CHAPTER XXIV

DEFENSE AGAINST GAS

(From the Field Point of View)

The best defense against any implement of war is a vigorous offense

with the same implement. This is a military axiom that cannot be

too often, or too greatly emphasized, though like other axioms it

cannot be applied too literally. It needs a proper interpretation—the

interpretation varying with time and circumstances. Thus in gas

warfare, a vigorous offense with gas is the best defense against

gas. This does not mean that the enemy’s gas can be ignored. Indeed,

it is more important to make use of all defensive measures against

gas than it is against any other form of attack. Gas being heavier

than air, rolls along the ground, filling dugouts, trenches, woods

and valleys—just the places that are safest from bullets and high

explosives. There it remains for hours after it has blown away in the

open, and, since the very air itself is poisoned, it is necessary not

only that protection be general but that it be continuous during the

whole time the gas is present.

EARLIEST PROTECTIVE APPLIANCES

The earliest protection against gas was the crudest sort of a mask.

The first gas used was chlorine and since thousands of people in civil

life were used to handling it, many knew that certain solutions, as

hyposulfite of soda, would readily destroy it. They also knew that

if the breath could be drawn through material saturated with those

solutions, the chlorine would be destroyed. Thus it was that the first

masks were simple cotton, or cotton waste pads, which were dipped into

hyposulfite of soda solutions and applied to the mouth and nose during

a gas attack. These pads were awkward, unsanitary, and, due to the long

intervals between gas attacks, were frequently lost, while the solution

itself was often spilled or evaporated. The net result of all this was

poor protection and disgust with the so-called masks.

DESIGN OF NEW MASKS

After using these, or similar poor excuses for a mask, for a few weeks,

the British designed what was known as the PH helmet. In a gas attack

the sack was pulled over the head and tucked under the blouse around

the neck, the gas-tight fit being obtained by buttoning the blouse

over the ends of the sack. This PH helmet was quite successful against

chlorine and, to a much less extent, against phosgene, a new gas

introduced during the spring of 1916.

But it was warm and stuffy in summer—the very time when gas is used to

the greatest extent—while the chemicals in the cloth irritated the face

and eyes, especially when combined with some of the poisonous gases.

Probably as a result of experience with oxygen apparatus in mine rescue

work, Colonel Harrison suggested making a mask of which the principal

part was a box filled with chemicals and carried on the chest. A

flexible tube connected the box with a mouthpiece of rubber. Breathing

was thus through the mouth and in order to insure that no air would be

breathed in through the nose, a noseclip was added.

This, of course, cared for the lungs, but did not protect the eyes.

Their protection was secured by making a facepiece of rubberized cloth

with elastics to hold it tight against the face. The efficiency of this

mask depends, then, first upon the ability of the facepiece to keep out

lachrymatory gases which affect the eyes, and, second, upon a proper

combination of chemicals in the box, to purify the air drawn into the

lungs through the mouthpiece. (Details are given in Chapter XII).

PROTECTION AGAINST SMOKE

While the charcoal and soda-lime granules furnished an adequate

protection against all known true gases, they did not furnish

protection against certain smokes or against minute particles of

liquid gas. Since certain smokes, as stannic chloride, though not

deadly, are so highly irritating as to make life unbearable, it early

became necessary to devise means for keeping them from going through

the masks. This was done in the first masks by adding a sufficient

thickness of cotton batting. The cotton was usually placed in three

layers alternating with the charcoal and granules, as it was thought

the latter would be held in place better by that means.

Some time after stannic chloride came into use the Germans started

firing shells containing a small quantity of diphenylchloroarsine,

popularly known as “Sneezing Gas.” Protection against this is discussed

in Chapter XVIII.

CHOICE OF MASKS FOR U. S. TROOPS

When it became necessary, with the creation of a Chemical Warfare

Service in France in August, 1917, to decide upon a mask for American

troops, there were available for purchase two types—the British

type and the French M-2. The French M-2 consisted essentially of 32

layers of cloth impregnated with various chemicals, through which

the air was breathed both in and out. This mask was quite effective

against ordinary field concentrations of most gases, but was utterly

inadequate to care for the high concentration of phosgene obtained in

the front line from cloud gas or from projector gas attacks. It was

also poor against chloropicrin. The M-2 was, however, very light and

easy to carry and moreover was deemed sufficient to protect against

concentrations of cloud gas even, at points more than five miles

distant from the front line.

