not see what can be done by any one here to relieve them. It cannot be
supposed, that General Washington has the least desire of taking the
life of that gentleman. His aim is to obtain the punishment of a
deliberate murder, committed on a prisoner in cold blood, by Captain
Lippincott. If the English refuse to deliver up or punish this
murderer, it is saying, that they choose to preserve him rather than
Captain Asgill. It seems to me, therefore, that the application should
be made to the English Ministers for positive orders, directing
General Carleton to deliver up Lippincott, which orders being
obtained, should be despatched immediately by a swift sailing vessel.
I do not think any other means can produce the effect desired. The
cruel murders of this kind, committed by the English on our people,
since the commencement of the war, are innumerable. The Congress and
their Generals, to satisfy the people, have often threatened
retaliation, but have always hitherto forborne to execute it; and they
have been often insultingly told by their enemies, that this
forbearance did not proceed from humanity, but fear. General Greene,
though he solemnly and publicly promised it in a proclamation, never
made any retaliation for the murder of Colonel Haynes, and many others
in Carolina, and the people, who now think if he had fulfilled his
promise this crime would not have been committed, clamor so loudly,
that I doubt General Washington cannot well refuse what appears to
them so just and necessary for their common security. I am persuaded
that nothing I could say to him on the occasion would have the least
effect in changing his determination.
Excuse me, then, if I presume to advise the despatching a courier
immediately to London, proposing to the consideration of Ministers the
sending such orders to General Carleton directly. They would have an
excellent effect in other views. The post goes tomorrow morning at ten
o'clock, but as nine days have been spent in bringing the letters here
by that conveyance, an express is preferable.
With sincere esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, August 8th, 1782.
Sir,
Yesterday Mr Oswald communicated to Mr Jay and me a paper he had just
received from his Court, being a copy of the King's order to the
Attorney or Solicitor-General, to prepare a commission to pass the
great seal, appointing him to treal with us, &c. and he showed us a
letter from Mr Secretary Townshend, which expresses his concern, that
the commission itself could not be sent by this courier, the officers
who were to expedite it being in the country, which would occasion a
delay of eight or ten days; but that its being then sent might be
depended on, and it was hoped the treaty might, in the mean time, be
proceeded on. Mr Oswald left with me a copy of the paper, which I
enclose for your Excellency's consideration, and am, with great
respect, Sir, your Excellency's, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, August 8th, 1782.
I have received, Sir, the letter of this day, with which you have
honored me, and the copy of the power, which Mr Oswald has
communicated to you. The form in which it appears is not that which is
usual on similar occasions, but it has not prevented me from forming
my opinion in the first instance. I have bestowed the greatest
attention on it, and if you will be so good as to favor me with a
visit on Saturday morning, I shall confer with you and Mr Jay, if it
will be convenient for him to accompany you.
I have the honor to be, most sincerely, Sir, your most humble servant,
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, August 9th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Having written to Mr Jay, who I presume is with you, I do not think it
necessary to repeat what I have mentioned to him. We have not heard
from you since March; a very long period, considering the interesting
events that have taken place between that time and this. Many vessels
have arrived without bringing us a line from you. I am apprehensive
that Mr Barclay does not communicate to you the frequent opportunities
that offer of writing. I shall write to him upon the subject.
Sir Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby have informed the General, that a
negotiation for a general peace is now on foot, and that the King, his
master, has agreed to yield the independence of America without making
it conditional. I shall enclose a copy of his letter at large, which
refers to another object; the exchange of prisoners. This great point
once yielded, I see nothing that will obstruct your negotiations,
except three points of discussion, which I have before written to you
about. I wish it had been possible to obtain the estimates I mention,
as they might have been rendered useful to you upon one of them. But
the negligence of the Governors, or Legislatures of the several
States, have rendered all my endeavors hitherto unsuccessful,
notwithstanding repeated promises to give this subject their earliest
attention. The restoration of confiscated property has become utterly
impossible, and the attempt would throw the country into the utmost
confusion.
