that leads through

Queenstown village, and an aged thorn bush now marks the place where he

fell, when the fatal ball entered his vitals. This spot may be called

classic ground, for a view of it must awaken in the minds of all those

who duly appreciate the greatness of his character, and are acquainted

with the nature of his resources and exertions, feelings as warm and

enthusiastic as the contemplation of monuments consecrated by antiquity

can ever do."

Nature had been very bountiful to Sir Isaac Brock in those personal

gifts which appear to such peculiar advantage in the army, and at the

first glance the soldier and the gentleman were seen. In stature he was

tall,[105] erect, athletic, and well proportioned, although in his

latter years his figure was perhaps too portly; and when a young man, at

the head of his company of grenadiers, he attracted general observation

by his martial presence. His fine and benevolent countenance was a

perfect index of his mind, and his manners were courteous, frank, and

engaging. Brave, liberal, and humane; devoted to his sovereign, and

loving his country with romantic fondness; in command so gentle and

persuasive, yet so firm, that he possessed the rare faculty of acquiring

both the respect and the attachment of all who served under him. When

urged by some friends, shortly before his death, to be more careful of

his person, he replied: "How can I expect my men to go where I am afraid

to lead them;" and although perhaps his anxiety ever to shew a good

example, by being foremost in danger, induced him to expose himself more

than strict prudence or formality warranted, yet, if he erred on this

point, his error was that of a soldier.[106] Elevated to the government

of Upper Canada, he reclaimed many of the disaffected by mildness, and

fixed the wavering by the argument of success; and having no national

partialities to gratify, that rock on which so many provincial governors

have split, he meted equal favor and justice to all, British born

subjects soon felt convinced that with him their religion or their

birth-place was no obstacle to their advancement. Even over the minds of

the Indians Sir Isaac Brock gained, at and after the capture of Detroit,

an ascendancy altogether unexampled, and which he judiciously exercised

for purposes conducive equally to the cause of humanity and to the

interests of his country. He engaged them to throw aside the scalping

knife, implanted in their breasts the virtues of clemency and

forbearance, and taught them to feel pleasure and pride in the

compassion extended to a vanquished enemy. In return they revered him as

their common father, and while under his command were guilty of no

excesses.[107] It is well known that this untutored people, the children

of the forests, value personal much more highly than mental qualities,

but the union of both in their leader was happily calculated to impress

their haughty and masculine minds with respect and admiration; and the

speech delivered by Tecumseh, after the capture of Detroit, is

illustrative of the sentiments with which he had inspired these warlike

tribes. "I have heard," observed that chief to him, "much of your fame,

and am happy again to shake by the hand a brave brother warrior. The

Americans endeavour to give us a mean opinion of British generals, but

we have been the witnesses of your valour. In crossing the river to

attack the enemy, we observed you from a distance standing the whole

time in an erect posture, and, when the boats reached the shore, you

were among the first who jumped on land. Your bold and sudden movements

frightened the enemy, and you compelled them to surrender to half their

own force."

Of all the good qualities which adorned this accomplished soldier none

was more prominent than his decision, and it was ever under the guidance

of a sound judgment. His strong attachment to the service, and

particularly to his regiment, formed another distinguishing feature in

his character. A very gallant officer, who still survives, is not

ashamed to confess his pecuniary obligations to Colonel Brock while he

was a subaltern in the 49th, and rendered, as he states, doubly valuable

by the manner in which assistance was afforded to him in his

difficulties. When, as Colonel Brock, he had secured the ringleaders of

the intended mutiny at Fort George, as related in the second chapter, he

ordered the detachment to the parade, where he proceeded to address them

on the enormity of their offence; but when he began to express his

grief and shame at their conduct, he was so affected as to be utterly

unable to continue. The men were equally moved, and are said to have

exclaimed: "Had you commanded us, Sir, this never would have occurred."

Indeed, there was a correspondence of regard between him and his

officers, and even the non-commissioned officers and privates, that,

with this solitary exception, produced the picture of a happy family.

