representing that the range of hills separating Lake Nicaragua from the
Pacific are here wholly interrupted; and I can add my unqualified
testimony in support of the fact. The city of Leon is situated in the
midst of this plain, midway between the lake and sea; and, from the flat
roof of its cathedral, the traveller may see the Pacific; and, were it
not for the intervening forests, probably the lake. “A. G.,” quoted by
Louis Napoleon, and whose observations are uniformly very accurate,
states that the ground, between lake and ocean, at a distance of 2,725
yards from the former, attains its maximum height of 55 feet 6 inches,
and from thence slopes to the sea. Other observers vary in their
estimates of this maximum elevation, from 49 feet 6 inches to 51 feet.
Of course, the precise elevation can only be determined by actual
survey. The city of Leon is distant, in a direct line, about fifteen or
eighteen miles from the lake. Captain Belcher determined its height,
above the Pacific, to be 140 feet; which, deducted from the height of
the lake, 156 feet, shows that the plain, where it is built, is sixteen
feet below the level of the lake.
It is probable that the deepest cutting on this line, allowing thirty
feet for the depth of the proposed canal, would not exceed eighty feet,
and this only for a short distance. We have examples of much more
serious undertakings of this character. In the canal from Arles to Bouc
the table-land Lèque has been cut through to the extent of 2,289 yards,
the extreme depth being from 130 to 162 feet. I need hardly add that the
Lake of Managua must supply the water requisite for the use of the
canal, from its shores to the sea, as there are no reservoirs or streams
of magnitude upon this line.
3.—There is still another route, to which public attention has never
been generally directed, but which, if feasible, offers greater
advantages than either of the others just named, viz., from the northern
point of Lake Managua _via_ the Estero Real to the Gulf of Fonseca or
Conchagua. The upper part of Lake Managua is divided into two large bays
by a vast promontory or peninsula, at the extreme point of which stands
the giant volcano of Momotombo. Between this volcano and that of the
Viejo, to the north-east of Realejo, running nearly east and west, is a
chain of volcanoes, presenting, probably, in a short distance, a greater
number of extinct craters, and more evidences of volcanic action, than
any other equal extent of the continent. This chain is isolated. Upon
the south is the magnificent plain of Leon, bounded only by the sea; and
upon the north is also another great plain, the “_Llano del Conejo_,”
bounded by the auriferous hills of Segovia. This plain extends from the
northern bay of Lake Managua to the Gulf of Conchagua, which is equalled
only by that of San Francisco, and may be described as a grand harbor,
in which all the vessels of the world might ride in entire security. It
much resembles that of San Francisco in position and form; the entrance
from the sea is, however, broader. Its entire length within the land is
not far from sixty miles, and its breadth thirty miles. The three States
of San Salvador, Nicaragua, and Honduras, have ports upon it. All the
adjacent coasts are of unbounded fertility, and possess an unlimited
supply of timber. The bay embraces several islands of considerable size
and beauty, surrounded by water of such depth as to enable vessels of
the largest class to approach close in-shore. The most important of
these, from the circumstance of its size, and the fact that it commands
and is the key to the entire bay, is the island of Tigre, belonging to
Honduras. This island was the head-quarters and dépôt of Drake, and
other piratical adventurers, during their operations in the South Sea.
On it is situated the free port of Amapala. Its possession, and the
consequent control of the Gulf of Fonseca, by any great maritime power,
would enable that power to exercise a command over the commerce of the
western part of the continent, such as the possession of Gibraltar by
the English gives them over that of Europe.
From the southern extremity of the Gulf of Fonseca extends a large
estuary, or arm, called the Estero Real. Its course is precisely in the
direction of the Lake of Managua; which it approaches to within fifteen
or twenty miles, and between it and the lake is the Plain of Conejo,
which is, in fact, a part of the plain of Leon. This Estero is as broad
as the East River at New York, and has, for most of its extent, an ample
depth of water. At thirty miles above the bay it has fifty feet. There
is a narrow bar at its mouth, on which, at low tide, there are but about
three fathoms. The tide rises, however, nearly ten feet; and with
artificial aid the bar could, doubtless, be passed at all times. This
Estero is one of the most beautiful natural channels that can be
imagined; preserving, for a long distance, a very nearly uniform width
of from three hundred to four hundred yards. Its banks are lined with
mangroves, with a dense background of other trees.
Captain Belcher, who was here in 1838, went thirty miles up the Estero,
in a vessel drawing ten feet of water. He says: “To-day we started with
the Starling, and other boats, to explore the Estero Real, which, I had
been given to understand, was navigable for sixty miles; in which case,
from what I saw of its course in my visit to the Viejo, it must nearly
communicate with the Lake of Managua. After considerable labor, we
succeeded in carrying the Starling thirty miles from its mouth, and
might easily have gone farther, had the wind permitted, but the
prevailing strong winds rendered the toil of towing too heavy. We
ascended a small hill, about a mile below our extreme position, from
which angles were taken to all the commanding peaks. From that survey,
added to what I remarked from the summit of the Viejo, I am satisfied
that the stream could be followed many miles farther; and, I have not
the slightest doubt it is fed very near the Lake Managua. I saw the
mountains _beyond_ the lake on its eastern side, and _no land higher
than the intervening trees occurred_. This, therefore, would be the most
advantageous line for a canal, which, by entire lake navigation, might
be connected with the interior of the States of San Salvador, Honduras,
Nicaragua, and extend to the Atlantic. Thirty navigable miles for
vessels drawing ten feet we can vouch for, and the natives and residents
assert _sixty_ [_thirty_?] more!”
From the course of the Estero, and the distance it is known to extend,
it probably would not require a canal of more than twenty miles in
length to connect its navigable waters with those of Lake Managua; in
which case there would be a saving over the Realejo line, besides having
the western terminus of the great work in the magnificent bay which I
have just described. It may, therefore, be safely asserted that a
passage from the Lake of Managua to the sea is entirely feasible, and it
only remains to determine which of the routes here indicated offers the
greatest advantages.
┌─────────────────────────┬─────────┬─────────┬─────────┬─────────┬─────────┬────────┬────────┬────────┐
│Routes from the Port of │Length of│Distance │From Lake│ Between │Distance │Between │ Actual │ Total │
│San Juan to the Pacific. │ the Rio │ on Lake │ Nica- │ Lakes │ on Lake │ Lake │Canal-ization.│Length. │
│ │San Juan.│ Nica- │ragua to │ Nica- │Managua. │Managua │ │ │
│ │ │ ragua. │Pacific. │ragua and│ │ and │ │ │
│ │ │ │ │Managua. │ │Pacific.│ │ │
├─────────────────────────┼─────────┼─────────┼─────────┼─────────┼─────────┼────────┼────────┼────────┤
│To Brito │ 119 │ 57 │ 18 │ .. │ .. │ .. │ 137 │ 194 │
│ ” Tamarinda │ 119 │ 120 │ .. │ 4 │ 50 │ 16 │ 139 │ 309 │
│ ” Realejo │ 119 │ 120 │ .. │ 4 │ 50 │ 45 │ 168 │ 338 │
│ ” Estero Real │ 119 │ 120 │ .. │ 4 │ 50 │ 20 │ 143 │ 313 │
└─────────────────────────┴─────────┴─────────┴─────────┴─────────┴─────────┴────────┴────────┴────────┘
The above table exhibits the estimated distances from sea to sea, on the
various lines already described, as also the probable extent of actual
canalization. It is assumed, throughout, that the river San Juan cannot
be made navigable for ships, and that a lateral canal must be made, for
its entire length. The length of the river, including its windings, is
nearly one hundred and twenty miles; but it is probable that the
distance, in a right line, between the lake and the Atlantic does not
exceed ninety miles.
The length of the proposed line of communication from San Juan to
Realejo is estimated by Louis Napoleon at 278 miles, as follows: Length
of the San Juan, 104 miles; of Lake Nicaragua, 90 miles; River Tipitapa,
20 miles; Lake Leon, or Managua, 35 miles; and distance from the lake to
Realejo, 29 miles. This is positively erroneous in some particulars; as,
for instance, the distance from Lake Managua to Realejo, which, so far
from being only 29 miles, is actually from 40 to 45 miles.