The fisheries are too important an object for you to lose sight of,
and as to the back lands, I do not conceive that England can seriously
expect to derive any benefit from them, that will be equivalent to the
jealousy that the possession of them would awaken and keep alive
between her and this country. I transmit to you a bill for seventyone
thousand three hundred and eighty livres, being the amount of one
quarter's salary to yourself, and Messrs Jay, Adams, Carmichael, Dana,
and Dumas. No provision is made for the private Secretaries or
contingencies, not having been furnished with an account of them. I
also send bills for the first quarter, commencing in January, so that
you will, on the receipt of this, be enabled to pay one half year's
salary to our Ministers and their Secretaries.
I just now learn, that Carleton has published his and Digby's letter
to the General. The design of this must either be, to see whether the
people of this country will catch so eagerly at the proposition for a
peace, which yields them their independence, as to be careless about
the alliance, or to impress us with an idea, that we are more indebted
for our freedom to the generosity of Great Britain, than to tha
attention of France to our interests in the general treaty. It is not
to be doubted, that the good sense and the gratitude of this country
will defeat both these objects.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
_P. S._ If Mr Jay should not be at Paris, I must beg you to open and
decipher for him the letter of this month, and the resolution
contained therein, marked on the back, below the seal, _August_, and
send it to him by the earliest opportunity.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, August 12th, 1782.
Sir,
I have lately been honored with your several letters, No. 10, March
9th; No. 11, May 22d; and No. 12, May 30th.
The paper, containing a state of the commerce in North America, and
explaining the necessity and utility of convoys for its protection, I
have laid before the Minister, accompanied by a letter, pressing that
it be taken into immediate consideration; and I hope it may be
attended with success.
The order of Congress, for liquidating the accounts between this Court
and the United States, was executed before it arrived. All the
accounts against us for money lent, and stores, arms, ammunition,
clothing, &c. furnished by government, were brought in and examined,
and a balance received, which made the debt amount to the even sum of
eighteen millions, exclusive of the Holland loan, for which the King
is guarantee. I send a copy of the instrument to Mr Morris. In reading
it, you will discover several fresh marks of the King's goodness
towards us, amounting to the value of near two millions. These, added
to the free gifts before made to us at different times, form an object
of at least twelve millions, for which no returns but that of
gratitude and friendship are expected. These, I hope, may be
everlasting. The constant good understanding between France and the
Swiss Cantons, and the steady benevolence of this Crown towards them,
afford us a well grounded hope that our alliance may be as durable and
as happy for both nations; there being strong reasons for our union,
and no crossing interests between us. I write fully to Mr Morris on
money affairs, who will doubtless communicate to you my letter, so
that I need say the less to you on that subject.
The letter to the King was well received; the accounts of your
rejoicings on the news of the dauphin's birth give pleasure here; as
do the firm conduct of Congress, in refusing to treat with General
Carleton, and the unanimous resolutions of the assemblies of different
States on the same subject. All ranks of this nation appear to be in
good humor with us, and our reputation rises throughout Europe. I
understand from the Swedish Ambassador, that their treaty with us will
go on as soon as ours with Holland is finished; our treaty with
France, with such improvements as that with Holland may suggest, being
intended as the basis.
There have been various misunderstandings and mismanagements among the
parties concerned in the expedition of the Bon Homme Richard, which
have occasioned delay in dividing the prize money. M. de Chaumont, who
was chosen by the captains of all the vessels in the expedition as
their agent, has long been in a state little short of bankruptcy, and
some of the delays have possibly been occasioned by the distress of
his affairs. He now informs me, that the money is in the hands of the
Minister of the Marine. I shall in a few days present the Memorial you
propose, with one relating to the prisoners, and will acquaint you
with the answer. Mr Barclay is still in Holland; when he returns he
may take into his hands what money can be obtained on that account.
