accounts of advantages obtained against us by the British troops. I
have helped them here to recover their spirits a little, by assuring
them that we still face the enemy, and were under no apprehension of
their armies being able to complete their junction. I understand that
Mr Lee has lately been at Paris, that Mr Deane is still there, and
that an underhand supply is obtained from the government of two
hundred brass field pieces, thirty thousand firelocks, and some other
military stores, which are now shipping for America, and will be
convoyed by a ship of war. The Court of England (Mr Penet tells me,
from whom I have the above intelligence) had the folly to demand Mr
Deane to be delivered up, but were refused.
Our voyage, though not long, was rough, and I feel myself weakened by
it, but I now recover strength daily, and in a few days shall be able
to undertake the journey to Paris. I have not yet taken any public
character, thinking it prudent first to know whether the Court is
ready and willing to receive Ministers publicly from the Congress,
that we may neither embarrass her on the one hand, nor subject
ourselves to the hazard of a disgraceful refusal on the other. I have
despatched an express to Mr Deane, with the letters that I had for him
from the Committee, and a copy of our commission, that he may
immediately make the proper inquiries, and give me information. In
the mean time I find it generally supposed here, that I am sent to
negotiate, and that opinion appears to give great pleasure, if I can
judge by the extreme civilities I meet with from numbers of the
principal people, who have done me the honor to visit me.
I have desired Mr Deane, by some speedy and safe means, to give Mr Lee
notice of his appointment. I find several vessels here laden with
military stores for America, just ready to sail; on the whole, there
is the greatest prospect that we shall be well provided for another
campaign, and much stronger than we were last. A Spanish fleet has
sailed with seven thousand land forces foot and some horse. Their
destination unknown, but supposed against the Portuguese in Brazil.
Both France and England are preparing strong fleets, and it is said,
that all the powers of Europe are preparing for war, apprehending that
a general one cannot be very far distant. When I arrive at Paris I
shall be able to write with more certainty. I beg you to present my
duty to Congress, and assure them of my most faithful endeavors in
their service.
With the sincerest esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Nantes, December 8th, 1776.
Gentlemen,
After a short but rough passage of thirty days, we anchored in
Quiberon Bay, the wind not suiting to enter the Loire. Captain Wickes
did everything in his power to make the voyage comfortable to me; and
I was much pleased with what I saw of his conduct as an officer, when
on supposed occasions we made preparation for engagement, the good
order and readiness with which it was done, being far beyond my
expectations, and I believe equal to anything of the kind in the best
ships of the king's fleet. He seems to have also a very good set of
officers under him. I hope they will all in good time be promoted. He
met and took two prizes, brigantines, one belonging to Cork, laden
with staves, pitch, tar, turpentine, and claret; the other to Hull,
with a cargo of flaxseed and brandy. The captains have made some
propositions of ransom, which, perhaps, may be accepted, as there is
yet no means of condemning them here, and they are scarce worth
sending to America. The ship is yet in Quiberon Bay, with her prizes.
I came hither from thence, seventy miles, by land. I am made extremely
welcome here, where America has many friends. As soon as I have
recovered strength enough for the journey, which I hope will be in a
very few days, I shall set out for Paris. My letter to the President
will inform you of some other particulars.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S. December 10th._ I have just learnt that eighty pieces of
cannon, all brass, with carriages, braces, and everything fit for
immediate service, were embarked in a frigate from Havre, which is
sailed; the rest were to go in another frigate of thirtysix guns.
* * * * *
FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Baltimore, January 1st, 1777.
Sir,
Congress, relying on your wisdom and integrity, and well knowing the
importance of the case, have appointed you their Commissioner to
negotiate a treaty of friendship and commerce with the Court of
Spain.[1] The idea of Congress on this subject you will find in the
instructions sent by this opportunity to yourself, and the other
Commissioners, at the Court of France. Your commission for this
special service we have now the honor to enclose you.
We are, with great respect and esteem, honorable Sir, yours, &c.
B. HARRISON,
R. H. LEE,
J. WITHERSPOON,
W. HOOPER.
[1] See the _Secret Journals of Congress_, Vol. II. pp. 38, 41, 42.
* * * * *
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Paris, January 4th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I arrived here about two weeks since, where I found Mr Deane. Mr Lee
has since joined us from London. We have had an audience of the
Minister, Count de Vergennes, and were respectfully received. We left
for his consideration a sketch of the proposed treaty.[2] We are to
wait upon him tomorrow with a strong memorial, requesting the aids
mentioned in our instructions. By his advice, we have had an interview
with the Spanish Ambassador, Count d'Aranda, who seems well disposed
towards us, and will forward copies of our memorials to his Court,
which will act, he says, in perfect concert with this.
[2] See this sketch in the Secret Journals of Congress, Vol. II, p. 7.