Those extremities of punishment, which the exactions of discipline will

sometimes occasion, rarely reached his men. And yet shortly before he

succeeded to the command of the regiment, it was in a sad state of

disorganization, from the causes already explained. (Page 7.) During the

mutiny on board the fleet at the Nore, in May, 1797, the 49th was

quartered on the borders of the river Thames; and as the privates

evidently sympathized with the seamen, Major Brock not only seldom went

to bed till nearly daylight, but slept with loaded pistols, while during

the day he frequently visited the mess-rooms, to tear down or erase such

inscriptions as "The Navy for Ever." But soon after he became the

lieutenant-colonel, by happily blending conciliation with firmness, and

bringing to a court martial two or three officers, whose misconduct

could not be overlooked, he quickly restored the discipline of the

corps. Having effected this, he afterwards governed it by that sentiment

of esteem which he himself had created, and the consolation was given

him to terminate a brief but brilliant course in the midst of his

professional family.[108]

It deserves to be recorded as an instance of good fortune, unprecedented

perhaps in military annals, and especially in a country where the

advantage and facility of escape were so great, that from the 6th of

August, the day on which Major-General Brock left York for Detroit, to

the period immediately preceding the battle of Queenstown, the force

under his personal command suffered no diminution in its numbers either

by desertion, natural death, or the sword. This comprehended a period of

nearly ten weeks, during which an army was captured, and a journey of

several hundred miles, by land and water, accomplished with extreme

rapidity.

In compiling this memoir, we have been much struck with the rapidity of

Major-General Brock's movements: he appears to have been everywhere,

and, as Veritas observed of him, to have "flown, as it were." To-day at

York, engaged in his civil and military duties--to-morrow at Fort

George, superintending the defences of the Niagara frontier, or at

Kingston, reviewing and animating the militia. To-day at Fort George,

watching the enemy--the next at York, dissolving the legislature--and a

fortnight after, on his return from the capture of Detroit! To-day at

Fort George again--a few hours after at Fort Erie, endeavouring to

retake the brigs Detroit and Caledonia. And yet this most active and

energetic officer was compelled, by his _defensive_ instructions, tamely

to look on the _offensive_ preparations of the Americans for the

invasion of the province committed to his charge!

In conclusion, it is due to the memory of this excellent man to declare

that, eminent and undisputed as were his public virtues, he was no less

estimable in private life. In his own family he was the object of the

warmest affection, and his servants carefully preserved relics of their

dear master, as they styled him to their dying day. His cares and

anxieties had no reference to the wealth he should amass, but to the sum

of human misery he might relieve; and towards the close of his brief

career, as the prospect of increasing honors and emoluments opened to

his view, he contemplated his good fortune only as the means of

diffusing felicity, of drying the tear of affliction. Indeed, so totally

devoid was he of every mercenary consideration, that although he enjoyed

an ample income from his appointments,[109] by which at least the

purchase of his commissions might have been repaid, yet he left

literally nothing but his fair name behind him. Some of his nearest

relatives have since been cut off more prematurely, and far more

cruelly, than himself; but those who still survive him possess the

never-failing consolation which arises from the remembrance of his

virtues, and from the reflection that, though his blessed spirit fled

early from this world, they may meet again in the mansions of futurity.

Though the dead heed not human praise, yet the living act wisely in

commemorating the fall of a distinguished chief--the example is never

thrown away--and on this occasion it is gratifying to reflect, that

every posthumous honor was paid to the memory of one who had merited the

distinction so well. A public monument,[110] having been decreed by the

imperial parliament, was raised a few years since in St. Paul's, and a

view of it is said to have awakened in an astonished Indian more

surprise and admiration than any thing he witnessed in England.[111] In

consequence of an address[112] from the commons of Upper Canada to the

prince regent, a munificent grant of 12,000 acres of land in that

province was bestowed on the four surviving brothers of Sir Isaac Brock,

who, in addition, were allowed a pension of £200 a year for life, by a

vote of the imperial parliament. To "the hero of Upper Canada," as he is

still termed in that country, the provincial legislature erected a lofty

column[113] on Queenstown heights, to which his remains, and those of

his gallant aide-de-camp, were removed from Fort George in solemn

procession, on the 13th of October, 1824.[114] Although twelve years had

elapsed since the interment, the body of the general had undergone

little change, his features being nearly perfect and easily recognized,

while that of Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell was in a complete mass of

decomposition. One of his regimental companions, Colonel Fitzgibbon, in

transmitting a detail of the ceremonies of the day, thus pathetically

expressed himself: "Nothing, certainly, could exceed the interest

manifested by the people of the province upon the occasion; and numbers

from the neighbouring state of New York, by their presence and conduct,

proved how highly the Americans revere the memory of our lamented chief.