I think your observations respecting the Danish complaints through the
Minister of France perfectly just. I will receive no more of them by
that channel, and will give your reasons to justify my refusal.
Your approbation of my idea of a medal to perpetuate the memory of
York and Saratoga victories gives me great pleasure, and encourages me
to have it struck. I wish you would acquaint me with what kind of a
monument at York the emblems required are to be fixed on; whether an
obelisk or a column; its dimensions; whether any part of it is to be
marble, and the emblems carved on it, and whether the work is to be
executed by the excellent artists in that way which Paris affords; and
if so, to what expense they are to be limited. This puts me in mind of
a monument I got made here and sent to America, by order of Congress,
five years since. I have heard of its arrival, and nothing more. It
was admired here for its elegant antique simplicity of design, and the
various beautiful marbles used in its composition. It was intended to
be fixed against a wall in the State House of Philadelphia. I know not
why it has been so long neglected; it would, methinks, be well to
inquire after it, and get it put up somewhere. Directions for fixing
it were sent with it. I enclose a print of it. The inscription in the
engraving is not on the monument; it was merely the fancy of the
engraver. There is a while plate of marble left smooth to receive such
inscription as the Congress should think proper.
Our countrymen, who have been prisoners in England, are sent home, a
few excepted, who were sick, and who will be forwarded as soon as
recovered. This eases us of a very considerable charge.
I communicated to the Marquis de Lafayette the paragraph of your
letter which related to him. He is still here, and as there seems not
much likelihood of an active campaign in America, he is probably more
useful where he is. His departure, however, though delayed, is not
absolutely laid aside.
The second changes in the Ministry of England have occasioned, or have
afforded, pretences for various delays in the negotiation for peace.
Mr Grenville had two successive imperfect commissions. He was at
length recalled, and Mr Fitzherbert is now arrived to replace him,
with a commission in due form to treat with France, Spain, and
Holland. Mr Oswald, who is here, is informed by a letter from the new
Secretary of State, that a commission, empowering him to treat with
the Commissioners of Congress, will pass the seals, and be sent him in
a few days; till he arrives, this Court will not proceed in its own
negotiation. I send the _Enabling Act_, as it is called. Mr Jay will
acquaint you with what passes between him and the Spanish Ambassador,
respecting the proposed treaty with Spain. I will only mention, that
my conjecture of that Court's design to coop us up within the Allegany
mountains is now manifested. I hope Congress will insist on the
Mississippi as the boundary, and the free navigation of the river from
which they could entirely exclude us.
An account of a terrible massacre of the Moravian Indians has been put
into my hands. I sent you the papers, that you may see how the fact is
represented in Europe. I hope measures will be taken to secure what is
left of those unfortunate people.
Mr Laurens is at Nantes, waiting for a passage with his family to
America. His state of health is unfortunately very bad. Perhaps the
sea air may recover him, and restore him well to his country. I
heartily wish it. He has suffered much by his confinement.
Be pleased, Sir, to present my duty to the Congress, and assure them
of my most faithful services.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Passy, August 12th, 1782.
Sir,
I have received (many of them at the same time) your sundry letters of
March the 23d, April 8th and 17th, May 17th, 18th, two of the 23d and
29th. It would be a satisfaction to me, if you would likewise mention
from time to time the dates of those you receive from me.
Most of your letters press my obtaining more money for the present
year. The late losses suffered in the West Indies, and the unforeseen
necessary expenses the reparation there and here must occasion, render
it more difficult, and I am told, impossible; though the good
disposition of the Court towards us continues perfect. All I can say
on the head of money, more than I have said in preceding letters is,
that I confide you will be careful not to bankrupt your banker by your
drafts; and I will do my utmost that those you draw shall be duly
honored.