CHAPTER III.
OUTLINE OF NEGOTIATIONS IN RESPECT TO THE PROPOSED CANAL.
In the preceding chapter I have considered solely the question of the
practicability of the projected inter-oceanic canal. It will be
interesting next to notice, briefly, some of the measures which have
been taken towards the construction of the work.
Although its feasibility was asserted early in the sixteenth century,
nothing was practically attempted until late in the eighteenth century,
when the attention of the Spanish government was called to the subject
once more by Godoy, “the Prince of Peace,” and a survey of the route
made, under his direction, by Galisteo. After the independence of
Central America, another attempt toward the accomplishment of the same
object was made by Señor Manual Antonio de la Cerda, afterwards Governor
of the State of Nicaragua, who, in 1823, urged the matter upon the
Federal Congress, but failed in securing its attention.
During the year 1824, however, various propositions were made from
abroad, in respect to the enterprise. Amongst these was one from Messrs.
Barclay & Co., of London, bearing date Sept. 18, 1824. They proposed to
open a navigable communication between the two oceans, _via_ the River
San Juan and Lake Nicaragua, without cost to the government, provided
the latter would extend the requisite assistance in other modes. On the
2d of February, 1825, other propositions were made, by some merchants of
the United States, signed by Col. Charles Bourke and Matthew Llanos, in
which they observe that they had, in the month of December preceding,
(1824), sent an armed brig to San Juan, having on board engineers and
other persons charged to make a survey of the proposed route. They
prayed, in consideration of the advances already made, and the evidences
of good faith thus exhibited, that the government would grant them, 1st,
an exclusive proprietorship and control of the canal; 2d, an exclusive
right of navigating the lakes and dependent waters by steam; 3d, free
permission to use all natural products of the country, necessary for the
work; 4th, exemption of duty on goods introduced by the Company, until
the completion of the work. In return for this, they proposed that the
government should receive twenty per cent. on the tolls, and that at the
end of the term of —— years, the entire work should revert to the
government. Whether the armed brig, and the party of engineers referred
to, ever reached their destination, is unknown; nor is it known that the
government of Central America ever took any specific notice of their
propositions.
The subject was nevertheless regarded as of primary interest throughout
all Central America, and the minister of that republic in the United
States, Don Antonio José Cañas, was specially instructed to bring the
matter prominently before the American government. This he did in an
official letter, bearing date Feb. 8, 1825, addressed to Henry Clay,
then Secretary of State. In this letter, Sr. Cañas solicited the
coöperation of the United States, on the ground “that its noble conduct
had been a model and a protection to all the Americas,” and entitled it
to a preference over any other nation, both in the “merits and
advantages of the proposed great undertaking.” He proposed also, by
means of a treaty, “effectually to secure its advantages to the two
nations.” The Chargé d’Affaires of the United States in Central America,
Col. John Williams, was accordingly specially instructed to assure the
government of that country of the deep interest taken by the United
States in an undertaking “so highly calculated to diffuse a favorable
influence on the affairs of mankind,” to investigate with the greatest
care the facilities offered by the route, and to remit the information
to the United States. But it appears no information of the character
required ever reached the American government.
During this year, however, (1825,) various proposals were made to the
government of Central America, from abroad, upon the subject; and in
June of that year, the National Congress, with a view of determining the
principles upon which it desired the work undertaken, passed a decree to
the following purport:
“ARTICLE 1. Authorizes the opening of a canal, fitted for the passage
of the largest vessels, in the State of Nicaragua.
“ART. 2. The works to be of the most solid construction.
“ART. 3. The Government shall offer to the undertakers an
indemnification equivalent to the cost and labor of the work.
“ART. 4. The Government shall use all means of facilitating
the object; permitting the cutting of wood—assisting the
surveyors—forwarding the plans, and generally, in every manner not
injurious to public or private interests.
“ART. 5. No duty shall be charged on instruments and machinery
imported for the works of the canal.
“ART. 6. The expense of the work shall be acknowledged as a national
debt, and the tolls of the canal shall be applied to its
extinguishment, after deducting the necessary costs of maintenance and
repairs, and the support of a garrison for its defence.
“ART. 7. Any dispute regarding its liquidation or proofs of outlay,
shall be determined according to the laws of the republic.
“ART. 8. The Congress shall be entitled to establish, and at all times
alter, the rates of toll, as it may think proper.
“ART. 9. The navigation shall be open to all nations, friends or
neutrals, without privilege or exclusion.
“ART. 10. The government shall maintain on the lake the necessary
vessels for its defence.
“ART. 11. If invincible impediments, discovered in the course of the
work, prevent its execution, the republic shall not be liable to make
any remuneration whatever.
“ART. 12. In case only a boat canal can be opened, the indemnification
shall be proportioned to the smaller benefit which will then result to
the republic.”
This decree was published jointly with another fixing six months for
receiving proposals; but the term designated was too short for any
measures to be taken on the part of companies or individuals, and the
Congress only received a repetition of a part of the proposals before
made.
The principal of these were made by Mr. Baily and Mr. Charles
Beniski—the first as agent of the English house of Messrs. Barclay,
Herring, Richardson & Co., and the second of Mr. Aaron H. Palmer, of New
York. Mr. Baily’s offer was conditional, while Mr. Beniski’s was
positive, and was therefore accepted by the republic. The contractors,
under the name and style of the “Central American and United States
Atlantic and Pacific Canal Company,” were bound to open through
Nicaragua a canal navigable for vessels of all sizes, and to deposit in
the city of Granada the sum of $200,000 for the preliminary expenses
within six months; to erect fortresses for the protection of the canal,
and to have the works in progress within a period of twelve months. In
compensation they were to have two-thirds of the profits of the tolls
upon the canal until all the capital expended in the work was repaid,
with interest at the rate of ten per cent., beside afterwards receiving
one-half of the proceeds of the canal for seven years, with certain
privileges for introducing steam vessels. The government was to put at
their disposal all the documents relating to the subject existing in its
archives, to permit the cutting of wood, and to furnish laborers at
certain rates of wages. In case of non-completion, the works were to
revert unconditionally to the republic. This contract bore date June 14,
1826, and the contractors at once endeavored to secure the coöperation
of the government of the United States. A memorial was presented to
Congress, and referred to a committee, which reported in due time; but
here the matter stopped, although it appears to have received the
sanction of De Witt Clinton and other distinguished men.
In fact, Mr. Palmer executed a deed of trust to Mr. Clinton, by which
that gentleman, Stephen Van Renssalaer, C. D. Colden, Philip Hone, and
Lynde Catlin, were constituted directors of the work. Mr. Clinton’s part
was undertaken in entire good faith, and, as he himself expressed it,
“for the promotion of a great and good object, which should be kept free
from the taint of speculation.” Mr. Palmer went to England in 1827, to
secure the coöperation of British capitalists in his enterprise; but,
owing to various untoward circumstances, his mission proved abortive,
and in the autumn of that year he appears to have abandoned the
undertaking.
Although the administration of Mr. Adams did not at once fall in with
the proposition of the Central American minister, it was not from a want
of interest in the subject, but because it did not desire to commit the
country to any specific course of conduct, until the feasibility of the
enterprise and the leading facts connected with it should be better
known and established. In the mean time, the principles upon which it
conceived the work should be undertaken and executed, were well
exhibited in Mr. Clay’s letter of instructions to the ministers of the
United States, commissioned to the famous Congress of Panama. Mr. Clay
said:
“A canal for navigation between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans will
form a proper subject of consideration at the Congress. That vast
object, if it should ever be accomplished, will be interesting, in a
greater or less degree, to all parts of the world; but especially to
this continent will accrue its greatest benefits; and to Colombia,
Mexico, Central America, Peru, and the United States, more than to any
other of the American nations. What is to redound to the advantage of
all America, should be effected by common means and united exertions,
and not left to the separate and unassisted efforts of any one power.
