the 7th, which remained unanswered, because from the words in it,
'when I reach the Continent, which will probably happen in a few
days,' I flattered myself with the pleasure of seeing you here. That
hope is disappointed by your last, in which you tell me you are
determined not to act in the commission for treating of peace with
Great Britain. I regret your taking this resolution, principally
because I am persuaded, that your assistance must have been of great
service to our country. But I have besides some private or particular
reasons, that relate to myself.
"To encourage me in the arduous task, you kindly tell me I shall be
_called blessed_, &_c._ I have never yet known of a peace made, that
did not occasion a great deal of popular discontent, clamor, and
censure on both sides. This is, perhaps, owing to the usual management
of the leaders and Ministers of the contending nations, who, to keep
up the spirits of their people for continuing the war, generally
represent the state of their own affairs in a better light, and that
of the enemy in a worse, than is consistent with the truth; hence the
populace on each side expect better terms than can really be obtained,
and are apt to ascribe their disappointment to treachery. Thus the
peace of Utrecht, and that of Aix la Chapelle, were said in England to
have been influenced by French gold, and in France, by English
guineas. Even the last peace, the most glorious and advantageous for
England that ever she made, was, you may remember, violently decried,
and the makers as violently abused. So that the blessing promised to
peace-makers, I fancy, relates to the next world, for in this they
seem to have a greater chance of being cursed. And, as another text
observes, that in '_the multitude of counsellors there is safety_,'
which I think may mean safety to the counsellors as well as to the
counselled, because if they commit a fault in counselling, the blame
does not fall upon one or a few, but is divided among many, and the
share of each is so much the lighter, or because when a number of
honest men are concerned, the suspicion of their being biassed is
weaker, as being more improbable; or, because _defendit numerus_; for
all these reasons, but especially for the support your established
character of integrity would afford me against the attacks of enemies,
if this treaty take place, and I am to act in it, I wish for your
presence, and the presence of as many of the Commissioners as
possible, and I hope you will reconsider and change your resolution.
"In the meantime, as you have had opportunities of conversing with the
new Ministers, and other leading people in England, and of learning
their sentiments relating to terms of peace, &c. I request you would
inform me by letters of what you think important. Letters from you
will come safer by the Court courier than by the post, and I desire
you would, if you should continue determined not to act, communicate
to me your ideas of the terms to be insisted on, and the points to be
attended to respecting commerce, fisheries, boundaries, and every
other material circumstance, that may be of importance to all or any
of the United States.
"Lord Shelburne having written to me on the subject of the wished for
peace, I acquainted him in my answer, sent by our friend, Mr Oswald,
that you were one of the Commissioners, appointed by Congress to treat
with Britain, and that I imagined his Lordship would therefore think
proper to discharge you entirely from the obligations you entered
into, when you were admitted to bail, that you might be at liberty to
act freely in the commission. He wrote to me in reply, that you were
accordingly discharged immediately. His Lordship mentioned nothing of
any exchange being expected for you, nevertheless I honor your
sensibility on the point, and your concern for the credit of America,
that she should not be outdone in generosity by Great Britain, and
will cheerfully join with you in any act, that you may think proper,
to discharge in return the parole of Lord Cornwallis, as far as in our
power may lie; but we have no express authority for that purpose, and
the Congress may possibly, in the meantime, have made some other
arrangement relative to his exchange. I conceive, that our acts should
contain a clause, reserving to Congress the final approbation or
disallowance of the proceeding; and I have some doubt whether Lord
Cornwallis will think himself well freed of his engagements, and at
liberty to exercise his military employments, by virtue of any
concession in his favor made by persons, who are not vested with
authority for that purpose. So that, on the whole, perhaps the best
and surest way will be our writing immediately to Congress, and
strongly recommending the measure. However, I will do what you shall
think best.
"I heartily wish you success in any endeavors you may use in Holland
for raising a loan of money. We have pressed rather too hard on this
Count, and we still want more than they can conveniently spare us; but
I am sorry, that too scrupulous regard to our wants and difficulties
should induce you, under the present infirmity of your lower limbs, to
deny yourself the necessary comfort of an easy carriage, rather than
make any use of the public assistance, when the public must be much in
your debt. I beg you would get over that difficulty, and take of me
what you may have occasion for.
"The letter you forwarded to me was from America's constant friend,
the good Bishop of St Asaph. He speaks of you in terms of the highest
esteem and respect.
"Mr Oswald has gone back again to London, but intended to return again
immediately. Mr Grenville remains here, and has received power to
treat, but no further steps can be taken till Spain and Holland have
empowered Ministers for the same purpose.