Their fleets are said to be in fine order, manned and fit for sea. The
cry of this nation is for us, but the Court, it is thought, views an
approaching war with reluctance. The press continues in England. As
soon as we can receive a positive answer from these Courts, we shall
despatch an express with it.
I am, Gentlemen, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, January 20th, 1777.
Dear Sir,
The bearer, Captain Balm, is strongly recommended to me as a very able
officer of horse, and capable of being extremely useful to us, in
forming a body of men for that service. As he has otherwise an
excellent character, I take the liberty of recommending him to my
friends as a stranger of merit, worthy of their civilities, and to the
Congress as an officer, who if employed may greatly serve a cause,
which he has sincerely at heart.
With great respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT D'ARANDA, SPANISH AMBASSADOR TO THE COURT OF FRANCE.
Passy,[3] April 7th, 1777.
Sir,
I left in your Excellency's hands, to be communicated, if you please,
to your Court, a duplicate of the commission from Congress, appointing
me to go to Spain as their Minister Plenipotentiary. But, as I
understand, that the receiving such a Minister is not at present
thought convenient, and I am sure the Congress would have nothing done
that might incommode in the least a Court they so much respect, I
shall therefore postpone that journey till circumstances may make it
more suitable. In the mean time, I beg leave to lay before his
Catholic Majesty, through the hands of your Excellency, the
propositions contained in a resolution of Congress, dated December
30th, 1776, viz.
"That if His Catholic Majesty will join with the United States in a
war against Great Britain, they will assist in reducing to the
possession of Spain the town and harbor of Pensacola; provided the
inhabitants of the United States shall have the free navigation of the
Mississippi, and the use of the harbor of Pensacola; and will,
(provided it shall be true, that his Portuguese Majesty has
insultingly expelled the vessels of these States from his ports, or
has confiscated any such vessels,) declare war against the said King,
if that measure shall be agreeable to, and supported by, the Courts of
France and Spain."
It is understood, that the strictest union subsists between those two
Courts; and in case Spain and France should think fit to attempt the
conquest of the English sugar islands, Congress have further proposed
to furnish provisions to the amount of two millions of dollars, and to
join the fleet employed on the occasion, with six frigates of not less
than twentyfour guns each, manned and fitted for service; and to
render any other assistance which may be in their power, as becomes
good allies; without desiring for themselves the possession of any of
the said islands.
These propositions are subject to discussion, and to receive such
modification as may be found proper.
With great respect, I have the honor to be your Excellency's most
obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
[3] Passy is a small town about three miles from Paris, on the banks
of the Seine. Dr Franklin lived here during the whole of his residence
in France.
* * * * *
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
Paris, June 13th, 1777.
Sir,
The bearer, M. le Comte Kotkouski, a Polish officer, is recommended to
me by several persons of worth here, as a man of experience in
military affairs, and of tried bravery. He has lost his family and
estate in Poland, by fighting there in the cause of liberty, and
wishes, by engaging in the same cause, to find a new country and new
friends in America. Count Pulaski, who was a General of the
confederates in Poland, and who is gone to join you, is esteemed one
of the greatest officers in Europe. He can give you the character of
this M. Kotkouski, who served under him as Lieutenant Colonel.
It is with regret that I give letters of introduction to foreign
officers, fearing that you may be troubled with more than you can
provide for, or employ to their and your own satisfaction. When
particular cases seem to have a claim to such letters, I hope you will
excuse my taking the liberty. I give no expectations to those who
apply for them; I promise nothing, I acquaint them that their being
placed when they arrive is a great uncertainty, and that the voyage
being long, expensive, and hazardous, I counsel them not to undertake
it. This honest gentleman's zeal is not to be discouraged by such
means; he determines to go and serve as a volunteer, if he cannot be
employed immediately as an officer; but I wish and hope that your
Excellency may find a better situation for him, and that he will be a
useful officer. He has the advantage of understanding English, and
will soon speak it intelligibly. He also speaks German, and some other
European languages, and the Latin.
With the truest esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
Paris, June 13th, 1777.
Sir,
The person, who will have the honor of delivering this to your
Excellency, is Monsieur le Baron de Frey, who is well recommended to
me as an officer of experience and merit, with a request that I would
give him a letter of introduction. I have acquainted him, that you are
rather overstocked with officers, and that his obtaining employment in
your army is an uncertainty; but his zeal for the American cause is
too great for any discouragements I can lay before him, and he goes
over at his own expense, to take his chance, which is a mark of
attachment that merits our regard. He will show your Excellency the
commissions and proofs of his military service hitherto, and I beg
leave to recommend him to your notice.
