INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER REGARDING THE KAFFIRS.

In South Africa the word Kaffir is often used in a general way to

signify any black native who is not the descendant of an imported

slave, but on the eastern frontier of the Cape Colony the term is

usually restricted to a member of the Amaxosa tribe. It is from

individuals of this tribe that the following stories have been

collected.

Europeans have designated these people Kaffirs ever since the discovery

of the country, though they themselves cannot even pronounce the word,

as the English sound of the letter r is wanting in their language. R in

Kaffir words, as now written, represents the same guttural sound as g

does in Dutch, or the Scotch sound of ch in loch; thus Rarabe is

pronounced Khah-khah-bay. They have no word by which to signify the

whole race, but each tribe has its own title, which is usually the name

of its first great chief, with the plural prefix Ama or Aba.

A very large portion of South Africa is occupied by people of this

race. All along the eastern coast, as far south as the Great Fish

River, the country is thickly populated with Kaffir tribes. On the

other side of the mountains, the Bechuanas, their near kindred, are

found stretching almost across to the Atlantic shore, from the heart of

the continent southward to the Orange River.

The country lying between the present colonies of the Cape and Natal

was first explored by Europeans in the year 1688, and was then found to

be occupied by four great tribes,—the Amampondomsi, the Amampondo, the

Abatembu, and the Amaxosa,—who formed nations as distinct from each

other as are the French and the Italians. Their language was the same,

and their laws and customs varied very slightly; but in all that

respected government they were absolutely independent of one another.

It has since been ascertained that the tribes further northward do not

differ materially from these.

The Amaxosa were the farthest to the southward in 1688, as they have

been ever since. On the coast they had then reached the Keiskama River,

and there is good reason to believe that inland their outposts extended

westward as far as the site of the present village of Somerset East.

They were thus in contact with Hottentot tribes along an extended line,

and an amalgamation of the two races had probably already commenced. It

is certain that during the latter half of the last century a great many

Hottentots were incorporated with the Amaxosa.

The mode of incorporation was in most instances a selection of

Hottentot females after the destruction of their clan in war; but in at

least one case a Hottentot tribe became gradually a Kaffir clan by

mixture of blood through adoption of Kaffir refugees. The people of

this tribe, a pure Hottentot one in 1689 and then called the Gqunaqua,

were found by a traveller a century later to resemble Kaffirs more than

Hottentots in appearance, and, except a few families, they are now

undistinguishable from other members of the Amaxosa. Their original

language has been lost, but their old tribal title is yet retained in

the Kaffir form Amagqunukwebe.

This large admixture of Hottentot blood has not affected the mode of

government or the general customs of the Amaxosa, as is seen on

comparing them with other tribes to the north; but it has affected

their personal appearance and their language. Many words in use by the

women, though appearing in a Kaffir form, can be traced to Hottentot

roots. Owing to this, their traditional stories may have been modified

to some, though not to any great, extent

In a condition independent of European control, each Kaffir tribe is

presided over by a great chief, whose government is, however, but

little felt beyond his own immediate clan, each petty division being

under a ruler who is in reality nearly independent. The person of a

chief is inviolable, and an indignity offered to one of them is

considered a crime of the gravest nature. Such offshoots of the ruling

house as are not of themselves chiefs are of aristocratic rank, and are

exempt from obedience to the laws which govern the commonalty. With

regard to the common people, the principle of the law is that they are

the property of the rulers, and consequently an offence against any of

their persons is atoned for by a fine to the chief. Murder and assaults

are punished in this manner. Thus in theory the government is despotic,

but in practice it has many checks. The first is the existence of a

body of councillors about the person of each chief, whose advice he is

compelled to listen to. A second is the custom that a man who can

escape from a chief whose enmity he has incurred will be protected by

any other with whom he takes refuge, so that an arbitrary or unpopular

ruler is in constant danger of losing his followers.

The chief in council makes the law and administers it, but from the

courts of the petty chiefs there is an appeal to the head of the tribe.