Furthermore, it was felt desirable at first to have an auxiliary or

emergency mask in addition to the principal one, for use in case

the principal mask was worn out or damaged. Accordingly both types

of masks were adopted and the day after Fries took charge of the

Chemical Warfare Service, A.E.F., on August 22, 1917, 100,000 of each

were purchased, although there were then only ten or twelve thousand

American troops in France requiring masks. Later additional masks of

both kinds were purchased to tide over the American troops until a

sufficient quantity of the British type masks could be manufactured in

the United States. The total of British masks purchased amounted to

about 700,000.

However, within a comparatively short time after American troops got

into the front line it was realized that a second mask, inferior in

protection to the first, was highly undesirable. During a gas attack

men seemed to acquire an uncontrollable desire to shift from one

mask to the other. This shifting in nearly every case resulted in a

casualty. We then came rapidly to the conclusion that one mask only

should be furnished, and that one the best that could be made, and

then to impress upon the soldier the fact that his life depended upon

the care he took of his mask. This proved to be an entirely sound

conclusion, as the number of men gassed through injuries to the mask

was comparatively small. An interesting proof of the value the soldier

placed upon his mask was shown by the articles of equipment thrown away

by 10,000 British stragglers in the great German offensive of March,

1918. Of the articles thus thrown away the gas mask came at the foot of

the list, with only 800 missing. The steel helmet is said to have come

next with about 4,000 missing.

SIZES OF FACES FOR MASKS

When adopting the British respirator in August, 1917, it was decided

that the American face as well as the American stature was probably

larger than the English. Accordingly inquiry was made in regard to

the sizes of masks issued to the Canadians as it was thought probable

they required a greater proportion of the larger size masks than did

the English. When prescribing the relative quantities of each size

of mask to be furnished Americans, the Canadian requirements were

taken as a base but with the larger sizes increased slightly over the

Canadian requirements. As a matter of fact even these increases proved

considerably too small, so that the numbers in the two sizes above

normal had to be finally more than doubled.

OBJECTIONS TO GERMAN TYPE MASK

The American Gas Service felt from the beginning that a design which

attached the box of chemicals to the facepiece was unsound in principle

(this design was used in the German mask and in the French A. R. S.

masks), since it did not allow proper flexibility for increasing the

size of the box to care for new gases. Furthermore, the weight of the

box during movement caused the facepiece to swing slightly from side

to side. This interfered with vision and tended to lift the facepiece

away from the face and allow gas to enter. That the objections of

the American Gas Service to this type were correct was proved by the

difficulty encountered toward the end of the war by both the French

and the Germans in trying to provide a suitable filter for protection

against particulate clouds and the smokes, such as stannic chloride and

diphenylchloroarsine.

STRUGGLE BETWEEN MASK AND GAS

As between the mask and poisonous gases, we have the old struggle of

the battleship armor against the armor-piercing projectile. While the

armor-piercing projectile has always had a little the better of the

game, it is just the reverse with gases. The gas mask has always been

just a little better than the gases, so that very few casualties have

occurred through failure of the mask itself. This margin of safety

has never been any too great, and that we have had a margin at all

is due to the energy, skill and enthusiasm of those developing and

manufacturing masks in England, France, and particularly in the United

States.

However, the mask at the best is uncomfortable, causes some loss of

vigor, and even with the very best American masks there is some loss in

vision. The wearing effect on troops results mostly from the increased

resistance to breathing. Accordingly a tremendous amount of study and

effort was made to decrease this breathing resistance. In the English

type masks this resistance was equal to the vacuum required to raise

a column of water about four and one-half inches. Adding the sulfite

paper to protect against diphenylchloroarsine increased this resistance

by about one inch. This put a heavy burden on the wearer of the mask

whenever it was necessary for him to do any manual labor while wearing

it. In addition earlier masks left a good deal to be desired in the

way of reducing resistance by proper sized tubes, angles and valves

through which the air was drawn. This was much more easily overcome

than reducing the resistance through the chemicals and charcoal and the

materials for protection against diphenylchloroarsine. In the latest

type canister, devised after long trials for the American forces, this

resistance was brought down to about two inches of water. What this

reduction in resistance means no one knows except one who has worn the

old mask with its mouthpiece and four to six inches’ resistance and has

then replaced that mask for one through which he breathes naturally

with only two inches’ resistance.

DESIGN OF NEW AMERICAN MASK

The American Gas Service felt from the beginning that the mouthpiece

and noseclip must be abandoned and bent every effort toward getting a

mask perfected for that purpose. The English opposed this view fiercely

for nearly a year. This position on the part of the English was more or

less natural. They developed their mask in the beginning for protection

against cloud gas. In those days the opposing trenches were close

together. Moreover, front line trenches were quite strongly manned.