* * * If the work should ever be executed, so as to admit of the
passage of sea vessels from one ocean to the other, the benefits of it
ought not to be exclusively appropriated by any one nation, but should
be extended to all parts of the globe, upon the payment of just
compensation or reasonable tolls. * * You will receive and transmit to
this government any proposals that may be made, or plans that may be
suggested, for its joint execution, with assurances that they will be
attentively examined, with an earnest desire to reconcile the
interests and views of all the American nations.”
It will be seen that Mr. Clay, who was at that time a true exponent of
the American system of policy, regarded the construction of this work as
an enterprise peculiarly American, to be executed by the parties most
deeply interested in it, to be under their control, but not therefore
exclusive.
After the failure of Mr. Palmer’s project, the whole matter seems to
have been allowed to slumber until some time in October, 1828, when the
work was proposed to be undertaken by an Association of the Netherlands,
under the special patronage of the King of Holland. In March, 1829,
General Verveer arrived in Guatemala, as plenipotentiary of the king,
with instructions regarding the undertaking of the canal. In consequence
of civil distractions, the subject was not taken up until the succeeding
October, when commissioners were appointed to treat with Verveer, and on
the 24th of July, 1830, the plan agreed upon between them was laid
before the National Congress. It was ratified on the 21st of September
following. The principal features of the agreement were as follows:
1st. The proposed canal to be open on the same terms to all nations at
peace with Central America; but vessels engaged in the slave trade,
and all privateers, not to be allowed either to pass the canal or
hover in the vicinity of its mouths.
2d. Armed ships not allowed to pass without the express consent of the
government of the republic, and this permission never to be granted to
a flag at war with any other nation.
3d. The government to use all its endeavors to have the neutrality of
the canal recognized by all maritime powers, as also that of the ocean
for a certain extent around its mouths.
4th. The republic to make no charge for the land used by the canal, or
the raw materials used for its construction; nor to impose taxes on
persons employed in the work, who were to be under the protection of
the agents of the country to which they might belong.
5th. The work to be of sufficient dimensions to admit the largest
ships; and the execution to be left entirely to the parties
undertaking it, and to be made wholly at their expense.
6th. The interest on the capital expended to be ten per cent., and as
security for both capital and interest, a mortgage to be granted upon
the lands for a league on both sides of the canal.
7th. The canal to remain in the hands of the contractors until it had
paid cost of construction and repairs, with ten per cent. annual
interest thereon, and also until it had paid three millions of
dollars, to be advanced as a loan to the government, and then to
revert unconditionally to the republic.
8th. The rate of tolls to be regulated by the government and
contractors jointly, but always in such a manner as to give it a
decided advantage over Cape Horn.
9th. A free commercial city to be founded on the banks, or at one of
the entrances of the canal, which, while enjoying entire freedom of
trade, religious tolerance, a municipal government, trial by jury, and
exemption from military service, to constitute nevertheless a part of
the republic, and to be under the special protection thereof.
10th. In respect to navigation and commerce generally, the Netherlands
to be put upon a footing of equality with the United States.
Arrangements were accordingly made to send envoys to the Netherlands,
with full powers to perfect the plan; and, for a time, the work seemed
in a fair way to a commencement; but the revolution in Belgium and its
separation from Holland, put an end to these hopes. The news of these
events was received with profound regret. Mr. Henry Savage, U. S.
Consul, in a letter to Mr. Van Buren, dated Guatemala, December 3, 1830,
said: “All concur, and every one now seems tacitly to look forward to
the United States for the completion of this grand project. They say
that the United States, identified in her institutions with this
government, ought to have the preference.”
In 1832, endeavors were made to renew the negotiations with Holland, and
the State of Nicaragua passed resolutions agreeing to the propositions
of the Dutch envoy, but nothing was accomplished.
Upon the 3d of March, 1835, public attention having again been directed
to the subject, a resolution passed the Senate of the United States,
“that the President be requested to consider the expediency of opening
negotiations with the governments of other nations, and particularly
with the governments of Central America and New Granada, for the purpose
of effectually protecting, by suitable treaty stipulations with them,
such individuals or companies as may undertake to open a communication
from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, by means of a ship canal across
the isthmus which connects North and South America, and of securing for
ever, by means of such stipulations, the free and equal right of
navigating such canal to all nations, on the payment of such reasonable
tolls as may be established to compensate the capitalists who may engage
in such undertaking and complete the work.”
Under this resolution, a special agent (Mr. Charles Biddle) was
appointed by General Jackson, to proceed without delay, by the most
direct route, to the port of San Juan de Nicaragua, ascend the river San
Juan to the Lake of Nicaragua, and thence proceed across the continent,
by the contemplated route of the proposed canal or railroad, to the
Pacific ocean; after which examination, he was directed to repair to
Guatemala, the capital of the republic, and, with the aid of Mr. De
Witt, the Chargé d’Affaires of the United States, procure all such
public documents connected with the subject as might be in existence,
and especially copies of all such laws as had been passed, and contracts
and conventions as had been made, to carry into effect the undertaking,
and also all plans, surveys, or estimates in relation to it. From
Guatemala he was directed to proceed to Panama, and make observations
and inquiries relative to the proposed connection of the two oceans at
that point. Unfortunately, from the difficulties of procuring
conveyances to San Juan, the agent went to Panama first. From adverse
circumstances, he never reached Nicaragua, and died soon after his
return to the United States. He nevertheless made a partial report
concerning the isthmus of Panama, to the effect that it was not
practicable for a canal.
In 1837, the subject was again taken up in Central America, by General
Morazan, who resolved to have the proposed line of the canal properly
surveyed, intending to raise a loan in Europe for the execution of the
work. Mr. John Baily was employed for the former purpose, but his work
was brought to a sudden close by the dissolution of the government of
the republic. He nevertheless made a survey of the narrow isthmus
intervening between Lake Nicaragua and the Pacific, and also some
observations on the river San Juan.
In 1838 a convention was made between the States of Nicaragua and
Honduras, under which Mr. Peter Rouchaud was authorized to conclude an
agreement in France, for the formation of a company to make a canal, and
for other objects; but he effected nothing. The same result attended the
efforts of Señor Don George Viteri, subsequently Bishop of San Salvador,
and afterwards of Nicaragua, who was sent ambassador to Rome.
In the same year, Mr. George Holdship, representing a company composed
chiefly of citizens of the United States, residing in New Orleans and
New York, arrived in Central America, with a view of contracting for the
opening of the canal with the general government. Finding that Nicaragua
had “pronounced” against Morazan, and assumed an independent position,
he proceeded to that State, where he at once entered into a contract,
which provided for opening the canal, for the establishment of a bank to
assist the enterprise, and for colonization on an extensive scale. He
returned to the United States—and the matter ended.
This year was also signalized by some further movements on the subject
in the United States. A petition was presented to Congress, signed by
several citizens of New York and Philadelphia, viz., Aaron Clark, Wm. A.
Duer, Herman Leroy, Matthew Carey, and Wm. Radcliff, setting forth that
the wants of trade required the opening of a ship communication between
the Atlantic and Pacific; that the accumulation of wealth among nations,
and the prevalence of peace seemed to indicate a favorable opportunity
for the undertaking; and recommending “that an extensive and powerful
combination should be formed, and the most judicious and liberal
measures adopted, for the purpose of carrying the plan into effect, and
securing its benefits permanently to the world at large.” This memorial
was referred to a committee, of which Chas. F. Mercer was chairman, who,
March 2, 1839, made a report upon it, concluding with the following
resolution, which was adopted:
“_Resolved_, That the President of the United States be requested to
consider the expediency of opening or continuing negotiations with the
governments of other nations, and particularly with those the
territorial jurisdiction of which comprehends the Isthmus of Panama,
and to which the United States have accredited ministers or agents,
for the purpose of ascertaining or effecting a communication between
the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, by the construction of a ship canal;
and of securing forever, by suitable treaty stipulations, the free and
equal right of navigating such canal to all nations, on the payment of
reasonable tolls.”
The subsequent action, both of the Executive and Congress, was directed
to the opening of a route across the Isthmus of Panama, and resulted in
the negotiation of a treaty between the United States and New Granada,
by which the neutrality of the Isthmus was guarantied by the former, in
consideration of a free transit conceded by the latter. Under this
treaty, the existing Panama Railroad Company was organized, and that
route of communication between the two oceans placed in American hands.
