CHAPTER III.

THE WESSEX TYPE OF VILLAGE COMMUNITY.

TWO DORSET MANORS--STRATTON AND GRIMSTONE.

Dorchester is bounded on the south by Fordington Field. The parish

of Fordington, up to the year 1875, was unenclosed; it lay almost

entirely open, and was divided into about eighty copyholds, intermixed

and intercommonable, the manor belonging to the Duchy of Cornwall. But

in 1875 the Duchy authorities bought out the copyholders, and the old

system disappeared.

About three or four miles from Dorchester, along the road to Maiden

Newton and Yeovil, are the two adjoining villages of Stratton and

Grimstone, forming together the Prebend of Stratton, belonging till

recently to the See of Sarum, which have only been enclosed since

1900. The enclosure was effected without any Parliamentary sanction;

it was brought about, I am told by the present lord of the two manors,

by the refusal of the copyholders, who held by a tenure of lives, to

“re-life.” In consequence, all the copyholds, except a few cottages,

have fallen into the hands of the lord of the manor; all Grimstone has

been let to a single farmer, and Stratton divided into three or four

farms.

Besides the very late survival of the common field system in these two

manors, there are two other features which make them specially notable.

In the first place they are, agriculturally, thoroughly characteristic

of the Wessex type of open field village, the type that prevailed

over Berkshire, Hampshire, Wiltshire and Dorset. In the second place,

the manorial system of village government survived with equal vigour;

the proceedings of the manorial courts and the customs of tillage

and pasturage forming manifestly only two aspects of one and the

same organisation. It is fortunate that the court-rolls for the last

two hundred years have been preserved, and that they are in the safe

custody of the present lord of the manor.

On the south-west the lands of Stratton and Grimstone are bounded by

a stream, the River Frome, flowing towards Dorchester, from which

Stratton Mill has the right of taking a defined amount of water.

Between the stream and the villages are the commonable meadows; on

the north-east of the villages the arable fields, tapering somewhat,

stretch up the hill slope to Stratton and Grimstone Downs. The whole

arrangement is shown very clearly in the tithe commutation map, dated

1839. The two manor farms were separate and enclosed, and lay side by

side along the boundary between the two manors, in each case comprising

about one-third of the cultivated land. The remaining arable land in

each manor formed, so far as fences were concerned, one open field,

divided into three oblong strips, known respectively in Stratton as

the East, Middle, and West Field; in Grimstone as Brewer’s Ash Field,

Rick Field, and Langford Field. The rotation of crops was: (1), wheat;

(2), barley; (3), fallow. The lower part of the fallow field was sown

with clover, and was known as the “hatching ground”--a term we find

elsewhere in the forms “hitch-land” and “hook-land”--the upper part

was a bare fallow. More recently an improved method of cultivation was

adopted. The barley crop every third year was maintained, but after it

was carried Italian rye grass was sown in the upper part of the barley

field (instead of a bare fallow). This was fed off with sheep in the

spring, and then put into turnips; the following year barley was sown

again. The lower part, however, continued to be sown with clover in the

fallow year, this was fed off with sheep, and wheat followed.

The arable fields consisted of “lands” or “lawns,”[3] each supposed

to be 40 “yards” (_i.e._ poles) long, and one, two or four “yards”

broad--hence supposed to be quarter acres, half acres, or acres. Half

acres were the more common; but whatever the area in theory it was

somewhat less in actual fact.

[3] Mr. A. N. Palmer notes the terms “loons,” “lawnds” and “lownts” in

N. Wales and Cheshire (“The Town, Fields and Folk of Wrexham,” p. 2).

The West Field in Stratton was somewhat smaller than the other two in

consequence of the extreme portion--that next the down and farthest

from the village--being enclosed. These enclosures in shape and

arrangement exactly resemble the lands in the open field; they are

about one acre each. They are called “The Doles.” Further there are a

series of small square enclosures taken out of the down, called “The

New Closes.” All the Doles and New Closes were in grass.

A remarkable fact is that all the “lands” were scrupulously separated

from one another by meres or balks of turf, which, however, were not

known by these names. Among the people they were, and are, known as

“walls,” but in the court-rolls one finds the term “lanchetts,” which

one connects with “lynches,” and “land-shares,” which seems to explain

the term “launchers” which I have found in Devonshire. In the level

parts of the fields the “walls” were mere strips of turf about a foot

wide; but in the sloping parts they formed steep banks, sometimes

several feet high, and the successive “lands” formed terraces one above

the other.