The plan you intimate for discharging the bills in favor of
Beaumarchais, though well imagined, was impracticable. I had accepted
them, and he had discounted them, or paid them away, or divided them
amongst his creditors. They were, therefore, in different hands, with
whom I could not manage the transactions proposed. Besides, I had paid
them punctually when they became due, which was before the receipt of
your letter on that subject. That he was furnished with his funds by
the government here, is a supposition of which no foundation appears;
he says it was by a company he had formed; and when he solicited me to
give up a cargo in part of payment, he urged, with tears in his eyes,
the distress himself and associates were reduced to, by our delay of
remittances. I am glad to see that it is intended to appoint a
Commissioner to settle all our public accounts in Europe. I hope he
will have better success with M. Beaumarchais than I have had. He has
often promised solemnly to render an account in two or three days.
Years have since elapsed, and he has not yet done it. Indeed, I doubt
whether his books have been so well kept as to make it possible.
You direct me, in yours of May 17th, to pay over into the hands of Mr
Grand, on your account, such monies belonging to the United States as
may be in Europe, distinct from those to be advanced for the current
year. I would do it with pleasure if there were any such. There may
be, indeed, some in Holland, raised by the new loan, but that is not
in my disposition, though I have no doubt that Mr Adams will, on
occasion, apply it in support of your credit. As to all the aids given
by the crown, all the sums borrowed of it, and all the Dutch loans of
ten millions, though the orders to receive have been given to me, the
payments from the _Tresor Royal_ have all been made on my orders in
favor of Mr Grand, and the money again paid away by him on my drafts
for public services and expenses, as you will see by his accounts; so
that I never saw or touched a livre of it, except what I received from
him in discharge of my salary, and some disbursements. He has even
received the whole six millions of the current year, so that I have
nothing in any shape to pay over to him. On occasion of my lately
desiring to know the state of our funds, that I might judge whether I
could undertake to pay what you were directed to pay to Mr William
Lee, by vote of Congress, as soon as the state of public finances
would admit, Mr Grand wrote me a note, with a short sketch of their
then supposed situation, which I enclose. You will probably have from
him, as soon as possible, a more perfect account; but this will serve
to show, that I could not prudently comply with your wish, of making
that payment to Mr Lee, and I have accordingly declined it; the less
unwillingly as he is entitled by the vote to interest.
I send herewith the accounts of the supplies we have received in
goods, which I promised in my last.
The sum of their value is included in the settlement made with this
Court, mentioned in a former letter. Herewith I also send a copy of
the contract, which has been long in hand, and but lately completed.
The term of the first yearly payment we are to make was readily
changed at my request, from the first to the third year after the
peace; the other marks of the King's bounty towards us will be seen in
the instrument. The interest already due and forgiven amounts to more
than a million and a half. What might become due before the peace is
uncertain. The charges of exchange, commissions, brokerage, &c. of the
Dutch loan, amount to more than five hundred thousand livres, which is
also given, so that we have the whole sum net, and are to pay for it
but four per cent. This liquidation of our accounts with the Court
was completed before the vote of Congress directing it came to hand.
Mr Grand examined all the particulars, and I have no doubt of its
being approved.
Mr Grand, to whom I have communicated your letter of April 17th, will
soon write to you fully. We shall observe the general rule you give
respecting the 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th bills. The attention, care, and
pains necessary to prevent, (by exact accounts of those accepted, and
an examination of those offered,) impositions which are often
attempted by presenting at a distant time, the 2d, 3d, &c. are much
greater than I could have imagined. Much has been saved by that
attention, of which of late we keep an account; but the hazard of loss
by such attempts might be diminished, together with the trouble of
examination, by making fewer small bills.
Your conduct, activity, and address as a financier and provider for
the exigencies of the State, are much admired and praised here, their
good consequences being so evident, particularly with regard to the
rising credit of our country and the value of bills. No one but
yourself can enjoy your growing reputation more than I do.
Mr Grand has undertaken to pay any balance, that may be found due to
Messrs le Couteulx out of the money in his hands. Applying for so
small a sum as 5000 livres would be giving trouble for a trifle, as
all applications for money must be considered in Council.