The disturbances incident on the dissolution of the republic of Central
America precluded any serious attention to the project of a canal from
1838 until 1844, when Señor Don Francisco Castellon, having been
appointed minister from Nicaragua to France, and failing to interest
that government, entered into a contract with a Belgian company, under
the auspices of the Belgian king, for the construction of the work. The
grant was for sixty years, at the end of which time it was to revert to
the State without indemnity, the State receiving meantime an interest of
ten per cent. in the profits.
Still later, in April, 1846, a contract was made by Mr. Marcoleta,
Nicaraguan Chargé d’Affairs to Belgium, with Louis Napoleon Bonaparte,
then a prisoner at Ham, which differed but little from the preceding
one, except that the canal was to be called “_Canal Napoleon de
Nicaragua_.” Beyond the publication of a pamphlet upon the subject,
under the initials of L. N. Bonaparte, this attempt also proved
abortive.[53]
-----
Footnote 53:
The following paragraph from the pamphlet in question furnishes a
remarkable commentary on the “enlightened views and liberal policy”
attributed to the emperor by his partisans:
“France, England, Holland, Russia, and the United States have a great
commercial interest in the establishment of communication between the
two oceans; but England has, more than the other powers, _a political
interest_ in the execution of the project. England will see with
pleasure Central America become a flourishing and powerful State,
which will establish _a balance of power_, by creating in Spanish
America a new centre of active enterprise powerful enough to give rise
to a great feeling of nationality, and to prevent, _by backing
Mexico_, any further encroachment from the north.”
-----
So the matter rested until 1849, when the acquisition of California by
the United States, and the discovery there of vast mineral wealth, again
directed public attention to the project in a more serious manner than
at any previous period. It now began to assume a practical form, and, as
a consequence, there was a renewal of propositions to the government of
Nicaragua. The first of these, in the form of bases subject to future
adjustment, came, under date of 16th of February, from Mr. Wm.
Wheelwright, the projector of the British line of steamers on the
western coast of South America, on behalf of an English company. It
embodied, substantially, the provisions of the contract of 1844 with the
Belgian company, but was never acted upon by the Nicaraguan government.
The second was in the form of a detailed contract, and was entered into
between Mr. D. T. Brown, representing certain citizens of New York, and
General Muñoz, Commissioner of the Nicaraguan government, on the 14th of
March, 1849. Although it was very promptly ratified by the executive, it
was not ratified by the company within the time stipulated by its terms.
In the meantime, however, namely, as early as January, 1848, when it
became evident that the Mexican war could only terminate in large
territorial acquisitions to the United States, the port of San Juan de
Nicaragua, the only possible eastern terminus of the proposed canal, was
seized by Great Britain, under the pretext of supporting the territorial
rights of a savage, facetiously styled “King of the Mosquitos.” This act
could not be viewed with indifference by the government of our own
country; for it not only violated the principle constantly recognized
and asserted by the United States, that the routes of transit between
the two oceans should be free to the whole world, uncontrolled by any
great maritime power, but it violated also a principle early and well
established among the American nations, namely, the exclusion of all
foreign, and especially monarchical, interference from the domestic and
international affairs of this continent. The real purpose of the seizure
of San Juan was too apparent to escape detection; and the government of
the United States, upon these principles, would have been bound to
interpose against the consummation of the felony. But it was specially
bound to interpose, after it had been earnestly and repeatedly solicited
to do so by the injured republic in question. These solicitations were
forcibly made, in letters addressed to the President of the United
States by the Supreme Director of Nicaragua, dated Dec. 15, 1847, as
also in letters from the Secretary of State of that Republic of the
dates respectively of Nov. 12, 1847, and March 17, 1848. “The obvious
design of Great Britain,” said the Director of Nicaragua, “in seizing
upon the port of San Juan, and setting up pretensions to sovereignty, in
behalf of savage tribes, within the territories of Nicaragua, is to
found colonies, and to make herself master of the prospective
interoceanic canal, for the construction of which this isthmus alone has
the requisites of feasibility and facility.”
Although the matter was thus brought before the American government, it
does not seem to have elicited any action beyond certain vague
instructions from Mr. Buchanan, then Secretary of State, to Mr. Hise,
appointed Chargé d’Affairs to Central America. “The object of Great
Britain in this seizure,” said Mr. Buchanan, “is evident from the policy
which she has uniformly pursued throughout her history, of seizing upon
every valuable commercial point in the world, whenever circumstances
have placed it in her power. Her purpose probably is to obtain the
control of the route for a railroad and canal between the Atlantic and
Pacific oceans, by way of Lake Nicaragua.” But while insisting upon the
policy of “excluding all interference on the part of European
governments in the domestic affairs of the American republics,” Mr.
Buchanan gave no specific instructions as to the line of conduct to be
pursued by Mr. Hise in respect to the proposed canal or the British
usurpation. He confined himself to a denial of the British pretensions,
and concluded by observing that “the government of the United States has
not yet determined what course it will pursue in regard to the
encroachments of the British government.”
About this time, viz., under date of April 4, 1849, Mr. Manning, British
Vice Consul in Nicaragua, wrote to Lord Palmerston as follows:
“My opinion, if your lordship will allow me to express it, as regards
this country for the present, is, that it will be overrun by American
adventurers, and consequently bring on Her Majesty’s government
disagreeable communications with that of the United States, which
possibly might be avoided by an immediate negotiation with Mr.
Castillon for a _protectorate and transit favorable to British
interests_. * * The welfare of my country, and the desire of its
_obtaining the control of so desirable a spot in the commercial
world_, and free it from the competition of so adventurous a race as
the North Americans, induces me to address your lordship with such
freedom.”
On his arrival in Central America, Mr. Hise became speedily convinced
that the whole scope of British policy in that country was directed to
acquiring permanent control of the Nicaraguan isthmus. Deeply impressed
with the importance to the United States of a free transit across it,
although not empowered to treat with Nicaragua, he nevertheless
conceived himself authorized, under the circumstances, in opening
negotiations with the government of that republic. He therefore
requested the appointment of a commissioner for that purpose to meet him
in Guatemala, where, upon the 21st of June, 1849, a special convention
relating to this subject was agreed upon. The provisions of this
convention, it is not to be denied, were, in some respects,
extraordinary, and not in entire harmony with the established exterior
policy of the United States. It provided,
1st. That the United States should enjoy the perpetual right of way
through the territories of Nicaragua by any means of conveyance then
existing or which might thereafter be devised.
2d. That the United States, or a company chartered by it, might
construct a railroad or canal from one ocean to the other, and occupy
such lands and use such natural materials and products of the country
as might be necessary for the purpose.
3d. That the United States should have the right to erect such forts
on the line, or at the extremities of the proposed work, as might be
deemed necessary or proper for its protection.
4th. That the vessels and citizens of all nations at peace with both
contracting powers might pass freely through the canal.
5th. That a section of land two leagues square at either termination
should be set apart to serve as the sites of two free cities, under
the protection of both governments, the inhabitants of which should
enjoy complete municipal and religious freedom, trial by jury,
exemption from all military duty, and from taxation, etc., etc.
6th. That in return for these and other concessions, which it is
unnecessary to enumerate, the United States should defend and protect
Nicaragua, her territorial rights, her sovereignty, preserve the peace
and neutrality of her coasts, etc., etc., which guarantees were to
extend to any community of States of which Nicaragua might voluntarily
become a member.
But while Mr. Hise was thus occupied in Central America, the
administration of General Taylor had been inaugurated. The affairs of
that country attracted his immediate attention. The letters addressed by
the government of Nicaragua to Mr. Polk and Mr. Buchanan, and which had
remained unanswered, were replied to in the friendliest spirit; and
before the expiration of the first month of General Taylor’s term of
office, Mr. Hise was recalled, and the writer of these pages appointed
in his stead, as Chargé d’Affaires of the United States to Guatemala,
besides receiving special commissions to the other States of Central
America, with full powers to treat with them separately, on all matters
affecting their relations with this republic. It will be seen,
therefore, that Mr. Hise was not only not empowered to treat with
Nicaragua, but also that his negotiations were undertaken after the date
of his letter of recall, which, however, failed to reach him until after
the signing of the special convention, and after my arrival in the
country. Under these circumstances, and having meantime determined on a
specific line of policy, this convention was neither approved by the
American government, nor accepted by that of Nicaragua.