All the cultivators, except the tenants of the two manor farms, were

copyholders, holding for a tenancy of three lives, the widow of the

holder having the right to continue the holding during the period of

her widowhood. By the custom of the manor the lessee of the manor had

at any time (even though his lease had but a day to run) the right to

grant a copyholder two lives, _i.e._, to accept a fine and substitute

two new names for those of dead or dying persons on the “copy.”

The copyholds, when not “cotes” or simply cottages with common rights,

were either “half-livings,” “livings,” or, in one or two cases, other

fractions of a living. A half-living consisted of four or five nominal

acres in each of the common fields, and common rights upon the meadow,

common fields and common down, in Stratton, for one horse, two cows,

and forty sheep. A whole living consisted of a share about twice as

large in the field and meadow, and a common right for two horses,

four cows, and eighty sheep. But each copyhold, whether a whole or

half-living, included one dole and one new close. There were three

whole livings and twelve half-livings in Stratton, and five “cotes,”

_i.e._, cottages with one or two strips of land in the arable fields

attached to them. In Grimstone there were four whole livings, six

half-livings, one three-quarters living, and one whole and a-quarter

living. In either manor, therefore, if we reckon two half-livings as

equal to one whole, there were nine whole livings in all; those of

Stratton being normally held by fifteen copyholders, those of Grimstone

by twelve, though the number might happen in practice to be less. Thus

at the time of the tithe commutation (1838) there was in each manor one

copyholder who had two half-livings. In all formal documents a “living”

is termed a “place,” and a half-living a “half-place.” The common

rights attached to a living in Grimstone were slightly different from

those in Stratton. They are further explained below.

Once a year, at about Christmas, the tenants of each manor met, the

steward presiding; the elected officials submitted their accounts,

and resigned their offices, and their successors were re-elected. The

most important of these were two “viewers of the fields and tellers of

the cattle,” commonly known simply as the “viewers.” There was also a

“hayward,” and two “chimney peepers” (described in the Court-rolls as

“inspectors of chimnies”). The inspectors of chimneys do not appear in

the rolls of the eighteenth century; instead are the more important

officials the “constabul” (_sic_) and “tythingman,” who ceased to be

appointed presumably after the establishment of the county police and

the commutation of the tithes.

The duty of the “chimney peepers” was, as their name implies, to

see that chimneys were kept properly swept so as not to endanger a

neighbour’s thatched roof. The hayward was in charge of the pound; he

was entitled to charge 4_d._ a head for all stray beasts impounded if

they belonged to the manor, and 8_d._ a head for outsiders.

The “viewers” had more varied duties. In the first place they had

to appoint one villager as “Lacy’s Bridge man.” “Lacy’s Bridge” is a

structure of loose stones at a place where the stream, which for the

most part bounds Stratton meadow, crosses it; and the duty of the

bridge man is to keep it in sufficient repair to enable sheep to cross.

The viewers used to appoint the cottagers in turn, going down one side

of the road to the end of the village and up the other side.

Next the viewers provided the manor bull. They bought the bull, they

charged a fee for his services, and made all necessary regulations. The

breed favoured varied from year to year, and the viewers were never

known to please everybody with their choice.

Then the viewers appointed the common shepherd, in whose charge were

the sheep of the whole manor almost all through the year. And in

general they had to enforce all the decisions of the court with regard

to the times when sheep or cows should be allowed in the meadow, when

the sheep should come into the “hatching ground,” how and where horses

should be tethered, and particularly to see that each tenant sowed his

clover properly. And when the hay in the meadow was ripe, they marked

out to each tenant the plots which fell to his share that year. It

was usual to re-elect one of the viewers, so that though there was an

annual election, each viewer held office for two years, being for the

first year the junior viewer, for the second the senior.

There is much that is interesting in the management of the sheep

flock. From April 6th to September 18th the sheep fed by day on the

down, and were folded by night on the fallow field. The fold began at

the top of the field, and gradually worked downwards, covering about

half-an-acre every night, and so manuring the whole. There being no

other water supply on the downs, all the tenants had to take turns to

carry up water to fill the water-troughs, and the viewers saw that they

did so. On September 18th the sheep came into the “hatching ground,”

on which, as we have seen, clover had been sown; and it is noticeable

that this crop, sown individually by each copyholder on his own lands,

was fed off by the common flock under the supervision of the common

shepherd. In winter the sheep belonging to each tenant had to be folded

separately; and the doles and new closes were used for wintering the

sheep. Some made it a practice to sell off their flock when feed became

scanty, and to buy again the next spring; but the traditional custom

was to keep the sheep till they were four or five years old, at which

age they became fat, perhaps by superior cunning; meanwhile, of course,

they had been yielding wool and manure. In later years, though every

half living was entitled to forty sheep, by a common agreement the

number was limited to twenty-five in spring, and later in the year to

thirty-five, when the lambs reached the age at which they were counted

as sheep in the calculation of common rights.