With the sincerest esteem and respect,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
M. DUBOURG TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Paris, September 8th, 1777
My dear Sir,
I should be much obliged to you, if you would be so good as to give a
letter of recommendation to some one of the chiefs of your army, in
favor of a young man full of courage, and also of distinguished
talents, who is at Bordeaux, ready to embark for America, where he
proposes to settle himself in Pennsylvania, after having served in
quality of volunteer, or otherwise, during the war. His name is
Gerard. He carries with him a little adventure, sufficient for
supporting him some years, and afterwards, if it is there customary,
his father will make over to him his portion. I interest myself
particularly in his favor, because he is the brother in law of one of
our honestest commissaries.
I have the honor to wish you a good day, and to reiterate the
assurances of my inviolable attachment.
DUBOURG.
* * * * *
TO RICHARD PETERS.
Passy, September 12th, 1777.
Sir,
The bearer Monsieur Gerard is recommended to me by M. Dubourg, a
gentleman of distinction here, and a hearty friend to our cause. I
enclose his letter, that you may see the favorable manner in which he
speaks of M. Gerard. I thereupon take the liberty of recommending the
young gentleman, to your civilities and advice, as he will be quite a
stranger there, and to request that you would put him in the way of
serving as a volunteer in our armies.
I am, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
REMARKS ON A LOAN FOR THE UNITED STATES.[4]
[4] This paper was written by Dr Franklin in the summer of 1777, with
the view of convincing Europeans, that it was more eligible to lend
money to the United States at that time, than to England. It was
translated and sent to different parts of Europe. In Mr Arthur Lee's
letter to the Baron de Schulenburg, dated September 21st, 1777, he
mentions having sent a copy of it to that Minister.
In borrowing money, a man's credit depends on some, or all, of the
following particulars.
First, His known conduct respecting former loans, and his punctuality
in discharging them.
Secondly, His industry.
Thirdly, His frugality.
Fourthly, The amount and the certainty of his income, and the freedom
of his estate from the incumbrances of prior debts.
Fifthly, His well founded prospects of greater future ability, by the
improvement of his estate in value, and by aids from others.
Sixthly, His known prudence in managing his general affairs, and the
advantage they will probably receive from the loan which he desires.
Seventhly, His known probity and honest character, manifested by his
voluntary discharge of debts, which he could not have been legally
compelled to pay. The circumstances, which give credit to an
_individual_, ought to have, and will have, their weight upon the
lenders of money to _public bodies_ or nations. If then we consider
and compare Britain and America in these several particulars, upon the
question, "To which is it safest to lend money?" We shall find,
1. Respecting _former loans_, that America, who borrowed ten millions
during the last war, for the maintenance of her army of 25,000 men and
other charges, had faithfully discharged and paid that debt, and all
her other debts, in 1772. Whereas Britain, during those ten years of
peace and profitable commerce, had made little or no reduction of her
debt; but on the contrary, from time to time, diminished the hopes of
her creditors, by a wanton diversion and misapplication of the sinking
fund destined for discharging it.
2. Respecting _industry_; every man in America is employed; the
greater part in cultivating their own lands, the rest in handicrafts,
navigation, and commerce. An idle man there is a rarity; idleness and
inutility are disgraceful. In England the number of that character is
immense, fashion has spread it far and wide; hence the embarrassments
of private fortunes, and the daily bankruptcies arising from a
universal fondness for appearance and expensive pleasures, and hence,
in some degree, the mismanagement of public business; for habits of
business, and ability in it, are acquired only by practice; and where
universal dissipation, and the perpetual pursuit of amusement are the
mode, the youth educated in it can rarely afterwards acquire that
patient attention and close application to affairs, which are so
necessary to a statesman charged with the care of national welfare.
_Hence_ their frequent errors in policy, and hence the weariness at
public councils, and backwardness in going to them, the constant
unwillingness to engage in any measure that requires thought and
consideration, and the readiness for postponing every new proposition;
which postponing is therefore the only part of business they come to
be expert in, an expertness produced necessarily by so much daily
practice. Whereas in America, men bred to close employment in their
private affairs attend with ease to those of the public when engaged
in them, and nothing fails through negligence.
3. Respecting _frugality_; the manner of living in America is more
simple and less expensive than in England, plain tables, plain
clothing, and plain furniture in houses prevail, with few carriages of
pleasure, there an expensive appearance hurts credit and is avoided,
in England it is often assumed to gain credit, and continued to ruin.