Only two kinds of punishment are known: fines and death. Lawsuits are

of frequent occurrence, and many Kaffirs display great ability and

remarkable powers of oratory in conducting them. The judges are guided

in their proceedings by a recognised common law and by precedents,

though some of them are exceedingly venal. They will sit, however, with

exemplary patience, for days together, to hear all the details of a

case, and, where bribery is impossible, their sentences are usually in

accordance with strict justice.

The manner in which the Kaffirs became divided into independent tribes

in ancient times is clearly shown by the law of succession to the

chieftainship which is in force to the present day. The first wives of

a chief are usually the daughters of some of his father’s principal

retainers; but as he increases in power his alliance is courted by

great families, and thus it generally happens that the last of his

wives is the highest in rank. Probably she is the daughter of a

neighbouring chief, for it is indispensable in her case that the blood

of the ruling line should flow in her veins. She is termed the great

wife, and her eldest son is the principal heir.

Another of his wives is invested at some period of his life, with the

consent of his councillors and friends, with the title of wife of the

right hand, and to her eldest son is allotted a portion of the tribe,

with which he forms a new clan. The government of this is entrusted to

him as soon as he is full grown, so that while his brother is still a

child he has opportunities of increasing his power. If he is the abler

ruler of the two, war between them follows almost to a certainty as

soon as the great heir reaches manhood, and is invested with a separate

command. Should peace be maintained, upon the death of his father the

son of the right hand acknowledges his brother as superior in rank, but

pays him no tribute, nor admits of his right to interfere in any manner

with the internal government of the new clan.

Thus there was always a tendency to division and subdivision of the

tribes, which was the great fault of the system. But while it operated

against unity, it tended towards a rapid expansion of the people in a

country where only a slight opposition could be made by the earlier

inhabitants. The less powerful chief of the two would naturally desire

to reside at a considerable distance from his competitor, and thus a

new tract of country would be taken possession of. About six

generations ago a practice was introduced of dividing each tribe into

three sections, by the elevation of a third son to power, with the

title of representative of the ancients. But it was not generally

adopted until Gaika, about the beginning of the present century, gave

it his countenance, since which time this custom has been almost

universally followed by the Amaxosa, so that the number of petty chiefs

and little clans is now very great.

The Kaffir of the coast region is a model of a well-formed man. In

general he is large, without being corpulent, strong, muscular, erect

in bearing, and with all his limbs in perfect symmetry. His skull is

shaped like that of a European; but here the resemblance ends, for his

colour is a deep brown, and his hair is short and woolly. His

intellectual abilities are of no mean order, and his reasoning powers

are quite equal to those of a white man. He is haughty in demeanour,

and possesses a large amount of vanity. For anything approaching

frivolity he has a supreme contempt. The men are handsomer than the

women, which is owing to the difference in their mode of living.

Their language is rich in words, and is musical in expression, owing to

the great number of vowels used. With very few exceptions the syllables

end in vowels. In structure it differs greatly from the languages of

Europeans. The inflections take place at the beginning, not at the end

of words. Thus the plural of indoda, a man, is amadoda, men; of umfazi,

a woman, is abafazi, women; of isikali, a weapon, is izikali, weapons.

And so with every part of speech which is capable of being inflected.

This difference is, however, a slight one, when compared with the

changes which the other parts of speech undergo to make them harmonize

in sound with the principal noun in the sentence. According as the noun

commences with a particular syllable, so the first syllable of the

adjective, the verb, the adverb, and even the preposition, must be

altered to agree with it in sound. Only the root syllables of these

parts of speech remain the same in all combinations.

Kaffir words are in most instances combined together to form sentences

in such a way that they cannot be separated from each other as English

words are. What appears in writing to be only one word, is often really

three or four, but as in another combination these would change their

positions, and as very frequently a single letter represents a word, it

would create much greater confusion to separate them than to write them

as one.