Perhaps the most curious feature in the local system of agriculture

was the management of the common meadow. Sheep were allowed in it

from March 1st to April 6th (it would only bear ten or eleven), then

they had to come out and join the common flock, and the grass was let

grow to hay. At hay time the viewers went out and by the help of some

almost imperceptible ridges in the soil, and certain pegs driven into

the river banks, they marked out to each tenant the plots on which

he was allowed to cut and gather the hay. There were forty-seven

of these little plots; twenty-seven of them were definite parts of

particular copyholds, but nineteen were “changeable allotments,” each

of which belonged one year to one holding, the next year to another,

according to certain rules; while the remaining allotment, a little

three-cornered plot in the middle called “100 Acres,” amounting perhaps

to five perches in area, was divided among the holders of the adjacent

“Long lands.” On July 6th, the hay having been carried, the cows came

in, and grazed in the meadow till November 23rd, and then the meadow

was watered.

[Illustration: STRATTON MEADOW

Scale 1:2500]

I have before me the map of the meadow, now somewhat tattered,

being drawn upon a half sheet of thin foolscap, and a little notebook

recording particulars of the different plots in the meadow, and in the

case of the changeable allotments, who were entitled to them each year

from 1882 to about 1905, which the viewers used in partitioning the

meadow. The map I reproduce. The notebook reads[4]:--

STRATTON COMMON MEADOW.

Lear Croft Changeable Allotment next the Yard but one to Sparks.[5]

1882. Ozzard.

1883. Brett.

1884. Ozzard.

1885. Green.

Water Gates Changeable Allotment No. 1.

1883. M. Dean (Newberry).

1884. R. Davis.

1885. Dean.

1886. Davis.

Hole Rush--Changeable No. 1.

1883. Mr. R. Davis.

1884. Mr. Dean (Newberry).

1885. Mr. Davis.

1886. Mr. Dean.

Hole Rush No. 2.

1882. Ozzard.

1883. Brett.

1884. Ozzard.

1885. Green.

Hole Rush No. 3, or All Rush.

1883. R. Davis.

1884. Dean (Newberry’s).

1885. Davis.

1886. Dean.

Hole Rush near the Parish, No. 5.

1883. Mr. Dean (Newberry).

1884. R. Davis.

1885. Dean.

1886. Davis.

Hole Rush No. 4.

1883. Mr. Kellaway.

1884. Brown.

1885. Kellaway.

1886. Brown.

Hole Rush No 6, near the Parish.

1883. Brown.

1884. Kellaway.

1885. Brown.

1886. Kellaway.

Long Lands No. 2.

1883. Mr. Dean (Dunn).

1884. Brett.

1885. Brett.

1886. Dean.

Long Lands No. 3.

1883. Ozzard.

1884. Mrs. Dunn.

1885. Mr. Dean.

1886. Mrs. Dunn.

Long Lands No. 1.

1883. Mr. Tilley.

1884. Ozzard.

1885. Tilley.

1886. Ozzard.

Long Lands No. 5.

1883. Ozzard.

1884. Tilley.

1885. Ozzard.

1886. Tilley.

Long Lands No. 4.

1883. Mrs. Dunn.

1884. Mr. Dean (Newberry’s).

1885. Mrs. Dunn.

1886. Dean.

The first part of the Three Patches in the Great Horse Shoe is the

“Mill Bars Patch,” containing about 26 perches.

The second part is the narrow strip next to Mr. Channen’s--17 perches.

The third part is the lower patch adjoining Mr. Channen’s--1 rood 10

perches.

Total, 2 roods 13 perches.

CHANGEABLE ALLOTMENTS IN THE GREAT HORSE SHOE.

The Three Patches are one part.

Three Patches.

1883. Ozzard.

1884. Mr. Dean (Dunn).

1885. Mr. Tilley.

1886. Mill.

1887. Tilley.

1888. Mill.

1889. Ozzard.

1890. Brett.

The Square Patch is joining the patch by the Mill Bars, may be called

the fourth part of the “Great Horse Shoe,” it contains about 2 roods

and 4 perches.