The spirit in which the matter was taken up by the administration of
General Taylor, and the principles upon which its action was predicated,
are fully and clearly exhibited in the following passages from the
instructions addressed to me by Mr. Clayton, Secretary of State. After
disproving, in an unanswerable manner, the pretensions of Great Britain
on the Mosquito Shore, Mr. Clayton submits the following significant
question, and equally significant reply:
“Will other nations interested in a free passage to and from the
Pacific, by the river San Juan and Lake Nicaragua, tamely allow that
interest to be thwarted by the pretensions of Great Britain? As
regards the United States, the question may confidently be answered in
the negative.
“Having now,” continues the Secretary of State, “sufficiently apprised
you of the views of the Department in regard to the title to the
Mosquito Coast, I desire you to understand how important it is deemed
by the President so to conduct all our negotiations on the subject of
the Nicaraguan passage as not to involve this country in any
entangling alliances on the one hand, or any unnecessary controversy
on the other. We desire no monopoly of the right of way for our
commerce, and we cannot submit to it if claimed for that of any other
nation. We only ask an equal right of passage for all nations on the
same terms—a passage unincumbered by oppressive restrictions, either
from the local government within whose sovereign limits it may be
effected, or from the proprietors of the canal when accomplished. To
this end we are willing to enter into treaty stipulations with the
government of Nicaragua, that both governments shall protect and
defend the proprietors who may succeed in cutting the canal and
opening water communication between the two oceans for our commerce.
Nicaragua will be at liberty to enter into the same treaty
stipulations with any other nation that may claim to enjoy the same
benefits and will agree to be bound by the same conditions. We should
naturally be proud of such an achievement as an American work; but if
European aid be necessary to accomplish it, why should we repudiate
it, seeing that our object is as honest as it is openly avowed, to
claim no peculiar privileges, no exclusive right, no monopoly of
commercial intercourse, but to see that the work is dedicated to the
benefit of mankind, to be used by all on the same terms with us, and
consecrated to the enjoyment and diffusion of the unnumbered and
inestimable blessings which must flow from it to all the civilized
world?”
On arriving in Nicaragua, I found there a gentleman representing certain
citizens of New York, the object of whose mission was to procure a
charter or grant for the construction of a canal through the territories
of that republic. Having previously entertained so many projects for the
accomplishment of this object, all of which had failed, the government
of Nicaragua was indisposed to listen to any further propositions until
it was assured, as I was authorized to assure it, that the American
government was willing to extend its guarantees to any charter, of a
proper character, which might now be granted. Under the confidence
inspired by this assurance, it proceeded with alacrity to arrange the
terms of a charter, more liberal than any ever before conceded, which
was signed on the 27th of August, 1849, and ratified on the 23d of the
month following.
The terms of this grant are very well known; yet the following synopsis
of its provisions will not prove out of place in this connection. It
provides,
1st. That the American Atlantic and Pacific Ship-Canal Company may
construct a ship canal, at its own expense, from the port of San Juan,
or any more feasible point on the Atlantic, to the port of Realejo, or
any other point within the territories of the republic, on the
Pacific, and make use of all lands, waters, or natural materials of
the country, for the enterprise.
2d. The dimensions of the canal shall be sufficiently great to admit
vessels of all sizes.
3d. The grant is for the period of eighty-five years from the
completion of the work; the preliminary surveys to be commenced within
twelve months; the work to be completed in twelve years, unless
unforeseen events, such as earthquakes or wars, shall intervene to
prevent it; if not completed within that time, the charter to be
forfeit, and whatever work may have been done to revert to the State;
at the end of eighty-five years the work to revert to the State, free
from all indemnity for the capital invested; the company,
nevertheless, to receive fifteen per cent. annually of the net
profits, for ten years thereafter, if the entire cost shall not exceed
$20,000,000; but if it does exceed that sum, then it shall receive the
same percentage for twenty years thereafter.
4th. The company to pay to the State ten thousand dollars upon the
ratification of the contract, and ten thousand dollars annually, until
the completion of the work; also, to give to the State two hundred
thousand dollars of stock in the canal, upon the issue of stock; the
State to have the privilege of taking five hundred thousand dollars of
stock in the enterprise;-of receive, for the first twenty years,
twenty per cent. annually out of the net profits the canal, after
deducting the interest on the capital actually invested, at the rate
of seven per cent.; and also to receive twenty-five per cent.
thereafter, until the expiration of the grant.
5th. The company to have the exclusive right of navigating the
interior waters of the State by steam, and the privilege, within the
twelve years allowed for constructing the canal, of opening any land
or other route or means of transit or conveyance across the State; in
consideration of which, the company shall pay, irrespective of
interest, ten per cent. of the net profits of such transit to the
State, and transport, both on each route, and on the canal, when
finished, the officers of the government and its employees, when
required to do so, free of charge.
6th. The canal to be open to the vessels of all nations, subject only
to certain fixed and uniform rates of toll, to be established by the
company, with the sanction of the State, graduated to induce the
largest and most extended business by this route; these rates not to
be altered without six months’ previous notice, both in Nicaragua and
the United States.
7th. All disputes to be settled by referees or commissioners, to be
appointed in a specified manner.
8th. All machinery and other articles introduced into the State for
the use of the company, to enter free of duty; and all persons in its
employ to enjoy all the privileges of citizens, without being
subjected to taxation or military service.
9th. The State concedes to the company, for purposes of colonization,
eight sections of land on the line of the canal, in the valley of the
river San Juan, each six miles square, and at least three miles apart,
with the right of alienating the same, under certain reservations; all
settlers on these lands to be subject to the laws of the country,
being, however, exempt for ten years from all taxes, and also from all
public service, as soon as each colony shall contain fifty settlers.
10th. “Art. XXXVI. It is expressly stipulated that the citizens,
vessels, products, and manufactures of _all nations_ shall be
permitted to pass upon the proposed canal through the territories of
Nicaragua, subject to no other nor higher duties, charges, or taxes
than shall be imposed upon those of the United States; _provided
always_, that such nations shall first enter into the same treaty
stipulations and guarantees, respecting said canal, as may be entered
into between the State of Nicaragua and the United States.”
Article xxxvi., which is quoted in full, was drawn up by myself, and its
insertion insisted on, in conformity with my instructions. Its simple
object was, to put upon the same footing with the United States every
nation which should undertake the same obligations with ourselves, in
respect to the proposed work. These obligations were distinctly set
forth in the treaty of commerce and friendship which was negotiated,
simultaneously, with the Nicaraguan government, and which, in Article
xxxv., provided as follows:
“ARTICLE XXXV.
“It is stipulated by and between the high contracting parties—
“1st. That the citizens, vessels, and merchandise of the United States
shall enjoy in all the ports and harbors of Nicaragua, upon both
oceans, a total exemption from all port-charges, tonnage or anchorage
duties, or any other similar charges now existing, or which may
hereafter be established, in manner the same as if said ports had been
declared free ports. And it is further stipulated, that the right of
way or transit across the territories of Nicaragua, by any route or
upon any mode of communication at present existing, or which may
hereafter be constructed, shall at all times be open and free to the
government and citizens of the United States, for all lawful purposes
whatever; and no tolls, duties, or charges of any kind shall be
imposed upon the transit, in whole or part, by such modes of
communication, of vessels of war, or other property belonging to the
government of the United States, or on public mails sent under the
authority of the same, or upon persons in its employ, nor upon
citizens of the United States, nor upon vessels belonging to them. And
it is also stipulated that all lawful produce, manufactures,
merchandise, or other property belonging to citizens of the United
States, passing from one ocean to the other, in either direction, for
the purpose of exportation to foreign countries, shall not be subject
to any import or export duties whatever; or if citizens of the United
States, having introduced such produce, manufactures, or merchandise
into the State of Nicaragua, for sale or exchange, shall, within three
years thereafter, determine to export the same, they shall be entitled
to drawback equal to four fifths of the amount of duties paid upon
their importation.