Mr Grand having already received the whole six millions, either in
money or accepted bills, payable at different periods, I expect he
will deliver up to me the bills for that sum, which you have drawn
upon me, the rather as they express value received by you. I never
heard of any mention here of intended monthly payments, or that the
money could not be obtained but by your drafts. I enclose a letter, by
which the payment was ordered of the last three millions.
I observe what you mention of the order, that the Ministers' salaries
are to be hereafter paid in America. I hereby empower and desire you
to receive and remit mine. I do not doubt your doing it regularly and
timely; for a Minister without money, I perceive, makes a ridiculous
figure here, though secure from arrests. I have taken a quarter's
advance of salary from the 4th of last month, supposing it not
intended to _muzzle_ immediately _the mouth of the ox that treadeth
out the corn_.
With great esteem, I am, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S._ Your boys are well, and Mr Ridley and Mr Barclay still in
Holland.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, August 16th, 1782.
My Dear Friend,
Yours I received by Major Young, together with the work of your
_véritable philosophe_, which is full of humanity. I was not before
that at a loss where I should have looked for my _véritable
philosophe_, in the present actual scene of public politics. Your
honest, anxious, and unremitted endeavors towards the re-establishment
of peace, must endear you to your own country, and to all mankind.
Whatever may have been transacted in America, (if it can be possible,
that the suspicions which you mention should become true, viz. to
tamper with America for a breach of faith, of which some suspicions
seem to be thrown out by the Provinces of Maryland and Philadelphia,)
I can give the strongest testimonies of the constant honor and good
faith of your conduct and correspondencies; and my letters to you will
bear me equal testimony, that I have never thrown out any dishonorable
suggestions to you. When the proposed Congress of your _véritable
philosophe_ shall meet, neither of us need fear its censures, upon the
strictest examination of our correspondence. We will claim the poet's
character of the sincere statesman,
"Who knew no thought, but what the world might hear."
In times of suspicion, it must be some satisfaction to both of us to
know, that no line or word has ever passed between us, but what the
governments of Great Britain, France, and America, might freely peruse
as the words of good faith, peace, and _sweet reconciliation_.
The resolutions of Maryland and Philadelphia, together with the slow
proceedings of our _plenipotentiaries_, and even the doubt suggested,
whether they may not be waiting for events in America, give me much
concern. Not being informed to a certainty of the state of the
negotiation, I have declined any concern with the Ministry upon the
subject of the refugees, &c. My assistance cannot be indispensable
upon that topic, but I deem it indispensable to myself not to be
committed in unknown ground, which, from the points abovementioned,
must appear dubious to me. These are the reasons which I gave to the
Minister for declining. I must, at the same time, give him the justice
of the most absolute and unlimited professions of sincerity for
peace. Whatever divisions there may have been, as you say, suspected
in the Cabinet, there are some of his colleagues still remaining, in
whom I have the greatest confidence for sincerity and good intentions.
The public prints of this country have stated what are called _shades_
of difference as to the mode. Those opinions, which are imputed to Mr
Fox, are certainly most suitable to my opinions. I am free to confess
to you, that my wishes would have been to have taken the most decisive
ground relating to independence, &c. immediately from the 27th of
March last, viz. the accession of the change of Ministry. But I agree
with you in sentiment, viz. to concur with all the good that offers,
when we cannot obtain all the good that we might wish. The situation
of my sentiments at present is, an unbiassed neutrality of
expectation, as events may justify.
I shall be obliged to you for the earliest communications of any
public events in America, that may come to Europe with any public
resolutions of Congress or the Provinces, &c., and all memorials or
negotiations, which may pass between the parties in America. I am very
anxious to have the earliest information to form my opinions upon, and
to be prepared accordingly. My utmost endeavors will always be exerted
to the blessed work of peace.
I am ever, your affectionate
D. HARTLEY.
* * * * *
END OF THE THIRD VOLUME.
* * * * *
Transcriber's note:
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.
Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been retained
except in obvious cases of typographical error.