Respecting _public_ affairs, the difference is still greater. In
England the salaries of officers and emoluments of office are
enormous. The king has a million sterling per annum, and yet cannot
maintain his family free of debt, secretaries of state, lords of
treasury, admiralty, &c. have vast appointments, an auditor of the
exchequer has sixpence in the pound, or a fortieth part of all the
public money expended by the nation; so that when a war costs forty
millions, one million is paid to him; an inspector of the mint, in the
last new coinage, received as his fee £65,000 sterling per annum; to
all which rewards no service these gentlemen can render the public is
by any means equivalent. All this is paid by the people, who are
oppressed by taxes so occasioned, and thereby rendered less able to
contribute to the payment of necessary national debts. In America,
salaries, where indispensable, are extremely low; but much of the
public business is done gratis. The honor of serving the public ably
and faithfully is deemed sufficient. _Public spirit_ really exists
there, and has great effects. In England it is universally deemed a
nonentity, and whoever pretends to it is laughed at as a fool, or
suspected as a knave. The committees of Congress which form the board
of war, the board of treasury, the board of foreign affairs, the naval
board, that for accounts, &c. all attend the business of their
respective functions without any salary or emolument whatever, though
they spend in it much more of their time, than any lord of the
treasury or admiralty in England can spare from his amusements. A
British Minister lately computed, that the whole expense of the
Americans in their _civil_ government, over three millions of people,
amounted to but £70,000 sterling, and drew from thence a conclusion,
that they ought to be taxed, until their expense was equal in
proportion to that which it costs Great Britain to govern eight
millions. He had no idea of a contrary conclusion, that if three
millions may be well governed for £70,000, eight millions may be as
well governed for three times that sum, and that therefore the expense
of his own government should be diminished. In that corrupted nation,
no man is ashamed of being concerned in lucrative _government jobs_,
in which the public money is egregiously misapplied and squandered,
the treasury pillaged, and more numerous and heavy taxes accumulated,
to the great oppression of the people. But the prospect of a greater
number of such jobs by a war is an inducement with many to cry out for
war upon all occasions, and to oppose every proposition of peace.
Hence the constant increase of the national debt, and the absolute
improbability of its ever being discharged.
4. Respecting the _amount and certainty of income, and solidity of
security_, the _whole_ thirteen States of America are engaged for the
payment of every debt contracted by the Congress, and the debt to be
contracted by the present war is the _only_ debt they will have to
pay; all, or nearly all, the former debts of particular Colonies being
already discharged. Whereas England will have to pay not only the
enormous debt this war must occasion, but all their vast preceding
debt, or the interest of it,--and while America is enriching itself by
prizes made upon the British commerce, more than ever it did by any
commerce of its own under the restraints of a British monopoly and the
diminution of its revenues and of course, less able to discharge the
present indiscreet increase of its expenses.
5. Respecting prospect of greater _future ability_, Britain has none
such. Her islands are circumscribed by the ocean, and excepting a few
parks or forests, she has no new land to cultivate, and cannot
therefore extend her improvements. Her numbers, too, instead of
increasing from increased subsistence, are continually diminishing
from growing luxury, and the increasing difficulties of maintaining
families, which of course discourage early marriages. Thus she will
have fewer people to assist in paying her debts, and that diminishing
number will be poorer. America, on the contrary, has, besides her
lands already cultivated, a vast territory yet to be cultivated;
which, being cultivated, continually increases in value with the
increase of people; and the people, who double themselves by a
_natural propagation_ every twentyfive years, will double yet faster
by the accession of _strangers_, as long as lands are to be had for
new families; so that every twenty years there will be a double number
of inhabitants obliged to discharge the public debts; and those
inhabitants being more opulent may pay their shares with greater ease.
6. Respecting _prudence_ in general affairs, and the advantages to be
expected from the loan desired; the Americans are cultivators of land;
those engaged in fishery and commerce are few, compared with the
others. They have ever conducted their several governments with
wisdom, avoiding wars and vain expensive projects, delighting only in
their peaceable occupations, which must, considering the extent of
their uncultivated territory, find them employment still for ages.
Whereas England, ever unquiet, ambitious, avaricious, imprudent, and
quarrelsome, is half of the time engaged in war, always at an expense
infinitely greater than the advantages to be obtained by it, if
successful. Thus they made war against Spain in 1739, for a claim of
about £95,000, (scarce a groat for each individual of the nation) and
spent forty millions sterling in the war, and the lives of fifty
thousand men; and finally made peace without obtaining satisfaction
for the sum claimed. Indeed, there is scarce a nation in Europe,
against which she has not made war on some frivolous pretext or
other, and thereby imprudently accumulated a debt, that has brought
her on the verge of bankruptcy. But the most indiscreet of all her
wars is the present against America, with whom she might for ages have
preserved her profitable connexion only by a just and equitable
conduct. She is now acting like a mad shop keeper, who, by beating
those that pass his doors, attempts to make them come in and be his
customers. America cannot submit to such treatment, without being
first ruined, and, being ruined, her custom will be worth nothing.
England, to effect this, is increasing her debt, and irretrievably
ruining herself. America, on the other hand, aims only to establish
her liberty, and that freedom of commerce which will be advantageous
to all Europe; and by abolishing that monopoly which she labored
under, she will profit infinitely more than enough to repay any debt,
which she may contract to accomplish it.