“2d. And inasmuch as a contract was entered into on the twenty-seventh
day of August, 1849, between the republic of Nicaragua and a company
of citizens of the United States, styled the ‘American Atlantic and
Pacific Ship Canal Company,’ and in order to secure the construction
and permanence of the great work thereby contemplated, both high
contracting parties do severally and jointly agree to protect and
defend the above-named company in the full and perfect enjoyment of
said work, from its inception to its completion, and after its
completion, from any acts of invasion, forfeiture, or violence, from
whatever quarter the same may proceed; and to give full effect to the
stipulations here made, and to secure for the benefit of mankind the
uninterrupted advantages of such communication from sea to sea, the
United States distinctly recognizes the rights of sovereignty and
property which the State of Nicaragua possesses in and over the line
of said canal, and for the same reason guarantees, positively and
efficaciously, the entire neutrality of the same, so long as it shall
remain under the control of citizens of the United States, and so long
as the United States shall enjoy the privileges secured to them in the
preceding section of this article.
“3d. But if, by any contingency, the above-named ‘American Atlantic
and Pacific Ship Canal Company’ shall fail to comply with the terms of
their contract with the State of Nicaragua, all the rights and
privileges which said contract confers shall accrue to any company of
citizens of the United States which shall, within one year after the
official declaration of failure, undertake to comply with its
provisions, so far as the same may at that time be applicable,
provided the company thus assuming said contract shall first present
to the President and Secretary of State of the United States
satisfactory assurances of their intention and ability to comply with
the same; of which satisfactory assurances the signature of the
Secretary of State and the seal of his Department shall be complete
evidence.
“4th. And it is also agreed, on the part of the republic of Nicaragua,
that none of the rights, privileges, and immunities guarantied, and by
the preceding articles, but especially by the first section of this
article, conceded to the United States and its citizens, shall accrue
to any other nation, or to its citizens, except such nation shall
first enter into the same treaty stipulations, for the defence and
protection of the proposed great interoceanic canal, which have been
entered into by the United States, in terms the same with those
embraced in section 2d of this article.”
The provisions of this article were not only in conformity with my
instructions, but their design and inevitable tendency were to make it
to the interest of every nation in the world to maintain the neutrality
of the canal, and the independence and territorial integrity of
Nicaragua. They secured to the United States every desirable privilege
in her intercourse, commercial or otherwise, with Nicaragua; yet those
privileges were in no wise exclusive; they would accrue to every other
nation, upon the same conditions; conditions to which no nation except
England could possibly object, and she only in the event of insisting on
her pretensions over the Mosquito Shore.
And this is precisely the reason why the treaty containing this article
was met by the unqualified hostility of the British government; it
placed England in a position of antagonism to the whole world, and made
it to the interest of every maritime country that she should relinquish
her hold on San Juan. To avoid the alternative which the consummation of
this treaty would impose, the utmost efforts of her diplomacy were put
forth to defeat its acceptance by the contracting parties. In Nicaragua
these efforts signally failed; the treaty was unanimously ratified by
the Legislative Chambers, simultaneously with the canal contract, on the
23d of September, 1849. It was at once dispatched to the United States,
approved by General Taylor and his cabinet, and submitted, in conformity
with the requirements of the Constitution, to the Senate for its
ratification.
This step caused the greatest alarm in the British legation, and Sir
Edward Bulwer put forth every influence at his command to postpone, if
he could not defeat, the approval of the Senate, which would have
brought the whole question of British pretensions to an open issue and a
definite conclusion. His exertions to this end were active and
unremitting. In the Senate chamber and out of it, publicly and
privately, over the council board and over the festive board, everywhere
and at all times, this restless and unscrupulous agent wrought out his
policy of opposition. His plans were greatly assisted by the
distractions of Congress, which was at that moment engaged in the
exciting decennial task of “saving the Union,” to the utter neglect of
all other business. The blunt honesty and singleness of purpose of
General Taylor, it is true, were unassailable; but the weakness and
credulity of his Secretary of State proved more than a compensating
advantage to Sir Henry in his diplomatic campaign. He prevailed upon
this officer to enter into a convention, signed April 19, and proclaimed
July 5, 1850, which has since obtained notoriety as the “Clayton and
Bulwer treaty,” and has created infinitely greater trouble than it
professed to cure. It provided in general terms for the joint protection
of the proposed canal by Great Britain and the United States, as
follows:
1st. That neither party “will ever obtain or maintain for itself any
exclusive control over” the proposed canal, or erect fortifications
commanding the same or in its vicinity, “or occupy, colonize, or
assume or exercise dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito
Shore, or any part of Central America, nor make use of any protection
which either affords, or any alliance which either has or may have,
for the purpose of erecting, or fortifying, or colonizing the region
above named, or any part of it, or for the purpose of _assuming or
exercising dominion over the same_,” nor will either party make use of
its relations with those countries to procure exclusive privileges for
itself or its subjects in the proposed canal.
2d. Neither party will capture or detain the vessels of the other
while passing through the canal, or while within —— distance of either
of its extremities.
3d. To protect the parties undertaking the construction of the canal,
from “unjust detention, seizure, or violence.”
4th. To use their influence respectively to facilitate the work, and
their good offices to procure the establishment of a free port at
either end.
5th. To guarantee the neutrality of the canal, so long as the
proprietors shall not make unfair discriminations on vessels in
transit, or impose unreasonable tolls; to enter into treaties with the
Central American States to promote the work; to interpose their good
offices to settle all disputes concerning it, etc., etc.
6th. Both governments to lend their support to such company as shall
first present evidences of its intention and ability to undertake the
work, with the consent of the local governments; _one year_ to be
allowed from the date of the ratification of the convention, for the
company now in existence to “_present evidence of sufficient capital
subscribed to accomplish the undertaking_,” it being understood that
if, in that time, no such evidence shall be presented, then both
governments shall be at liberty to afford their protection to any
person or company which shall then be prepared to commence and proceed
with the work in question.
7th. The same general protection to extend to every practicable route
of communication across the continent, on the same principles.[54]
-----
Footnote 54:
This treaty was ratified by the United States, less on the merits of
the guarantee which it extended to the projected canal, than because
it was understood to put an end to the obnoxious protectorate,
amounting to absolute dominion, of Great Britain on the Mosquito
Shore. Such was the understanding of the treaty by Mr. Clayton, the
negotiator on the part of the United States, who, in a despatch under
date of May 7, 1850, said, in reference to it:
“DEPARTMENT OF STATE, }
“Washington, _May 7, 1850_. }
“E. G. SQUIER, ETC., ETC.:
“SIR:—* * * It is proper that I should now inform you that I have
negotiated a treaty with Sir Henry Bulwer, the object of which is to
secure the protection of the British government to the Nicaraguan
canal, and to liberate Central America from the dominion of any
foreign power.
* * * * * * * * * *
“I hope and believe that this treaty will prove equally honorable both
to Great Britain and the United States, the more especially as it
secures the weak sister republics of Central America from foreign
aggression. All other nations that shall navigate the canal will have
to become guarantors of the neutrality of Central America and the
Mosquito Coast. The agreement is, ‘not to erect or maintain any
fortifications commanding the canal, or in the vicinity thereof; nor
to occupy, fortify, colonize, or assume or exercise any dominion
whatever over any part of Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito Coast,
or Central America; nor to make use of any protection or alliance, for
any of these purposes.’
“Great Britain having thus far made an agreement with us for the great
and philanthropic purpose of opening the ship communication through
the isthmus, it will now be most desirable immediately after the
ratification of the treaty, on both sides, that you should cultivate
the most friendly relations with the British agents in that country,
who will hereafter have to devote their energies and coöperation with
ours, to the accomplishment of the great work designed by the treaty.
Kindness and conciliation are most earnestly recommended by me to you.