The result was that a large number of men were exposed to a very high

concentration of gas, but—and highly important—for a short period

only. Inasmuch as the German feared this cloud gas even more than

the English there was no danger of his attacking in it. The English

rules of conduct during a gas attack called for all movement to stop

and for every man to stand ready until the cloud passed. Accordingly,

the man was breathing the easiest possible and hence did not suffer

particularly from the resistance.

With the advent of mustard gas, however, the whole general scheme of

protection changed. Mustard gas, as is well known, is effective in

extremely low concentrations and has very great persistency. In dry

warm weather mustard gas, scattered on the ground and shrubbery, will

not be fully evaporated for two to three days and accordingly will

give off vapors that not only burn the lungs and eyes but the soft,

moist parts of the skin as well. In cool, damp weather the gas remains

in dangerous quantity for a week and occasionally longer. Since this

gas, in liquid form, evaporates too slowly for use in gas clouds,

it is used altogether in bombs and shells. Accordingly it could be

expected to be and actually is fired at all ranges from the front line

to nearly eight miles back of that line. Hence, with the coming of

mustard gas, the need for protection changed from high protection for

a short period to moderate protection for very long periods. Indeed,

mustard gas makes it necessary for men to wear masks just as long as

they remain in an area infected with it. There is still occasional need

for high protection for short periods, but with the increase in the

efficiency of charcoal alone, it is found that the amount of charcoal

and chemicals in the canister can be very greatly reduced and still

maintain sufficient protection for the high concentrations encountered

in cloud gas and projector attacks.

EXHAUSTION AND MALINGERING

It seems physically impossible for the ordinary man to wear the British

mask with its mouthpiece and noseclip more than six to eight hours

and vast numbers are unable to even do that. How many thousands of

casualties were suffered through men losing their mental balance from

exhaustion and the discomfort of the mouthpiece and noseclip no one

knows. Such men tore off the mask, stating that they would rather

die than endure the torture of wearing it longer. Furthermore, the

poor vision of this mask led to the habit of taking the facepiece

off while still leaving the mouthpiece and noseclip in place. This

gave protection to the lungs, but exposed the eyes, and as mustard

gas affects the eyes very readily this alone led to thousands of

casualties. There was another interesting side to this situation. The

malingerer who wanted to get out of the front line and was willing to

take any action, however cowardly, to achieve that end, deliberately

removed the facepiece and thus suffered gassing of the eyes. The effect

of mustard gas soon became so well known that the malingerer knew

gassing of the eyes never resulted in death or permanent loss of sight.

With the new type of American mask, the protection of eyes and lungs

depends solely upon the fit around the face and no such playing with

the mask can be done.

Without going into further details in regard to masks it is sufficient

to state that at the end the Americans had produced a mask thoroughly

comfortable, giving complete protection against gases and smoke clouds,

and one that was easy to manufacture on the huge scale (fifty to

seventy-five thousand per day) which was necessary to provide masks for

an army of three to four million men in the field.

PROTECTION IN WAR IS RELATIVE ONLY

Napoleon is credited with saying “In order to make an omelet, it is

necessary to break some eggs.” Every student of war realizes that

casualties cannot be avoided in battle and yet one American Staff

Officer went so far as to refuse to use gas offensively unless the

Chemical Warfare Service could absolutely guarantee that not a single

American casualty could occur under any circumstances. This same

idea early got into the heads of the laboratory workers on masks.

They seemed to feel that if a single gas casualty occurred through

failure of the mask, their work would be a failure or at least they

would be open to severe criticism. Accordingly efforts were made to

perfect masks and to perfect protection regardless of the discomfort

imposed upon the wearer of the mask. This idea was very difficult to

eradicate. The laboratory worker who accustoms himself to experiment

with a particular thing forgets that he develops an ability to endure

discomfort, that is not possible of attainment by the ordinary man in

the time available for his training.

Furthermore, if the need for such training can be avoided it is of

course highly desirable. This applies to the mouthpiece of the British

respirator; to elastics that cause undue discomfort to the face; to

the noseclip and to the large boxes that cause too great resistance to

breathing.

It may be taken as a general rule that when protection requires so

much effort or becomes so much of a burden that the average man cannot

or will not endure it, it is high time to find out what the average

man will stand and then provide it even if some casualties result.

Protection in battle is always relative. A man who cannot balance

protection against legitimate risk has no business passing on arms,

equipment or tactics to be used in battle.