"I shall inform you and Mr Adams, (if he does not come) of the
proceeding from time to time, and request your counsel in cases of any
difficulty. I hope you will not think of hazarding a return to America
before a peace, if we find any hopes of its being soon obtained; and
that if you do not find you can be useful in the manner you wish, in
Holland, you will make me happy by your company and counsel here. With
great and sincere esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN."
May the 26th, I received the following letters and papers from Mr
Hartley.
[One of these letters is dated May 1st, which, together with a paper
called the _Breviate_, is printed above, pp. 343, 351.]
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, May 13th, 1782.
"My dear friend,
"I wrote you a long letter dated May 1st, 1782, by Mr Laurens, who
left London on Saturday last, but I will add a few lines now by a
conveyance, which I believe will overtake him, just to tell you two or
three things, which I believe I omitted in my last. Perhaps they may
not be of any consequence, but as they relate to my own conduct, I
could wish to have you understand them.
"After several conferences with the late Ministry, I gave in the
paper, called the _Breviate_, on the 7th of February, but I never
received any answer from them. They resigned on the 20th of March.
Upon the accession of the new Ministry, I heard nothing from them upon
the subject, nor indeed did I apply to them. I did not know whether
that paper would not come into their hands by succession, and I
doubted whether it might not be more proper for me to wait till I
heard from them. While I remained doubtful about this, I received your
letters, which determined me to go to Lord Shelburne. This was about
the beginning of the present month. I communicated to him some
extracts, such as those about the prisoners, &c. and likewise the
whole of your letter of April 13th, containing the offer of the late
Ministry, the King of France's answer, together with your reflections
in the conclusion respecting peace. As you had given me a general
permission, I left with him a copy of the whole letter.
"Upon the occasion of this interview, Lord Shelburne told me that he
had made much inquiry in the offices for the correspondence and
papers, which had passed between the late Ministry and me, but that he
could not meet with them. He expressed a regret, that he had not
conversed with me at an earlier day, with many civilities of that
kind. In short, I had been backward to intrude myself, and he
expressed regret that he had not sent for me.
"Upon this opening on his part, I stated to him the substance of what
passed between the late Ministry and myself, and I left a copy of the
_Breviate_ with him. He gave me a very attentive audience, and I took
that opportunity of stating my sentiments to him, as far as I could,
upon every view of the question. Upon his expressing his regret that
he had not seen me sooner, I told him that I always had been, and
always should be, most ready to give any assistance in my power
towards the work of peace. I say the same to you.
"I do not believe that there is any difference of sentiment between
you and me, _personally_, in our own minds upon independence, &c. &.c.
But we belong to different communities, and the right of judgment, and
of consent and dissent, is vested in the community. Divide
independence into six millions of shares, and you should have been
heartily _welcome_ to _my_ share from the beginning of the war. Divide
Canada into six millions of shares, I could find a better method of
disposing of _my_ share, than, by offering it to France, to abandon
America. Divide the rock of Gibraltar into six millions of pieces, I
can only answer for one portion. Let Reason and Justice decide in any
such case, as universal umpires between contending parties, and those
who wish well to the permanent peace of mankind, will not refuse to
give and to receive equal justice.
"I agree with you, that the equitable and the philosophical principles
of politics can alone form a solid foundation of permanent peace; and
the contraries to them, though highly patronized by nations
themselves, and their Ministers, are no better than vulgar errors; but
nations are slow to convictions from the personal arguments of
individuals. 'They are jealous in honor, seeking the _bubble
reputation_ even in the cannon's mouth.' But until a confirmed
millennium, founded upon wiser principles, shall be generally
established, the _reputation_ of nations is not merely a _bubble_. It
forms their real security.
"To apply all this, in one word, let all nations agree, with one
accord, to beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into
pruning hooks, or give me wooden walls to Great Britain! I have
nothing further to add. My reason for writing this, was just to
communicate to you in what position I had delivered over my
conferences and arguments with the late Ministry into the hands of the
present. And I will conclude with your own words, may God send us all
more wisdom. I am ever, most affectionately, yours, &c.
D. HARTLEY."
"_P. S. May 17th, 1782._ Since writing the above, I have likewise
left a copy of the enclosed preliminaries with Lord Shelburne."
* * * * *
PRELIMINARIES.
May, 1782.
"1. That the British troops shall be withdrawn from the Thirteen
Provinces of North America, and a truce made between Great Britain and
the said Provinces, for ---- years. (Suppose ten or twenty years.)
"2. That a negotiation for peace shall _bona fide_ be opened between
Great Britain and the allies of America.
"3. If the proposed negotiation between Great Britain and the allies
of America should not succeed so far as to produce peace, but that war
should continue between the said parties, that America should act, and
be treated as a neutral nation.