There is no difficulty whatever in expressing any ideas in the Kaffir

language. The present infinitive of any verb can be transformed into an

abstract noun. The numerals are as complete as is necessary for any

calculation. Adjectives proper are not numerous, but their place is

supplied by abstract nouns; as if we should say, a thing with goodness,

instead of, a good thing. The adjective follows the noun, as abantwana

bane, children four, izinto zine, things four.

The language of the Amaxosa contains three clicks, which are now

represented in writing by the superfluous letters c, q, and x. These

clicks are easily sounded separately by Europeans, the c by withdrawing

the tongue sharply from the front teeth, the q by doing the same from

the roof of the mouth, and the x by drawing the breath in a peculiar

way between the tongue and the side teeth; but they generally prove an

insurmountable difficulty to an adult who wishes to learn to speak the

language. By such a person a syllable commencing with a click can only

be sounded as a distinct word with a considerable interval of time

between it and the one before it. European children, however, readily

learn to speak it fluently.

The women do not always use the same words as the men, owing to the

custom called ukuhlonipa, which prohibits females from pronouncing the

names of any of their husband’s male relatives in the ascending line,

or any words whatever in which the principal syllables of such names

occur. Owing to this custom, in many instances almost a distinct

dialect has come into use. (This custom is referred to in a note to

follow the Story of Tangalimlibo.)

Before the advent of the white man, the Kaffirs knew nothing of letters

or of any signs by which ideas could be expressed. Their history is

thus traditional, and cannot be considered authentic beyond four or

five generations back. There are numerous old men in every clan who

profess to be acquainted with the deeds of the past, but their accounts

of these seldom correspond in details beyond a period of about a

century and a half. The genealogy of the great chiefs even, as given by

them, is not the same beyond the time of Sikomo, the eighth in order

from the present one, while with regard to minor chiefs considerable

confusion exists two or three generations later.

They know of no other periods in reckoning time than the day and the

lunar month, and can describe events only as happening before or after

some remarkable occurrence, such as the death of a chief. The different

seasons of the year are indicated by the rise in the evening of

particular constellations, to which, as well as to several of the

prominent stars and planets, they have given expressive names.

Until European clothing was introduced, the dress of the Kaffirs was

composed of skins of animals formed into a square mantle the size of a

large blanket, which they wrapped about their persons. The skin of the

leopard was reserved for chiefs and their principal councillors alone,

but any other could be used by common people. Married women wore a

short leather petticoat at all times; in warm weather men and children

went quite naked. No covering was ordinarily worn on the head, though a

fillet, intended for show, was commonly bound round it, and a fantastic

head-dress was used by the women on certain festive occasions.

They are fond of decorating their persons with ornaments, such as

shells, teeth of animals, and beads, used as necklaces, copper and

ivory rings on their arms, etc. They protect their bodies from the

effects of the sun by rubbing themselves all over with fat and red

clay, which makes them look like polished bronze. Their clothing is

greased and coloured in the same manner.

They live in villages, large or small according to circumstances. Their

habitations consist of hemispherical huts formed of strong wickerwork

frames thatched with reeds or grass; they are proof against rain or

wind. The largest are about twenty-five feet in diameter, and seven or

eight feet in height in the centre. They are entered by a low, narrow

aperture, which is the only opening in the structure; their interior is

smoky and dirty, and not seldom swarms with vermin. The villages are

usually in situations which command a good view of the surrounding

country.

The Kaffirs are warlike in disposition and brave in the field, though

when fighting with Europeans they seldom venture upon a pitched battle,

owing to their dread of firearms. Their weapons of offence are wooden

clubs with heavy heads, and assagais or javelins. The assagai (a

corruption of a Portuguese word derived from the Latin hasta) consists

of a long, thin iron head, with both edges sharp, and terminating in a

point, and is attached by thongs to a slender shaft or rod. Poising

this first in his uplifted hand and imparting to it a quivering motion,

the Kaffir hurls it forth with great force and accuracy of aim. The

club is used at close quarters, and can also be thrown to a

considerable distance. Boys are trained to the use of both these

weapons from an early age. Before the introduction of firearms the

Kaffir used a shield to defend his person. It was made of ox-hide

stretched over a wooden frame, and varied in size and pattern among the

clans.