Of the thousands present not one had cause to feel so deeply as I, and I

felt as if alone, although surrounded by the multitude. He had been more

than a father to me in that regiment which he ruled like a father, and I

alone of his old friends in that regiment was present to embalm with a

tear his last honored retreat. What I witnessed on this day would have

fully confirmed me in the opinion, had confirmation been wanting, that

the public feeling in this province has been permanently improved and

elevated by Sir Isaac Brock's conduct and actions while governing its

inhabitants. These, together with his dying in their defence, have done

more towards cementing our union with the mother country than any event

or circumstance since the existence of the province. Of this our leading

men are aware, and are careful to seize every opportunity of preserving

recollections so productive of good effects." The height of the

column,[115] which commanded a view of the surrounding country for about

fifty miles, was from the base to the summit 135 feet, and from the

level of the Niagara river, which runs nearly under it, 485 feet. The

following inscription was engraven on this splendid tribute to the

unfading remembrance of a grateful people:[116]

UPPER CANADA

HAS DEDICATED THIS MONUMENT

TO THE MEMORY OF THE LATE

MAJOR-GENERAL SIR ISAAC BROCK, K.B.

PROVISIONAL LIEUT.-GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER OF THE FORCES

IN THIS PROVINCE,

WHOSE REMAINS ARE DEPOSITED IN THE VAULT BENEATH.

OPPOSING THE INVADING ENEMY,

HE FELL IN ACTION NEAR THESE HEIGHTS,

ON THE 13th OCTOBER, 1812,

IN THE 43rd YEAR OF HIS AGE,

REVERED AND LAMENTED

BY THE PEOPLE WHOM HE GOVERNED,

AND DEPLORED BY THE SOVEREIGN

TO WHOSE SERVICE HIS LIFE HAD BEEN DEVOTED.

The cataract of Niagara is supposed to have commenced on the heights of

Queenstown, and to have gradually receded, or worn its way backwards to

its present site, seven miles above, near Chippewa, the banks of the

river on both sides between the two spots being perpendicular, 2 to 300

feet in height, chiefly of solid rock, and of the same level as the

fall.

"The village of Queenstown is beautifully situated at the foot of a

hill, and upon the side of the Niagara river, the bank of which is high

and precipitous. The imagination is agreeably struck with the first view

of the place. On one side of the village is a mountain covered with

shrubbery and verdure;--behind, a rich and cultivated plain extends

backwards, which is bounded in every direction by luxuriant woods; while

in front, the Niagara river glides in majestic stillness, and may be

traced, with all its windings, till its waters are swallowed up in the

vast expanse of Lake Ontario. The soil around Queenstown consists

chiefly of a red clay, the bright colour of which, upon the roads and

declivities where it is exposed, forms a singular contrast, during

summer, with the pure green of the trees and fields in the vicinity.

"Queenstown must infallibly acquire magnitude and importance when the

province becomes populous and flourishing, for it is situated at the

commencement of a portage, which never can be evaded by any improvement

in the navigation, it being rendered necessary by the falls of Niagara;

therefore, all vessels containing goods and stores destined for the

western parts of Upper Canada must unload and leave their cargoes at

Queenstown, that they may be conveyed overland to Chippewa, where the

Niagara river again becomes navigable. Even now, a good deal of this

carrying business goes on during the summer months. The North-West

Company forward a considerable quantity of stores to the Indian

territories by this route, and the country merchants receive annual

supplies of goods from Montreal, and send down pork, flour, staves, and

potash, in return.

"The environs of Queenstown are beautifully picturesque and romantic,

and nothing can be finer than the prospect up the Niagara river.

Immediately above the village its channel narrows very much, and the

banks rise to the height of 300 feet perpendicular, while at the same

time they become wild and rocky, and are thickly covered with trees of

various kinds. In some places they partly over-arch the river, and throw

an appalling gloom upon its waters, now dashed into turbulence and

impetuosity by the ruggedness of their sloping bed.