1883. Mr. Tilley.

1884. Mill.

1885. Ozzard.

1886. Brett.

1887. Ozzard.

1888. Green.

1889. Tilley.

1890. Mill.

The Stake Weir is one part of the “Little Horse Shoe,” about 1 rood and

9 perches changeable.

1882. Ozzard.

1883. Dean (Newberry’s).

1884. Tilley.

1885. Mill.

The “Little Horse Shoe” changeable. The narrow strip and the strip

round the corner next to Stake Weir patch is one part.

1883. Mill.

1884. Ozzard.

1885. Dean.

1886. Tilley.

Narrow strip, 16 perches.

Patch round the corner, 1 rood 22 perches.

The small strip of land called “Hundred Acres” is a part of the Long

Lands and is divided amongst the half-acres.

The nine Cantons under the Parks Hedge are about 10 perches each.

[4] I give only four years, or a complete cycle, which is usually one

of two years, but sometimes of four, and in two cases of eight years.

[5] “Parks” in map.

About the agricultural merits of the whole system of managing common

fields, down and meadow, there is naturally a difference of opinion.

An old labourer says that before the old customs began to decay “they

made the most of everything,” that the crops are not so good now, and

“you can’t get the butter or the cheese” which used to be produced. The

butter nowadays goes rancid immediately, and the cheese has no taste.

On the other hand, the enterprising young farmer who now holds the

manor farm at Stratton, who has himself been a “viewer,” says: “They

always had two crops,” _i.e._, the corn crops had to struggle with

couch grass, which partly for want of sufficient ploughing, and partly

because it had a secure foothold in the “walls,” was never properly got

rid of.

That the life of the old system was gradually dying out before

it was ended by the extinction of the copyholds appears from two

circumstances: the old habit of mutual help in ploughing, one tenant

lending his horse to another, had died out; and the viewers had

difficulty in getting their expenses refunded. The wonder is that its

vitality was so persistent.

The history of the manors can be pretty fully traced by means of

the Court rolls, from 1649, when a Parliamentary survey was held, to

the present day. In 1649 Stratton had one copyhold tenant holding a

place and a-half, four holding one place each, and ten holding half

a place each, making 10½ “places” or “livings” altogether. There

were, besides, 12 copyholders who each held a “customary cottage with

thappurtenances.” During the next two hundred years (from 1649 to 1838)

the number of “livings” diminished from 10½ to 9; the actual number of

holders of livings or half-livings diminished only from 15 to 14; but

the twelve “customary cottages with thappurtenances,” which included

one or two acres of arable land and corresponding common rights,

diminished to five “cotes.” The other cottagers, however, retained the

right of cutting as much furze on certain “sleights” on the down, at

any one time, as they could carry home on their head and shoulders; and

the total number of cottagers was just two less in 1838 than in 1649.

The Court rolls contain, besides declarations of rights of the manor

to water from the stream, and to the allegiance of certain residents

outside, and a record of the changes in the tenantry, the names of the

officers elected, and regulations agreed upon for the management of

the land. Thus, there is usually some regulation as to the length of

the rope by which a horse may be tethered in the common fields; mares

are continually being prohibited from being kept in common or common

field; pigs must not be allowed to stray; cow dung must not be removed

from the meadow, nor certain thorny bushes in the meadow be cut, nor

may ducks or geese be fed in it. The penalty for each of these offences

is a fine of 5_s._ or 10_s._ The neglect to carry water up to the down

for the sheep is another punishable offence. In 1748 it was found that

the sheep pond needed to be mended; the viewers accordingly had to see

to its repair, and penalties were agreed upon for refusing to pay the

proper share of the cost.

Previous to 1765 the dates for, _e.g._, turning cows into the meadow

or sheep into the “hatching ground” varied from year to year; but the

settlement then arrived at was maintained for a succession of years.

The jury

“PRESENT that the Common Meadow be broke with horses on November

22nd,[6] that it be laid up on January 5th and continue unfed till

February 5th, then be broke and fed with sheep.

“That the Hatching Ground be laid up on January 5th, and not be fed

again till September 19th.

“That the Cow leaze must not be fed with sheep in time of sheep

shearing, nor with horses or mares at winnowing time.”

[6] At this time the Court met in October.