TRAINING

Bitter experience taught the Allies as well as the Americans that no

matter how efficient the gas mask and other defensive appliances, they

would not take the place of thorough and constant training. One of the

greatest difficulties at first was to get American troops to realize

that a thing as invisible as gas, with in many cases no offensive smell

and producing no immediate discomfort, could be deadly. Nothing but

constant drill and constant reiteration of these dangers could get this

fact impressed on them. Indeed it never was impressed sufficiently in

any of the earlier divisions of American troops in the line to prevent

their taking such chances that each division suffered heavy loss on one

or more occasions from gas attacks.

A great deal of emphasis had been placed by the English upon the

adjustment of the mask in the shortest possible time, this time having

been officially set at six seconds after the alarm. The Americans

in adopting the mask _in toto_ naturally had to adopt the rules for

adjusting it and wearing it. Experience, however, taught them in a

few months that the effort to attain too great speed was dangerous.

It tended to rattle the soldier and to result in poor adjustment of

the mask, both of which led to casualties. Accordingly in the latest

instructions for defense against gas all reference to six seconds was

eliminated and emphasis placed on the necessity of accurate adjustment

of the mask. Inasmuch as any man, practically without effort or

previous drill, can hold his breath for twenty seconds, the need for

great speed in adjusting the mask is not apparent.

HOLDING THE BREATH

The first regulations and those in general use up to near the close of

hostilities, prescribed that the soldier should hold his breath and

adjust his mask. It seemed impossible to overcome the natural inference

that “holding the breath” meant first the drawing of a full breath.

This was obviously highly dangerous if gas were actually present

before the alarm was heard, as was often the case with projector and

artillery gas shell attacks. The change was then made to the phrase

“Stop Breathing and Stay Stopped until the Mask is Carefully and

Accurately Adjusted.”

PSYCHOLOGY IN TRAINING

While the importance of impressing upon the soldier the danger of gas

was early appreciated it was deemed necessary not to make him unduly

afraid of the gas. However, as gas defense training in our Army got

a big start over gas offense training, this became a matter of very

great importance. In fact, due to a variety of causes, training in

the offensive use of gas was not available for any troops until after

their arrival in France. This resulted in officers and men looking upon

the gas game, so far as they were individually concerned, as one of

defense only. Accordingly after their arrival in France it became very

difficult not only to get some of our officers to take up the offensive

use of gas but even to get them to permit its use along the front they

commanded.

Notwithstanding all the care taken in training Americans in gas defense

there arose an undue fear of the gas that had to be overcome in order

to get our troops to attack close enough to their own gas to make it

effective. This applied to the use of gas by artillery as well as

to its use by gas troops. However, it should be said that in every

instance where gas was once used on an American front all officers in

the Division, or other unit, affected by it were always thereafter

strongly in favor of it.

GERMAN PROBLEMS IN GAS TRAINING

The Germans also had serious troubles of their own over the psychology

of gas training. As stated elsewhere they were using mustard gas nearly

eleven months before the Allies began using it. During that time, for

purposes of morale, if not sheer boastfulness, the Germans told their

men that mustard gas could not be made by the Allies; that it was by

far the worst thing the war had produced—and in that statement they

were correct—and that they would win the war with it—in which statement

they were far from correct. When the Allies began sending it back

to them they had to reverse their teachings and tell their men that

mustard gas was no worse than anything else, that they need not be

afraid of it and that their masks and other protective appliances gave

full protection against it. They thus had a problem in psychology which

they never succeeded in fully solving. Indeed there is no question but

that the growing fear of gas in the minds of the German is one of the

reasons that prompted him to his early capitulation.

GAS AT NIGHT

In the early days it was very difficult to get officers to realize

the absolute necessity of night drill in the adjustment of the mask.

For various reasons, including surprise, gas attacks were probably

eighty to ninety per cent of the time carried out at night. Under

such conditions confusion in the adjustment of the mask is inevitable

without a great deal of practice before hand, especially for duty in

trenches with narrow spaces and sharp projecting corners. There are

numerous instances of men waking up and getting excited, who not only

gassed themselves, but in their mad efforts to find their masks, or

to escape from the gas, knocked others down, disarranging their masks

and causing the gassing of from one to three or four additional men.

The confusion inherent in any gas attack was heightened in the latter

stages of the war by heavy shrapnel and high explosive bombardments

that accompanied nearly all projector and cloud gas attacks for that

very purpose. The bombardment was continued for three or four hours to

cause exhaustion and removal of the mask and to prevent the removal of

the gassed patients from the gassed area.