"4. That whenever peace shall take place between Great Britain and the
allies of America, the truce between Great Britain and America shall
be converted into a perpetual peace, the independence of America shall
be admitted and guarantied by Great Britain, and a commercial treaty
settled between them.
"5. That these propositions shall be made to the Court of France, for
communication to the American Commissioners, and for an answer to the
Court of Great Britain."
* * * * *
The same day Mr Grenville visited me. He acquainted me, that his
courier was returned, and had brought him full powers in form to treat
for a peace _with France and her allies_. That he had been at
Versailles, and had shown his power to M. de Vergennes, and left a
copy with him. That he had also a letter of credence, which he was not
to deliver till France should think fit to send a Minister of the same
kind to London; that M. de Vergennes had told him, that he would lay
it before the King, and had desired to see him again on Wednesday.
That Mr Oswald had arrived in London, about an hour before the courier
came away. That Mr Fox in his letter had charged him to thank me for
that which I had written, and to tell me, that he hoped I would never
forget, that he and I were of the same country.
I answered, that I should always esteem it an honor to be owned as a
countryman of Mr Fox. He had requested me at our last interview, that
if I saw no impropriety in doing it, I would favor him with a sight of
the treaty of alliance between France and America. I acquainted him
that it was printed, but that if he could not readily meet with a
copy, I would have one written for him. And as he had not been able to
find one, I this day gave it to him.
He lent me a London gazette, containing Admiral Rodney's account of
his victory over M. de Grasse, and the accounts of other successes in
the East Indies, assuring me, however, that these events made not the
least change in the sincere desire of his Court to treat for peace.
In the afternoon the Marquis de Lafayette called upon me. I acquainted
him with what Mr Grenville had told me respecting the credential
letter, and the expectation that a person on the part of this Court
would be sent to London with a commission similar to his. The Marquis
told me he was on his way to Versailles, and should see M. de
Vergennes. We concluded, that it would now be proper for him to make
the proposition we had before talked of, that he should be the person
employed in that service.
On Monday, the 27th, I received a letter from Mr Jay, dated the 8th,
acquainting me, that he had received mine of the 21st and 22d past,
and had concluded to set out for Paris about the 19th, so that he may
be expected in a few days.
I dined this day with Count d'Estaing, and a number of brave marine
officers, that he had invited. We were all a little dejected with the
news. I mentioned, by way of encouragement, the observation of the
Turkish bashaw, who was taken with his fleet at Lepanto, by the
Venetians. "Ships," says he, "are like my master's beard, you may cut
it, but it will grow again. He has cut off from your government all
the Morea, which is like a limb, which you will never recover." And
his words proved true.
On Tuesday I dined at Versailles with some friends, so was not at home
when the Marquis de Lafayette called to acquaint me, that M. de
Vergennes informed him, that the full power received by Mr Grenville
from London, and communicated by him, related to France only. The
Marquis left for me this information, which I could not understand. On
Wednesday I was at Court, and saw the copy of the power. It appeared
full with regard to treating with France, but mentioned not a word of
her allies. And, as M. de Vergennes had explicitly and constantly,
from the beginning, declared to the several messengers, Mr Forth, Mr
Oswald, and Mr Grenville, that France could only treat in concert with
her allies, and it had in consequence been declared on the part of the
British Ministry, that they consented to treat for a general peace,
and at Paris, the sending this partial power seemed to be insidious,
and a mere invention to occasion delay, the late disasters to the
French fleet having probably given the Court of England fresh courage
and other views.
M. de Vergennes said he should see Mr Grenville on Thursday, and would
speak his mind to him, on the subject very plainly. "They want," said
he, "to treat with us for you, but this the King will not agree to. He
thinks it not consistent with the dignity of your state. You will
treat for yourselves; and every one of the powers at war with England
will make its own treaty. All that is necessary for our common
security is, that the treaties go hand in hand, and are signed all on
the same day."
Prince Bariatinski, the Russian Ambassador, was particularly civil to
me this day at Court, apologised for what passed relating to the
visit, expressed himself extremely sensible of my friendship in
covering the affair, which might have occasioned to him very
disagreeable consequences, &c. The Count du Nord came to M. de
Vergennes, while we were drinking coffee, after dinner. He appears
lively and active, with a sensible, spirited countenance. There was an
opera at night for his entertainment. The house being richly finished
with abundance of carving and gilding, well illuminated with wax
tapers, and the company all superbly dressed, many of the men in cloth
of tissue, and the ladies sparkling with diamonds, formed altogether
the most splendid spectacle my eyes ever beheld.