The warriors are formed into companies under their respective chiefs,

and are not divided into regiments of about the same number. A battle

between Kaffirs consists of a series of individual encounters, in which

the bravest combatants on each side challenge each other by name, and

when one falls, another is called upon by the victor to take his place.

The height of ambition is to be mentioned in one of the rude chants

which the bards, whose principal employment is to sing the praises of

the chief, compose on the occasions of festivals, and to hear one’s

name received with applause. The brave wear on their heads the feathers

of the blue crane, which are given to them by the chief as tokens of

distinction, and which no one else is permitted to wear (except a

single individual at a peculiar ceremony which will be referred to in a

note upon the custom of ntonjane).

Horned cattle constitute their principal wealth, and form a medium of

exchange throughout the country. Great care is taken of them, and

particular skill is exhibited in their training. They are taught to

obey signals, as, for instance, to run home upon a certain call or

whistle being given. In former days every man of note had his racing

oxen, and prided himself upon their good qualities as much as an

English squire does upon his blood horses. Ox racing was then one of

the institutions of Kaffirland, and was connected with all kinds of

festivities.

The care of cattle is considered the most honourable employment, and

falls entirely to the men. They milk the cows, take charge of the

dairy, and will not permit a woman even to touch a milksack. When

Europeans first visited them they had, in addition to the ox, domestic

dogs and an inferior breed of goats, the last not considered of much

value. Barnyard fowls were also found in their possession, but adults

made no use of either their flesh or their eggs.

The Kaffirs are an agricultural as well as a pastoral people. They

cultivate the ground to a large extent, and draw the greater portion of

their food from it. A species of millet, called by the colonists Kaffir

corn, was the grain exclusively cultivated by them prior to the advent

of Europeans. Of this they raise large quantities, which they use

either boiled, or bruised into a paste from which bread is made. They

were acquainted with the art of fermenting it and making a kind of

beer, which they were fond of drinking, and which soon caused

intoxication. Of this grain they were careful always to keep a good

stock on hand. They preserved it from the attacks of the weevil by

storing it in air-tight holes excavated beneath the cattle kraals. They

had also pumpkins, a species of gourd, a cane containing saccharine

matter in large quantities, and a sort of ground nut. The other

productions of their gardens, as we see them at present, have been

introduced since they became acquainted with the white man. Of those

mentioned their food consisted, with the addition of curdled milk and

occasionally flesh.

They have two meals a day, a slight breakfast in the morning, and a

substantial repast at sunset. Boys in early youth are permitted to eat

any kind of meat, even that of wild cats and other carnivora, but when

they reach the age of maturity the flesh of all unclean animals is

rejected by them. They use no kinds of fish as an article of diet, and

call them all snakes, without distinction.

They have a system of religion which they carefully observe. It is

based upon the supposition of the existence of spirits who can

interfere with the affairs of this world, and who must therefore be

propitiated with sacrifices. These spirits are those of their deceased

chiefs, the greatest of whom has power over lightning. When the spirits

become hungry, they send a plague or disaster, until sacrifices are

offered and their hunger is appeased. When a person is killed by

lightning no lamentation is made, as it would be considered rebellion

to mourn for one whom the great chief has sent for. They have no idea

of reward or punishment in a world to come for acts committed in this

life, and each of the commonalty denies the immortality of his own

soul.

In olden times, when common people died, their corpses were dragged

away to a short distance from the kraal, and there left to be devoured

by beasts of prey; but chiefs and great men were interred with much

ceremony. A grave was dug, in which the body was placed in a sitting

posture, and by it were deposited his weapons of war and ornaments.

When it was closed, such expressions as these were used: “Remember us

from where you are. You have gone to high places. Cause us to prosper!”

They believe in the existence of a Supreme Being, whom they term

Qamata, and to whom they sometimes pray, though they never offer

sacrifices to him. In a time of great danger a Kaffir will exclaim, “O

Qamata, help me!” and when the danger is over he will attribute his

deliverance to the same Supreme Being. The Kaffirs cannot define their

belief concerning Qamata very minutely, and they do not trouble

themselves with thinking much about the matter.