DETECTION OF GASES

Efforts were made by the enemy and by all the Allies throughout the war

to invent a mechanical detector that would show when gas was present

in dangerous quantities. While scores, perhaps hundreds, of these were

invented none proved simple, quick, or certain enough in action to make

their adoption desirable. In every case it was necessary to rely on

the sense of smell. Thus it was that as the war wore on, more and more

attention was given to training officers and non-commissioned officers

to detect various kinds of gases in dangerous quantities by the sense

of smell.

In the American Gas Defense School for officers this was done wholly by

using captured German gases. This was because certain gases have quite

different smells, depending upon the impurities in the gas and also

upon the solvents sometimes mixed with them. Thus the German mustard

gas has a mustard smell, while the Allies mustard gas, due to a slight

difference in the method of manufacture, has a very perfect garlic

odor. Not only must officers and men who handle gas training know the

smell of the various gases, but they must know when the concentration

of each is high enough to be dangerous. This is not easy to learn

because the strength of the various gases in dangerous concentrations

varies through wide limits. Not only does the strength of the gases

vary and the sharpness of the odors accordingly, but the mingling of

poisonous gases with other gases from high explosive and shrapnel tends

to obscure these odors and make them more difficult of detection.

DECEPTIVE GASES

A great deal of thought was given toward the end of the war to the

subject of deceptive gases which could by powerful or peculiar odors

mask the dangerous gases. This masking was to deceive the enemy when

dangerous gases were present or to admit an attack without masks while

the enemy was wearing his through thinking there was a dangerous gas

when as a matter of fact none existed.

In gas warfare, the German, as well as the Allies, was exercising his

ingenuity in devising new and startling methods of making gas attacks.

A well known trick with the German was to fire gases for several days,

particularly against green troops, in concentrations so slight as to

do no harm. When he felt that he had lulled those troops to a sense of

the ineffectiveness of his gas, he sent over a deadly concentration.

In spite of the warning that this was what was happening, he often

achieved too great a success. Before the war closed, however, the

American was beginning to out-think and out-wit the German in this

method of warfare.

MUSTARD GAS BURNS

With the advent of mustard gas which burned the body, a new and serious

difficulty in protection arose. At first it was thought mustard gas

burned only when the liquid from the bursting shell actually splashed

on the clothing or skin. This was unfortunately soon found to be not

true. The gas itself rapidly penetrates clothing and burns the skin

even when the concentration of the gas is very low. Probably the

majority of burns from mustard gas arose from concentrations of gas

consisting of less than one part of gas to five hundred thousand of

air. Furthermore, the gas is fully fifty per cent cumulative in its

effects, that is, in extremely low concentrations over a period of

hours it will produce more than fifty per cent the effect that a far

higher concentration would produce in a relatively shorter time.

The Allies were not long in discovering that oilcloth afforded very

complete protection against mustard gas. The ordinary oilcloth,

however, was too thick, too hot and too heavy for general use.

Experiments soon showed that cloth thoroughly impregnated with boiled

linseed oil would give protection. In order to make this protection

more perfect a certain amount of paraffin was added. All this made

the clothing air-tight, rather stiff and always uncomfortable.

Notwithstanding these discomforts, hundreds of thousands of oiled

suits, and as many pairs of oiled gloves were made and issued to

artillery troops, and to troops especially charged with handling

mustard gas shells, or to those employed in destroying mustard gas in

shell holes by spreading chloride of lime over them.

The importance of protection against mustard gas burns led to extensive

researches being made with a view to finding a cloth which would be

comfortable and porous and while stopping mustard gas would yet be

sufficiently durable and comfortable to be issued to infantry troops as

well as to artillery and other special troops. This, it is understood,

had been achieved, just prior to the Armistice. Still more desirable

would be the discovery of a chemical substance which could be applied

to all uniforms and Army clothing and thus protect the regulation

clothing against the penetration of mustard gas, and thereby avoid

carrying extra clothing for that special purpose.

PROTECTING TROOPS BY MOVING THEM FROM INFECTED AREAS

As soon as it was fully realized that mustard gas persisted for

several days it was decided to run complete reliefs of men into and

out of areas that had been heavily shelled with mustard gas, or better

still, where practicable, to completely evacuate the area. Inasmuch

as the gas is dangerous to friend and foe alike, this method was

comparatively safe and was used to a very considerable extent. With

the warfare of movement that existed over most of the active front

throughout the season of 1918, this moving of troops out of infected

areas became highly important and, when skillfully done, often resulted

in a great saving of troops and at the same time prevented the enemy

from receiving any particular tactical advantage from his mustard gas

attacks.