I trust that means will speedily be adopted by Great Britain to
extinguish the Indian title, with the help of the Nicaraguans, or the
company, within what we consider to be the limits of Nicaragua. We
have never acknowledged, and never can acknowledge, the existence of
any claim of sovereignty in the Mosquito king, or any other Indian in
America. To do so, would be to deny the title of the United States to
our own territories. Having always regarded an Indian title as a mere
right of occupancy, we can never agree that such a title should be
treated otherwise than as a thing to be extinguished at the will of
the discoverer of the country. Upon the ratification of the treaty,
Great Britain will no longer have any interest to deny this principle,
which she has recognized in every other case in common with us. Her
protectorate will be reduced to a shadow—‘_Stat nominis umbra_’; for
she can neither occupy, fortify, nor colonize, or exercise dominion or
control in any part of the Mosquito Coast or Central America. To
attempt to do either of these things, after the exchange of
ratifications, would inevitably produce a rupture with the United
States. By the terms neither party can occupy to protect, nor protect
to occupy.
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
(Signed) [Sidenote: “JOHN M. CLAYTON.”]
-----
Within a week after the promulgation of this convention, Gen. Taylor
died. This event was followed by an entire change in the foreign policy
of the government, which during the whole of Mr. Fillmore’s
administration vibrated between the extremes of gross subserviency and
indecent bravado. The British envoy deemed the opportunity favorable for
his purpose, and redoubled his exertions to procure the rejection of the
treaty with Nicaragua, or its essential modification, so as to do away
with the alternative, so fatal to British designs, which its terms
imposed. Communication after communication reached the State Department
from this zealous officer, in which the circumstance that General
Taylor’s administration had condescended to enter into treaty relations
with Nicaragua was abundantly ridiculed, and the feeble government of
that State not only characterized as ignorant, weak, and poor, but
unsparingly denounced as faithless and corrupt. A special point of
objection to the treaty, and that on which the envoy placed the greatest
stress, was its incompatibility (as he alleged) with his convention with
Mr. Clayton. That gentleman, in fact, was accused of duplicity and bad
faith in permitting the Nicaragua treaty to rest in the hands of the
Senate, which might at any time take it up for ratification, and thus
topple down the cunning diplomatic fabric that he had raised.[55] These
appeals and representations were addressed to a willing ear, and on the
29th of September, 1850, Sir Henry exultingly wrote to Lord Palmerston
that “Mr. Webster furthermore said, that he should recommend the Senate
to do nothing further, for the present, in respect to Mr. Squier’s
treaty.” In what form that recommendation was made is not known; it is
perhaps well for the memory of the dead, it certainly is for the credit
of American statesmanship, that the details of this surrender of
American dignity, honor, and interests lie under “the seal of secrecy.”
It is enough to know that soon after the date of Sir Henry’s triumphant
announcement to Lord Palmerston, Congress adjourned without action on
the treaty. The next session passed with the same result, leaving on the
minds of the Nicaraguan people a profound impression of broken faith and
impaired national honor.
-----
Footnote 55:
See Letters of Sir Henry Bulwer to Lord Palmerston and Mr. Webster,
pp. 70, 71 of “Correspondence with the United States respecting
Central America,” printed by order of Parliament, 1856.
-----
Returning now to the special subject of the proposed interoceanic canal,
we find the “American Atlantic and Pacific Canal Company” so far
complying with its charter as to send out a corps of engineers, under
Colonel Childs, to survey the line of the work, with the results set
forth in a preceding chapter. The expedition had not been long in the
field, however, before it became obvious that the undertaking would
prove of a much more formidable character than had been supposed, and
that the whole idea of constructing a canal conformably to the charter
must be abandoned. The survey was nevertheless continued, and an
apparent compliance with the letter of the charter kept up, while the
grantees dispatched one of their own number to Nicaragua with the view
of procuring a separation of the privilege of exclusive
steam-navigation, in the interior waters of the State, from the more
serious obligations of the canal contract, and to secure other
additional privileges necessary to establish a monopoly of transit. This
exclusive privilege having been principally conceded for the purpose of
facilitating the construction of the canal, and regarding the attempt to
procure the separation as covering a design to abandon the proposed
canal, by securing independently all that could, for many years at
least, prove of value, the government of Nicaragua at first refused its
assent to the application. Political disturbances subsequently
occurring, the constituted authorities of the State were overthrown, and
two distinct governments installed, one at Leon, another at Granada.
Availing himself of the necessities of the latter, in respect of arms
and money, the agent of the company succeeded in obtaining from it the
concessions desired, although under protest from the government
established in Leon. With this contested if not invalid concession he
returned to New York, and the California emigration being then at its
height, a company was readily formed under it, with the denomination of
the “Nicaragua Accessory Transit Company,” which, after an infamous
career of deception and fraud, the history whereof is written in the
proceedings of our courts of law, finally broke up, disastrously, from
internal dissensions. With the organization of this company, the
anterior canal company was practically dissolved, nor has it since been
heard of, except in connection with some abortive attempts to give
currency to certain documents called “canal rights,” issued by the
grantees of the canal, before the supplementary concession was made, and
before the original charter became forfeited for non user. By the
provisions of that charter the canal was to be completed within twelve
years, ten of which have elapsed without action, and consequently any
effort to represent the “American Atlantic and Pacific Ship Canal
Company” as having a legal or even constructive existence can only be
characterized as an impudent attempt at imposture.
As already said, the results of Col. Childs’ survey in Nicaragua were
such as to discourage any idea of opening a canal through that country,
at a cost within the range of legitimate enterprise. Subsequent efforts
to find other and more practicable canal routes, at Darien and Atrato,
were unsuccessful, and the surveys of Maj. Barnard at Tehuantepec proved
that a canal at that point was simply impossible. The public mind,
furthermore, having now for the first time taken up the question of a
canal, from a practical point of view, soon settled down into the
conviction that however desirable a canal might be for certain purposes,
railways would far better subserve the more important and essential
requirements of travel and of trade. This conviction gathered strength
from the experience of the Panama railway, which, notwithstanding its
deficiencies in position and ports, and the deadliness of its climate,
was found adequate to the general requirements of commerce. These
considerations, still more than the distracted political condition of
Nicaragua, were effectual to divert the public mind from the subject of
the proposed canal, and it was allowed to rest in abeyance, and probably
would have gone entirely out of sight for the remainder of this century,
had not attention been called to it again by the fantastic proceedings
of a certain Monsieur Felix Belly, of Paris, “publicist, and knight of
the orders of San Maurice and Lazarus, and of the Medjidie.” Taking
advantage of the reaction against Americans which followed the expulsion
of Gen. Walker from Nicaragua, and by adroit implications of being the
confidential representative of the Emperor Louis Napoleon, (who, as we
have seen, had himself been principal to a contract respecting the
canal,) he received from the acting president, or rather dictator, of
Nicaragua, a new concession for opening the proposed canal. The
instrument bears date, “May 1, 1858, the anniversary of Walker’s
capitulation!” Its provisions are such as might be expected from the
character of the contracting parties, and do not merit recital. They
may, however, be inferred generally from the stipulation of Art. 26,
“that the French government shall have the right to keep two
ships-of-war stationed in the canal, or in Lake Nicaragua, for the
entire duration of the works.” The contract, furthermore, by an
eminently Gallic appreciation of congruity and propriety, is accompanied
by a grand political manifesto, setting forth that “hitherto all the
official agents of the United States in Nicaragua have been accomplices
and auxiliaries of fillibusters,” and that, for this and other reasons,
Nicaragua was then, and by virtue of that manifesto, “placed under the
guarantee of the three powers which have guaranteed the Ottoman
Empire—England, France, and Sardinia”—these powers being adjured “no
longer to leave the rich countries of Central America to the mercy of
barbarians!” Late advices from Nicaragua affirm that the contract with
the “Knight of San Maurice and Lazarus” was ratified, with various
modifications, on the 8th of April, 1859, by the Legislative Chambers of
the State.[56] It will thus be seen that the somewhat dreary history of
earnest but unsuccessful attempts to connect the seas by means of a
canal, is finally to be relieved by a comic episode; and we may indulge
the pleasing hope, that the all too sad reminiscences connected with the
undertaking, like the too serious impressions left by a tragedy, are to
be happily dissipated by the opportune introduction of a farce! To Punch
and Charivari remains the congenial task of recording and illustrating
the future career and the prospective triumphs of Monsieur Belly,
“Publicist, Knight, etc.,” in Nicaragua!