The year 1789 was a comparatively important date in the agricultural

history of Stratton during the eighteenth century. At the Court held

on October 9th, it was agreed that “the tenants shall meet in the West

Field on the 14th inst. between 9 and 10 in the morning, to bound out

the several lands, and afterwards each shall leave a lanchett of a

furrow between his and the adjoining land under penalty of a fine of

20_s._ And no tenant shall turn his plough on his neighbour’s land

after the 21st of November.” It would appear that the scrupulous

observance of the “walls” dividing one man’s land from another, which

was such an exceptional feature of Stratton and Grimstone Common

Fields, dates from this meeting.

Fordington parish, until the extinction of the copyholds, had many

features which compare curiously with those of Stratton and Grimstone.

It is very much larger; for whereas Stratton and Grimstone together

have an area of only about 1200 acres, the area of Fordington is

2749 acres, of which, up to 1876, nearly 1800 acres was common field

and common meadow, and 618 acres commons adjoining the common field.

Fordington is also peculiarly divided into three portions: the arable

field and common pastures lying immediately south of Dorchester, the

meadows forming a detached area by the side of the River Frome, and the

village itself a third detached area.

The copyholds in Fordington were known, some as “whole-places,”

“half-places,” as in Stratton and Grimstone, but others as “farthing

holds.” One cannot help asking what were the original meanings of these

terms, and how they are related to the “virgates” of Domesday, and to

the “yardlands” of the Midlands, and the “broad” and “narrow oxgangs”

of Yorkshire and Lincolnshire. Concerning these terms it appears to

be established that a “yardland” or “virgate” was originally one

quarter of a “carucate,” or ploughland, _i.e._, the amount of arable

land (about 120 acres in average soil) which a plough team of eight

oxen could plough in a year, together with its due share of meadow

and common pasture. A broad oxgang was about 24 acres of arable land,

and therefore apparently the northern representative of a yardland or

virgate; and a narrow oxgang was about 12 acres of arable, or half a

broad oxgang.

In Stratton, as we have seen, every “whole place” or “whole living”

had common rights for two horses, four cows, and eighty sheep; every

half-place common rights for one horse, two cows, and forty sheep. The

areas of land attached to the three whole places were respectively 18

a. 3 r. 35 p., 19 a. 2 r. 3 p., 22 a. 0 r. 11 p., averaging just 20

acres; the half-places varied from 9 a. 0 r. 19 p. to 13 a. 2 r. 25 p.,

the smaller half-places having an advantage in quality of soil, and the

average being almost exactly 11 acres.

In Grimstone the common rights as well as the area of land belonging

to particular whole or half-places varied somewhat. The half-places

consisted respectively of--

Area. Common Rights.

A. R. P. Horses. Cows. Sheep.

A 11 0 28 1 2 56

B 12 0 7 1 3 48

C 16 3 7 1 3 60

D 12 3 1 1 2 44

E (two half-places) 19 2 27 2 5 96

(average 12 acres)

The Whole Places.

A 21 1 25 2 5 104

B 21 1 38 2 5 96

C 21 0 19 2 4 96

D 20 2 32 2 5 96

The “whole and a-quarter place” had 26 a. 0 r. 13 p. of land

and rights for three horses, five cows, and 120 sheep, and the

“three-quarter place” 16 a. 1 r. 2 p., with rights for one horse, five

cows, and eighty sheep. If these be added together and divided by two

we arrive at two whole places of 21 a. 0 r. 27 p., with the common

rights for two horses, five cows, and 100 sheep. This may be taken

as the typical whole place, and the half-place is just a little more

than the mathematical half of a whole place. The fact that the common

rights attached to a given unit were more extensive in Grimstone than

in Stratton is the natural consequence of the fact that Grimstone had

244 acres of down and 35 acres of cow-common, Stratton only 190 acres

of down and 26 acres of cow-common.

But when we compare these with the whole places, half-places, and

farthing holds of Fordington, we find rather a puzzling discrepancy. In

the latter parish the fourteen whole places each had, in 1841, the date

of the Tithe Commutation, rights for four horses, three cows, and 120

sheep, except one, which had no common rights at all, but, apparently

by compensation, had 66 acres of arable land, eleven more than any of

the others. The smallest of the others had 42 a. 3 r., the largest 55

a. 0 r. 22 p., the average being about 48 acres; in other words, in

Fordington a whole place had more than twice as much arable land as

in Stratton or Grimstone, and carried a common right for four horses

instead of for two.