The largest amount of information on this subject which I ever obtained

was from a group of aged Gaikas, among whom was a celebrated native

antiquary. Negatively they replied to my inquiries much better than

positively.

“Had he been once a chief, such as Xosa or Tshawe?”

“No.”

“Was he the first man, the father of the nations, the one whom some of

the old Fingoes call Nkulunkulu?”

“No, not at all; Qamata was never a man.”

“Was he the creator of all that we see, the mountains, and the sun, and

the stars?”

“Perhaps he was, we don’t know; he is greater than all these.”

“Where is he?”

“Everywhere.”

“Does he see all things?”

“We think he does.”

“Does he help people?”

“We ask him to sometimes, and we believe he does.”

“Is he altogether good, or altogether bad, or partly good and partly

bad?”

“We don’t know about that; but we think he is altogether good.”

“Are there any others like him?”

“No; he is all alone.”

“Is there any other name for him?”

“In the olden times that was the only name, but now he is called by

some u-Tixo,” (a name for God, introduced by missionaries).

A superstitious act of a very peculiar kind is somehow or other

connected in their minds with prayer to, or worship of, Qamata. In

various parts of the Kaffir country there are artificial heaps of

stones, and a Kaffir, when travelling, may often be seen adding one to

the number. He repeats no words, but merely picks up a stone and throws

it on the heap. Why does he do it? That good fortune may attend

him,—that he may not be carried away by the river spirit when crossing

a stream,—that he may find food prepared for him where he is to

rest,—that he may be successful in the business he is engaged in,—or

something of the kind that he is thinking of at the time. It is an act

of superstition. But old men have told me, when I inquired the object

of this act, that “it was for Qamata.” How? They did not know; but

their ancestors had done the same thing, and said it was for Qamata;

and so they did it too.

The influence of the unseen world is ever acting upon the Kaffir. Far

nearer to him than Qamata or the spirits of his ancestors is a whole

host of water sprites and hobgoblins, who meet him turn which way he

will. There is no beautiful fairyland for him, for all these fanciful

beings who haunt the mountains, the plains, and the rivers, are either

actively malevolent, or mischievous and addicted to playing pranks. To

protect himself from them he carries on his person charms in numbers,

only to find himself still exposed to their attacks. This superstition

influences all his acts and gives a tone of seriousness to his

character.

The rites of religion consist merely in sacrifices to appease the

spirits. These are numerous. On great occasions they are performed by

individuals who act the part of priests, on ordinary occasions by heads

of families. The meat of the animal sacrificed is eaten, for the hunger

of the spirit is allayed with the smoke. No sacred days or seasons are

observed.

A corollary to the belief in malevolent spirits is the belief in

witchcraft. Certain persons obtain from the demons power to bewitch

others, and thus sickness and death are caused. The same individual who

acts as a priest acts also as a witch-finder. In olden times the person

whom the witch-finder pronounced guilty was liable to confiscation of

property, torture, and even death. The priest and witch-finder

professes also to have the power of making rain, and of causing the

warriors of his clan to be invulnerable in battle. When following any

of these occupations, he attires himself most fantastically, being

painted with various colours, and having the tails of wild animals

suspended around him.

Before the supremacy of the Europeans it was seldom that the individual

who filled this office died a natural death. Sooner or later he would

fail to cause rain to fall when it was needed, or warriors whom he had

made invulnerable would be struck down, or something else would happen

which would cause him to be regarded as an impostor. He was then

generally tied hand and foot and cast into the first stream at hand.

Nevertheless, implicit confidence was placed in his successor, until

he, too, met the same fate.

Sometimes a person intimates that he has received revelations from the

spirit world. He is really a monomaniac, but if his statements are

believed his power at once becomes greater than that of the highest

chief, and his commands are implicitly obeyed.