"At the ferry, the Niagara river is 1,250 feet in breadth, and from 2 to

300 in depth. The current is very rapid, and the wreathing and perturbed

appearance of the water shews that its course is much impeded by the

narrowness of the channel, which must be entirely composed of rocks;

for, otherwise, the continual and rapid attrition of such a large river

as that which flows through it, would undermine and wear away the

banks, and thus gradually enlarge and widen its course.

"The prospect from the top of Queenstown mountain is the finest and most

extensive that Upper Canada affords, and, in an eminent degree, combines

the beautiful and the magnificent. The wild and majestic precipices

which engulf one part of the Niagara river, the windings and mirrored

expanse of that noble body of water, the dim and undiscoverable extent

of Lake Ontario, together with the verdant orchards, thick forests, and

improved fields, glowing beneath a pure sky, collectively form a scene

of admirable effect and composition. Even York, which is 36 miles

distant, and lies very low, can be seen from the summit of this hill

during clear weather."[117]

* * * * *

ON THE DEATH OF MAJOR-GENERAL BROCK.

Low bending o'er the rugged bier

The soldier drops the mournful tear,

For life departed, valour driven,

Fresh from the field of death to heaven.

But time shall fondly trace the name

Of BROCK upon the scrolls of fame,

And those bright laurels, which should wave

Upon the brow of one so brave,

Shall flourish vernal o'er his grave.

J.H.R.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 95: James' Military Occurrences.]

[Footnote 96: The present Colonel James Dennis, lieut.-colonel 3d foot:

an officer of above forty-eight years service, and several times

wounded.]

[Footnote 97: See Captain Wool's letter, Appendix A, Section 2, No. 3.]

[Footnote 98: Major-General Brock, soon after his arrival at Queenstown,

sent orders for the battering from Fort George of the American fort

Niagara, which was done with so much effect that the garrison was forced

to abandon it.]

[Footnote 99: Death and Victory: a sermon under this title was preached

by the Rev. William Smart, at Brockville, Elizabethtown, November 15, on

the death of Major-General Brock, and published at the request of the

officers stationed at that post and of the gentlemen of the village. The

text was: "How are the mighty fallen in the midst of the battle."]

[Footnote 100: James' Military Occurrences.]

[Footnote 101: The mountain above Queenstown, where Major-General Brock

was slain.]

[Footnote 102: _Extract from D.G.O. for the Funeral_.

The officers will wear crape on their left arms and on their

sword knots, and all officers will, throughout the province,

wear crape on their left arm for the space of one month.

Captain Holcroft will be pleased to direct that minute guns be

fired from the period of the bodies leaving government house

until their arrival at the place of interment; and also, after

the funeral service shall have been performed, three rounds of

seven guns from the artillery. By order. THOMAS EVANS, B.M.

]

[Footnote 103: Extracted from the York Gazette, October 24, 1812.]

[Footnote 104: For brief extracts relative to Sir Isaac Brock from other

authors, see Appendix A, Section 1, No. 5.]

[Footnote 105: In height about six feet two inches. Since the first

sheets were printed, we have heard from a school-fellow of his, James

Carey, Esq., that young Brock was the best boxer and swimmer in the

school, and that he used to swim from the main land of Guernsey to

Castle Cornet and back, a distance each way of nearly half a mile. This

feat is the more difficult, from the strong tides which run between the

passage.]

[Footnote 106: "On arriving before Fort Detroit, a characteristic trait

of his courage took place, when, within range of the guns of that fort,

and in front of his heroic and devoted band of militiamen and regulars,

his attention was drawn by Colonel Nichol to the dangerous nature of the

expedition, and to the wish of his gallant comrades in arms that he

would not go to the front, and endanger a life they could not spare--to

these suggestions he replied: 'I will never desire the humblest

individual to go where I cannot lead.'"--_Toronto Herald_, June 15,

1843.]

[Footnote 107: For council of condolence, see Appendix A, Section 1, No.

6.]

[Footnote 108: The officers of the 49th, after his death, instructed the

regimental agent in London to procure them a likeness of Sir Isaac

Brock, that it might be placed in their mess-room, and allotted a

handsome sum for this purpose. The agent applied to the family for a

copy, but unfortunately they possessed no good likeness of the general.]