Each of the twenty-one half-places in Fordington had common rights

for three horses, two cows, and sixty-six sheep--which more closely

approximates to three-quarters than to a half of the rights of a whole

place. The area of land attached to a half-place is, however, on the

average somewhat less than half that attached to a whole place, the

largest having 25 a. 1 r. 6 p., the smallest 15 a. 1 r. 36 p., the

average being just under 21 acres. It happens curiously that the

largest “farthing holds” had more land than the smallest half-places,

as their areas range from 11 a. 1 r. 7 p. to 17 a. 3 r. 35 p. There

were nineteen of them, and their average area was 14½ acres. Each had a

common right for two horses, two cows, and forty sheep.

The following tentative hypothesis may be suggested as an explanation.

It is based on the presumption that the _names_ represent a more

ancient set of circumstances than the actual facts recorded in the

tithe apportionment.

I think it, on the whole, more probable that these units of holdings

are based upon ploughing by horses than upon ploughing by oxen. In

other words, I think that the system of co-aration persisted unimpaired

in these particular villages after horses had superseded oxen for

ploughing purposes, which might have happened at a very early date.

This seems plainly indicated by the fact that during the 190 years from

1649 to 1839 the majority of the copyholders in Stratton and Grimstone

had only one horse apiece, therefore they must have combined to work

even a two-horse plough; and, as I have said above, the practice of

helping one another with horses for ploughing only died out in very

recent years.

I think further, that in all three manors, a “whole place” or “whole

living” meant the land cultivated by one plough, but that in Stratton

and Grimstone the plough was a light and shallow one drawn by two

horses only, and in Fordington a heavier plough drawn by four horses.

The soil in Stratton and Grimstone is very thin and stony, and would

not bear deep ploughing; that of Fordington is much deeper and heavier.

Further, Stratton and Grimstone fields lie on the steep slopes

descending from the downs; Fordington field is gently undulating.

Therefore, a four-horse plough in Fordington would plough more than

twice as much land as a two-horse plough in the other villages. A whole

place then in Fordington naturally would have common rights for four

horses; in Stratton and Grimstone for two horses only.

A half-place in Stratton and Grimstone was, therefore, the holding

allotted to the tenant who had one horse, and it carried a common

right for one horse. Though a half-place in Fordington carried in 1841

a common right for three horses, I am inclined to believe that it

originally was the holding of a tenant who had two horses, _i.e._, half

a plough team, and originally had a common right for two horses only;

and, similarly, though a farthing hold in 1841 had a common right for

two horses, I am inclined to think it originally was the share of the

man who had one horse only, and only carried a common right for one

horse. That is to say, I think the _names_ here a better guide than the

nineteenth century common rights. If one were to adopt the opposite

view on this point, one would infer that a “half-place” was a misnomer

for a “three-quarter place,” and was the allotment of the man who had

three horses, and that a “farthing hold” should properly be called a

half-place. But on this assumption it would be hard to explain the fact

that the arable land attached to a half-place is, on the average, a

little less than half that attached to a whole place, and that attached

to a farthing hold only a little more than one quarter.

It seems quite probable that when in the course of the gradual

improvement of horses and ploughs in Fordington, the stage was

reached at which three horses were sufficient for a plough, the

holders of half-places already possessing two horses each endeavoured

to emancipate themselves from the necessity of joint-ploughing, by

obtaining an additional horse; and that when they had generally

succeeded in this they obtained the right of pasturing three horses

each on the commons and common-field; and when a two-horse plough had

come into general use, the holders of farthing holds would naturally

take similar steps, and so acquire common rights for two horses each.

There is one other noteworthy fact with regard to Fordington revealed

by the Tithe Apportionment. Certain lands scattered over the fields

of a total area of 4 a. 2 r. 20 p. were the property of the parish

constable for the time being; the churchwardens similarly held 1 r. 7

p., the parish hayward 1 a. 3 r. 18 p., and the parish reeve 3 a. 0 r.

17 p. These ancient village offices were therefore in Fordington not

entirely unremunerated.[7]

[7] The Boldon Book shows that in the Bishopric of Durham in the

twelfth century, the pounder, carpenter and smith generally occupied

holdings of about 12 acres in virtue of their callings, to remunerate

their services to the manor and to the common ploughs of the manor.

In its main features the common-field system of Stratton and

Grimstone appears to be typical of that prevailing before enclosure

in the counties of Dorset, Wilts, Hants, Berks, Oxfordshire, and

Gloucestershire.

The report of the Select Committee on Commons Enclosure gives a map

of a “rotation meadow,” in which each strip was held in rotation by

different occupiers, in Shilton, Berkshire; and one of a “lot meadow,”

in which the rotation was not by rule, but by lot, in Bestmoor,

Oxfordshire.

The English Peasantry and the Enclosure of Common Fields · 第 3 / 19 章