The snake is treated with great respect by the Kaffirs. If one is found

in a hut, the people will move out and wait patiently until it leaves.

The owner will say that it is perhaps the spirit of one of his

ancestors who has come to visit him in this form. It may be only an

ordinary snake, he will add, but it is not advisable to run any risk,

lest harm should befall his house.

In the division of labour the cultivation of the ground falls to the

woman’s share, as does also the collection of firewood, and the

thatching of the huts. A man who meddles with work of this kind is

regarded as an intruder into a domain not his own. The females look

upon it as pertaining to them, just as in England they look upon

housework.

The descent of property is regulated in the same manner as the

succession to the chieftainship.

Many of their manufactures display considerable skill and ingenuity.

Foremost among these must be reckoned metallic wares, which include

implements of war and husbandry, and ornaments for the person. Iron and

copper are now obtained in trade from Europeans, but when the country

was first visited, the Kaffirs were found in possession of these

metals, and to the present day a few stubborn conservatives prefer to

smelt ore for themselves, as their ancestors did before them. There are

certain families to whom the working in metals is confined, the son

following the father in his occupation. This is the case with every

kind of manufacture, and no one pretends to know anything about a trade

which does not belong to his own family.

In many parts of the country iron ore of excellent quality is abundant,

and this they smelt (or rather did so until recently) in a simple

manner. Forming a furnace of a boulder with a hollow surface, out of

which a groove was made to allow the liquid metal to escape, and into

which a hole was pierced for the purpose of introducing a current of

air, they piled up a heap of charcoal and virgin ore, which they

afterwards covered in such a way as to prevent the escape of heat. The

bellows by which air was introduced were made of skins, the mouthpiece

being the horn of a large antelope. The molten iron, escaping from the

crude yet effective furnace, ran into clay moulds prepared to receive

it, which were as nearly as possible of the same magnitude as the

implements they wished to make. These were never of great size, the

largest being the picks or heavy hoes used in gardening.

The Kaffir smith, using a boulder for an anvil and a hammer of iron or

stone, next proceeded to shape the lump of metal into an assagai head,

an axe, a pick, or whatever was required. The iron was worked cold. In

this laborious operation a vast amount of patience and perseverance was

exercised, and the article when completed was very creditable indeed.

Copper is worked into a great variety of ornaments for their persons.

This metal is found in certain parts of the country, but it is now

generally obtained in trade from Europeans.

Hardly less remarkable was their skill in pottery, an art rapidly

becoming lost since the introduction of European wares. Vessels

containing from half a pint to fifty gallons were constructed by them

of earthenware, some of which were highly ornamented, and were almost

as perfect in form as if they had been turned on a wheel. Though they

were frequently not more than an eighth of an inch in thickness, so

finely tempered were they that the most intense heat did not damage

them. These vessels were used as beer pots, grain jars, and cooking

utensils.

In the manufacture of wooden articles, such as spoons, bowls, fighting

sticks, pipes (since the introduction of tobacco), rests for the head

when sleeping, etc., they display great skill and no little taste. Each

article is made of a single block of wood, requiring much time and

patience to complete it, and upon it is frequently carved some neat but

simple pattern.

Baskets for holding grain, rush mats, bags, and drinking vessels made

of grass are among the products of their labour. Rush bags are made so

carefully and strongly that they are used to hold water or any other

liquid.

Skins for clothing are prepared by rubbing them for a length of time

with grease, by which means they are made nearly as soft and pliable as

cloth.

Ingenious as they are, the men are far from being industrious. A great

portion of their time is spent in visiting and gossip, of which they

are exceedingly fond. They are perfect masters of that kind of argument

which consists in parrying a question by means of putting another. They

are not strict observers of truth, and, though not pilferers, they are

addicted to cattle lifting. According to their ideas, stealing cattle

is not a crime; it is a civil offence, and a thief when detected is

compelled to make ample restitution; but no disgrace attaches to it,

and they have no religious scruples concerning it.

Such, in brief, are the Kaffirs, the people among whom the following

stories are current.

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