There was one very excellent example of this a few miles to the

northwest of Château-Thierry prior to the counter-offensive of July 18,

1918. At that time the Germans heavily shelled with mustard gas four or

five small woods and two or three villages. It was necessary for the

men to stay in these woods during the day, as they afforded the only

protection obtainable from machine guns, shrapnel and high explosive.

At the time this occurred American gas officers generally understood

the necessity of getting troops out of a mustard gas infected area.

Accordingly all began searching for places safe from the mustard gas.

In one particular instance the gas officer of a regiment discovered

that a portion of the woods his men were in was free from the gas,

and the regimental commander, promptly following his advice, moved

his troops into the free area. As a result of this prompt action the

regiment had only four light gas casualties, although all told there

were several hundred mustard gas casualties in this attack, the number

per thousand generally being from ten to twenty times that of the

thousand men just mentioned.

MIXING POISONOUS GASES

On this as well as other occasions the Germans fired some diphosgene

and Blue Cross (Sneezing gas), as well as mustard gas. This added to

the difficulty of determining areas free from the latter. In the future

such mixing of poisonous gases may always be expected and, in addition,

gases which have no value other than that of masking the poisonous

ones will be fired. While with practically all gases except mustard

gas a man is comparatively safe while breathing a concentration very

noticeable to the sense of smell, the only safe rule with mustard gas

is to consider as dangerous any concentration that can be smelled.

For the reason that this gas persists longer in calm areas, woods are

always to be avoided, where practicable, and also, since all gases,

being heavier than air, tend to roll into depressions and valleys, they

should be avoided. There have been a number of authentic cases where

batteries in hollows or valleys suffered severely from mustard gas,

while troops on nearby knolls or ridges were comparatively free, though

the difference in the amount of shelling of the two places was not

noticeable.

Of great importance with all gases is the posting of a sufficient

number of sentries around men sleeping within the range of gas shell.

The worst projector gas attack against the Americans was one where the

projectors were landed among a group of dugouts containing men asleep

without sentries. The result was a very heavy casualty list, coupled

with a high death rate, the men being gassed in their sleep before they

were awakened.

DESTRUCTION OF MUSTARD GAS

Prior to the introduction of mustard gas all that was necessary to get

rid of gas was to thoroughly ventilate the spot. Thus in trenches and

dugouts, fires were found to be very efficient, simply because they

produced a circulation of air. In the early days, among the British,

the Ayrton fan, a sort of canvas scoop, was used to throw the gas out

of the trenches. While this was taken up in the American Service, it

did not become very important, since it was found that, under ordinary

atmospheric conditions, natural ventilation soon carried the gas out of

the trench proper, while fires in dugouts were far more efficient than

the fans. Likewise the Ayrton fan smacked too much of trench warfare

which had reached a condition of “stalemate”—a condition that never

appealed to the Americans and a condition that it is hoped never will.

With mustard gas, however, conditions were entirely changed. This

liquid having a very high boiling point and evaporating very slowly,

remains for days in the earth and on vegetation and other material

sprinkled with it. This was particularly true in shell holes where the

force of the explosion drove the gas into the earth around the broken

edges of the hole. While many substances were experimented with, that

which proved best and most practical under all conditions, was chloride

of lime. This was used to sprinkle in shell holes, on floors of dugouts

and any other places where the liquid might be splashed from bursting

shells. It was also found very desirable to have a small box of this at

the entrance to each dugout, so that a person who had been exposed to

mustard gas could thoroughly coat his shoes with it and thus kill the

mustard gas that collected in the mud on the bottom and sides of his

shoes.

CARRYING MUSTARD GAS ON CLOTHING

There are many instances where the occupants of dugouts were gassed

from the gas on the shoes and clothing of men entering the dugout.

Not only were occupants of dugouts thus gassed but a number of nurses

and doctors were gassed while working in closed rooms over patients

suffering from mustard gas poisoning. Even under the conditions of

warfare existing where the Americans were generally in action, the

quantity of chloride of lime required amounted to several hundred tons

per month which had to be shipped from the United States. Chloride of

lime was also very convenient to have at hand around shell dumps for

the purpose of covering up leaky shells, though rules for handling

mustard gas shells usually prescribed that they be fired and where that

was not practicable to bury them at least five feet under the surface

of the ground. This depth was not so much for the purpose of getting

rid of the gas as it was to get the shell so deep into the ground that

it would not be a danger in any cultivation that might later take place.