-----
Footnote 56:
It is stated also that this ratification is coupled with certain
arrangements to open a transit route, by means of small boats on the
river San Juan and Lake Nicaragua, and by carriages from the lake to
the Pacific, as was done by the extinguished “Accessory Transit
Company.” So far as M. Belly has any practical object, it is probably
this—to obtain the exclusive right for such a transit, or the
concession of such privileges as will give a practical monopoly. This
may easily be done, notwithstanding that Nicaragua has declared the
transit “open and free.”
-----
END.
LA PLATA:
THE ARGENTINE CONFEDERATION
AND
PARAGUAY.
Being a Narrative of the Exploration of the Tributaries of the River La
Plata and Adjacent Countries, during the Years 1853, ’54, ’55, and
’56, under the Orders of the United States Government. By THOMAS J.
PAGE, U.S.N., Commander of the Expedition. One Volume Large Octavo,
with Map and numerous Illustrations. Muslin, $3 00.
This Volume contains the Official Narrative of one of the most
important Expeditions ever sent out by our Government. The vast region
drained by the River La Plata and its tributaries was closed to
commerce and navigation by the rigid Colonial Laws of Spain, the civil
wars which followed the Independence, and the subsequent selfish
policy of Rosas, the tyrant of Buenos Ayres. After the defeat and
flight of Rosas, one of the first acts of Urquiza, the able and
enlightened Director of the Argentine Confederation, was the decree of
August 28, 1852, declaring the waters of the Confederation free to the
flags of all nations.
Our Government was the first to avail itself of this decree. Early in
1853 the steamer _Water Witch_ was placed under the command of
Lieutenant PAGE, with instructions to explore the Rivers of La Plata,
and report upon their navigability and adaptation to commerce.
Lieutenant PAGE executed his commission with rare fidelity and
intelligence, and has embodied the results in this volume. The
explorations described in the Narrative embrace an extent of 3600
miles of river navigation, and 4400 miles of journey by land in
Paraguay and the Argentine Confederation. The River Paraguay alone was
found to be navigable, at low water, by a steamer drawing nine feet,
for more than 2000 miles from the ocean. The basin of La Plata is
almost equal in extent to the Mississippi, and not inferior in
salubrity of climate and fertility of soil, while the head waters of
its rivers penetrate the richest mineral provinces of Brazil and
Bolivia. The products of this region must find their outlet through
the River La Plata. The population numbers scarcely one person to a
square mile, but great inducements to emigration are now offered by
the Argentine Confederation. The commerce of the country, already
considerable, is capable of immediate and indefinite increase.
Lieutenant PAGE’S Narrative contains ample information respecting the
soil, climate, and productions of the country, and the manners,
habits, and customs of the people. A full account is given of the
unfortunate rupture with Paraguay, showing conclusively that the
attack upon the _Water Witch_ was altogether unwarranted, and the
allegations by which President Lopez attempted to justify it entirely
destitute of truth. An interesting and valuable account of the Jesuit
Mission in La Plata is appended to the Narrative.
The Illustrations comprise the accurate Map of the Country prepared by
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NORTH AND CENTRAL AFRICA.
Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa. Being a Journal of
an Expedition undertaken under the Auspices of H.B.M’s Government,
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confess that such a relation has for us an intense interest; we are
sure that no serious reader will be disappointed in the narrative of
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dispense with his work.—_Boston Traveller._
It is the most magnificent contribution of the present century to the
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future destiny of the African continent.—_N. Y. Evangelist._
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a land of darkness and of the shadow of death. It is no longer a
desert waste, a pestilential marsh, or the hiding-place of wild beasts
and bloody men. The physical features, the natural products, the
races, the governments, the religions of the vast interior of Africa
are spread out before us with a minuteness of detail that leaves
hardly any thing to be added to our knowledge upon these several
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Transcriber’s Note
Where variant spellings were encountered (e.g., parroquets/paroquets,
court yard/court-yard, mayor domo/mayor-domo), corrections were made
only when one variant was obviously predominant elsewhere.
About 90% of the instances of the Spanish honorific ‘Señor’ use the ‘ñ’.
The remainder have been corrected (at 91.20, 121.7, 231.9, 235.24,
265.25, 348.10, 348.12, 364.12, 491.9.)
There are a number of errors in the chapter and illustration lists,
likely caused by a late addition to the illustrations. These have been
corrected. Two woodcuts are referenced (#36 and #92) but do not appear
in the text.
Printed Corrected
Woodcut 15 109 119
” 16 110 120
” 16 110 120
” 36 273 [Missing]
” 37 275 274
” 69 474 476
” 80 515 517
” 81 515 517
” 92 621 [Missing]
Chapter V. 120 121
” VI. 156 157
” VII. 176 177
” VIII. 199 201
” IX. 236 237
” X. 260 261
” XI. 283 284
” XII. 302 313
” XIII. 328 329
” XIV. 354 355
” XV. 412 413
” XVII. 444 447
” XVIII. 490 491
” XIX. 523 524
” XX. 550 551
” XXI. 560 561
” XXII. 574 575
” XXIII. 594 595
” XXIV. 612 613
” XXV. 632 633
Other errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s also have been
corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and line
in the original.
ix.43 Departure from Leon[ /]Chinandega—Ladrones Replaced.
xviii INTEROCEANIC COM[M]UNICATION Inserted.
38.21 _“Vivan los Americanos del Norte[”]_ dded.
66.34 densely populated with mosquito[e]s Removed.
79.9 took my by the se[c/a]t side of Pedro Replaced.
101.30 [“]adieu my soul!” Added.
129.25 trimmed with lace[.] Added.
138.13 _à prædomin[i]o_. Inserted..
143.22 [“]yes, sir! yes, yes sir!!” Added.
153.35 from Granada, or Salteba[.]” Added.
157.17 SUBSEQ[EU/UE]NT Transposed.
165.7 in the strong-built houses,[”] Removed.
172.17 to the early [be-]belief Removed.
172.30 Such occurrences, however[,] are rare. Inserted.
215.22 we ever afte[r]wards distinguished Inserted.
218.18 It was a w[ie/ei]rd looking forest Transposed.
320.15 “Fun[a/á]mbulos” Replaced.
321.14 “Fun[a/á]mbulos” Replaced.
319.32 “by the[ the] most beautiful young Kitty,” Removed.
320.3 including the[ the] ladies Removed.
320.6 and of course acc[e]pted the invitation. Inserted.
321.1 [“]beauty and fashion of Leon Removed (no
close).
326.20 [“]On the day set apart Added.
353.20 the outer bay of[ of] Conchagua Removed.
372.2 the most intelligent famil[i]es Inserted.
375.7 the all-good and om[i]nipotent Ruler Removed.
378.20 consists in permitt[t]ing the latter Removed.
381.12 there[ are] a number Probable.
383.19 Althou[g]h Leon is _de facto_ the seat Inserted.
418.21 “Very well,” said she, [“]buy it;” Added.
435.1 “piedra[d]s labradas,” Removed.
435.35 with figures rudely cut in outline[.] Added.
440.17 for upwards of twenty feet[.] Added.
461.11 They simply lifted their hats, and Inserted.
re[s]ponded,
465.9 the remain[d]er of the crew Inserted.
480.2 as before desc[r]ibed Inserted.
489.30 I was not particular[l]y ambitious Inserted.
493.3 for permission to breath[e] the air Added.
478.24 A[l]though not the tallest Inserted.
487.22 below the elbows[.] Added.
501.21 or muleteer[e]s Removed.
502.24 we could not advance faster tha[t/n] a walk. Replaced.
530.13 In order to ob[t]ain a full view Inserted.
542.34 under favorable states of the a[t]mosphere Inserted.
558.35 demonstrations of sorrow[.] Added.
605.23 entered the su[r]burbs in mere bravado Removed.
616.11 The ladies were bitten with o[r]nithology Inserted.
623.9 As we a[cs/sc]ended Transposed.
657.8 the attention of thewor[l]d Inserted.
612.3 “LA S[E/É]RIEUSE” Replaced.
634.15 stopped again at [“]El Pedernal,” Added.
686.14 were active and unremit[t]ing. Inserted.
f