I had some little conference today with M. M. Berkenrode, Vanderpierre
and Boeris, the Ambassador of Holland and the agents of the Dutch East
India Company. They informed me, that the second letter of Mr Fox to
the mediating Minister of Russia, proposing a separate peace with
Holland, made no more impression than the first, and no peace would be
made but in concurrence with France.
The Swedish Minister told me he expected orders from his Court
relative to a treaty, &c.
I had, at our last interview, given Mr Grenville a rendezvous for
Saturday morning, and having some other engagements for Thursday and
Friday, though I wish to speak with him on the subject of his power, I
did not go to him, but waited his coming to me on Saturday. On Friday,
May 31st, Mr Oswald called on me, being just returned, and brought me
the following letters from Lord Shelburne, the first of which had been
written before his arrival.
* * * * *
LORD SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.
Whitehall, May 28th, 1782.
"Sir,
"I am honored with your letter of the 10th instant, and am very glad
to find that the conduct, which the King has empowered me to observe
towards Mr Laurens, and the American prisoners, has given you
pleasure. I have signified to Mr Oswald his Majesty's pleasure, that
he shall continue at Paris till he receives orders from hence to
return. In the present state of this business, there is nothing for me
to add, but my sincere wishes for a happy issue, and to repeat my
assurances, that nothing shall be wanting on my part which can
contribute to it. I have the honor to be, with very great regard,
SHELBURNE."
* * * * *
LORD SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.
Whitehall, May 29th, 1782.
"Sir,
"I have the honor to receive your letter of the 13th of May, by Mr
Oswald. It gives me great pleasure to find my opinion of the
moderation, prudence, and judgment of that gentleman confirmed by your
concurrence. For I am glad to assure you, that we likewise concur in
hoping that those qualities may enable him to contribute to the speedy
conclusion of a peace, and such a peace as may be firm and long
lasting. In that hope he has the King's orders to return immediately
to Paris, and you will find him, I trust, properly instructed to
co-operate in so desirable an object. I have the honor to be, &c.
SHELBURNE."
* * * * *
I had not then time to converse much with Mr Oswald, and he promised
to come and breakfast with me on Monday.
_Saturday, June 5th._ Mr Grenville came, according to appointment. Our
conversation began by my acquainting him that I had seen the Count de
Vergennes, and had perused the copy left with him of the power to
treat. That after what he, Mr Grenville, told me of its being to treat
with France _and her allies_, I was a little surprised to find in it
no mention of the allies, and that it was only to treat with the King
of France and his Ministers; that, at Versailles, there was some
suspicion of its being intended to occasion delay, the professed
desire of a speedy peace being, perhaps, abated in the British Court
since its late successes; but that I imagined the words relating to
the allies might have been accidentally omitted in transcribing, or
that, perhaps, he had a special power to treat with us distinct from
the other. He answered, that the copy was right, and that he had no
such power in form, but that his instructions were full to that
purpose, and that he was sure the Ministers had no desire of delay,
nor any of excluding us from the treaty, since the greatest part of
those instructions related to treating with me. That, to convince me
of this sincerity of his Court respecting us, he would acquaint me
with one of his instructions, though, perhaps, the doing it now was
premature, and therefore a little inconsistent with the character of a
politician, but he had that confidence in me that he should not
hesitate to inform me, (though he wished that at present it should go
no further,) _he was instructed to acknowledge the independence of
America, previous to the commencement of the treaty_. And he said he
could only account for the omission of America in the POWER, by
supposing that it was an old official form copied from that given to
Mr Stanley, when he came over hither before the last peace. Mr
Grenville added that he had, immediately after his interview with the
Count de Vergennes, despatched a courier to London, and hoped, that
with his return the difficulty would be removed. That he was perfectly
assured their late success had made no change in the disposition of
his Court to peace, and that he had more reason than the Count de
Vergennes to complain of delays, since five days were spent before he
could obtain a passport for his courier, and then it was not to go and
return by way of Calais, but to go by Ostend, which would occasion a
delay of five days longer. Mr Grenville then spoke much of the high
opinion the present Ministry had of me, and their great esteem for me,
their desire of a perfect reconciliation between the two countries,
and the firm and general belief in England, that no man was so capable
as myself of proposing the proper means of bringing about such a
reconciliation, adding that if the old Ministers had formerly been too
little attentive to my counsels, the present were very differently
disposed, and he hoped that in treating with them, I would totally
forget their predecessors.
The time has been when such flattering language, as from great men,
might have made me vainer, and had more effect on my conduct, than it
can at present, when I find myself so near the end of life as to
esteem lightly all personal interests and concerns, except that of
maintaining to the last, and leaving behind me the tolerably good
character I have hitherto supported.