MUSTARD GAS IN COLD WEATHER

Much was learned toward the end of the war about ways of getting

through or around areas infected with mustard gas. For instance,

if mustard gas be fired when the weather is in the neighborhood of

freezing or somewhat below, it will remain on the ground at night

with so little evaporation as not to be dangerous. The same will be

true during the day time if the weather is cloudy as well as cold.

If, however, the days are bright and the nights cold, mustard gassed

areas can be safely crossed by troops at night provided care is taken

in brush and bushes to protect the feet and clothing from the liquid

splashed on bushes. If the sun comes out warm in the morning such

areas may be quite dangerous for three to four hours following sun-up

and indeed for the greater part of the day. Quite a large number of

casualties were ascribed to this fact in the heavy attack on the

British front west of Cambrai just prior to the great German drive

against Amiens, March 21, 1918.

DEGASSING UNITS

Since mustard gas has a greatly delayed action it was found that if men

who had been exposed to it could be given a thorough bath with soap and

water within a half hour or even a full hour, the mustard gas burns

would be prevented or very greatly reduced in severity. Accordingly

degassing units were developed consisting essentially of a 5 ton truck

with a 1200 gallon water tank, fitted with an instantaneous heater and

piping to connect it to portable shower baths. Another truck was kept

loaded with extra suits of underclothing and uniforms. These degassing

units were to be provided at the rate of two per division. Then, in the

event of a mustard gas attack anywhere in the division, one of these

units would be rushed to that vicinity and the men brought out of the

line and given a bath and change of clothing as soon as possible. At

the same time they were given a drink of bicarbonate of soda water and

their eyes, ears, mouth and nasal passages washed with the same.

PROTECTING FOOD FROM MUSTARD GAS

It was very early learned that mustard gas, or minute particles of

the liquid gas settling on food, caused the stomach to be burned if

the food were eaten, just as the eyes, lungs and skin of the body are

burned from gas in the air. This made it necessary then to see that

all food liable to exposure to mustard gas attacks was protected, and

tarred paper for box linings or tops was found by the Gas Service to

furnish one of the cheapest and most available means of doing this.

ALARM SIGNALS

Numerous, indeed, were the devices invented at one time or another with

which to sound gas alarms. The English early devised the Strombos horn,

a sort of trumpet operated by compressed air contained in cylinders

carried for that purpose. Its note is penetrating and can be heard,

under good conditions, for three or four miles. When cloud gas attacks,

which occurred only at intervals of two to four months, were the only

gas attacks to be feared, it was easy enough to provide for alarm

signals by methods as cumbersome and as technically delicate as the

Strombos horn.

With the advent of shell gas in general, and mustard gas in particular,

the number of gas attacks increased enormously. This made it not only

impossible, but inadvisable also, to furnish sufficient Strombos horns

for all gas alarms, as gas shell attacks are comparatively local. In

such cases, if the Strombos horn is used to give warning, it causes

troops who are long distances out of the area attacked to take

precautions against gas with consequent interference with their work or

fighting.

To meet these local conditions metal shell cases were first hung up

and the alarm sounded on them. Later steel triangles were used in the

same way. At a still later date the large policeman’s rattle, well

known in Europe, was adopted and following that the Klaxon horn. As the

warfare of movement developed the portability of alarm apparatus became

of prime importance. For those reasons the Klaxon horn and the police

rattle were having a race for popularity when the Armistice was signed.

A recent gas alarm invention that gives promise is a small siren-like

whistle fired into the air like a bomb. It is fitted with a parachute

which keeps it from falling too rapidly when the bomb explodes and

sets it free. Its tone is said to be very penetrating and to be quite

effective over an ample area. Since future gas alarm signals must be

efficient and must be portable, the lighter and more compact they can

be made the better; hence the desirability of parachute whistles or

similar small handy alarms.

ISSUING NEW MASKS

One of the problems that remained unsolved at the end of the war was

how to determine when to issue new boxes, or canisters, for masks. One

of the first questions asked by the soldier is how long his mask is

good in gas, and how long when worn in drill where there is no gas.

This information is of course decidedly important. Obviously, however,

it is impossible to tell how long a canister will last in a gas attack,

unless the concentration of gas is known—that is, the life of the box

is longer or shorter as the concentration of gas is weak or heavy.

A realization of this need led mask designers to work very hard, long

before the necessity for comfort in a mask was as fully realized as

it was at the end of the war, to increase the length of life of the

canister. To get longer life they increased the chemicals and this

in turn increased the breathing resistance, thereby adding to the

discomfort of the soldier when wearing the mask. Finally, however, it

was found that in the concentration of gas encountered on an average

in the field, the life of the comparatively small American boxes was

sufficient to last from fifty to one hundred hours, which is longer

than any gas attack or at least gives time to get out of the gassed

area.

The British early appreciated the necessity of knowing when boxes

should be replaced. They accordingly devised the scheme of furnishing

with each mask a very small booklet tied to the carrying case in which

the soldier could not only enter a complete statement of the time he

had worn the mask but also the statement as to whether it was in gas

or for drill purposes only. The soldier was then taught that if he had

worn the mask, say for forty hours, he should get a new box. But the

scheme didn’t work. In fact, it was one of those things which foresight

might have shown wouldn’t work. Indeed, any man who in the hell of

battle can keep such a record completely, should be at once awarded a

Distinguished Service Medal.

As gas warfare developed not only were all kinds of gas shells sent

over in a bunch but they were accompanied by high explosive, shrapnel

and anything else in the way of trouble that the enemy possessed. A man

near the front line, under those conditions, had all he could do and

frequently more than he could do, to get his mask on and keep it on

while doing his bit. Consequently he had no time, even if he had the

inclination, to record how long he had the mask in the various gases.

In this connection, after the Armistice was signed we in the field were

requested to obtain for experimental purposes 10,000 canisters that had

been used in battle. Each was to be labeled with the length of time it

had been worn in or out of gas, and if in gas, the name of each gas

and the time the mask was worn in it. This request is just a sample of

what is asked by those who do not realize field conditions. One trip to

the front would have convinced the one making the request of the utter

impossibility of complying with it, for really no man knows how long

he wears a mask in gas. With gas as common and as difficult to detect

(when intermingled with high explosive gases and other smells of the

battle field) as it was at the end of the war, each man wore the mask

just as long as he could, simply as a matter of precaution.

Before hostilities ceased we were trying out a method of calling in say

fifty canisters per division once a week for test in the laboratory. If

the tests showed the life of the canisters to be short new canisters

would be issued. While we did not have opportunity to try out this

plan, it gave promise of being the best that could be done. With gas

becoming an every day affair, the only other alternative would seem

to be to make issues of new boxes at stated intervals. On the other

hand there are no definite records of casualties occurring from the

exhaustion of the chemicals in the box. Undoubtedly some did occur, but

they were very, very few. In nearly all cases the masks got injured, or

the box became rusted through before the chemicals gave out.

TONNAGE AND NUMBER OF MASKS REQUIRED

It will probably be a shock to most people to learn that with more than

two million men in France we required nearly 1500 tons of gas material

per month. This tonnage was increasing, rather than decreasing, to

cover protective suits, gloves, pastes, and chloride of lime, as well

as masks. The British type respirator was estimated to last from four

to six months. The active part of the war, in which the Americans took

part, was too short to determine whether this was correct or not. The

indications were, however, that it was about right, considering rest

periods and fighting periods.

With the new American mask, with its much stronger and stiffer face

material, the chances are that the life will be considerably increased

although the more constant use of the mask will probably offset its

greater durability. A longer life of mask would of course be a decided

advantage as it would not only reduce tonnage, but would reduce

manufacturing and distribution as well. The estimates on which we were

working at the end looked forward to requiring from the United States

about one-third pound per man per day for all troops in France, in

order to keep them supplied with gas defense material and with the

gases used offensively by gas troops. All gas shell, hand grenades,

etc., used by other than gas troops required tonnage in addition to the

above.

SUMMING UP

In summing up then, it is noted that there are several important things

in defense against gas. First, the mask which protects the eyes and the

lungs. Second, the training that teaches the man how to utilize to best

advantage the means of protection at his disposal, whether he be alone

or among others. Third, protective clothing that protects hands and

feet and the skin in general. Fourth, a knowledge of gases and their

tactical use that will enable commanders, whenever possible, to move

men out of gas infected areas. Fifth, training in the offensive use of

gas, as well as in defensive methods, to teach the man that gas has no

uncanny power and that it is simply one element of war that must be

reckoned with, thus preventing stampedes when there is really no danger.

While these are the salient points in defense against gas, above them

and beyond them lies the vigorous offensive use of gas. This involves

not only the research, development and manufacture of necessary gases

in peace time, but also the necessary training to enable our nation to

hurl upon the enemy on the field of battle chemical warfare materials

in quantities he cannot hope to attain.

Chemical warfare · 第 21 / 23 章