SECTION XVI.

ARISTOTLE.

I. LIFE AND WRITINGS OF ARISTOTLE.—Aristotle was born 384 B. C. at

Stagira, a Greek colony in Thrace. His father, Nicomachus, was a

physician, and the friend of Amyntas, king of Macedonia. The former fact

may have had its influence in determining the scientific direction of

the son, and the latter may have procured his subsequent summons to the

Macedonian court. Aristotle at a very early age lost both his parents.

In his seventeenth year he came to Plato at Athens, and continued with

him twenty years. On account of his indomitable zeal for study, Plato

named him “the Teacher,” and said, upon comparing him with Xenocrates,

that the latter required the spur, the former the bit. Among the many

charges made against his character, most prominent are those of jealousy

and ingratitude towards his master, but most of the anecdotes in which

these charges are embodied merit little credence. It is certain that

Aristotle, after the death of Plato, stood in friendly relations with

Xenocrates; still, as a writer, he can hardly be absolved from a certain

want of friendship and regard towards Plato and his philosophy, though

all this can be explained on psychological grounds. After Plato’s death,

Aristotle went with Xenocrates to Hermeas, tyrant of Atarneus, whose

sister Pythias he married after Hermeas had fallen a prey to Persian

violence. After the death of Pythias he is said to have married his

concubine, Herpyllis, who was the mother of his son Nicomachus. In the

year 343 he was called by Philip of Macedon, to take the charge of the

education of his son Alexander, then thirteen years old. Both father and

son honored him highly, and the latter, with royal munificence,

subsequently supported him in his studies. When Alexander went to

Persia, Aristotle betook himself to Athens, and taught in the Lyceum,

the only gymnasium then vacant, since Xenocrates had possession of the

Academy, and the Cynics of the Cynosaerges. From the shady walks

περίπατοι of the Lyceum, in which Aristotle was accustomed to walk and

expound his philosophy, his school received the name of the Peripatetic.

Aristotle is said to have spent his mornings with his more mature

disciples, exercising them in the profoundest questions of philosophy,

while his evenings were occupied with a greater number of pupils in a

more general and preparatory instruction. The former investigations were

called acroamatic, the latter exoteric. He abode at Athens, and taught

thirteen years, and then, after the death of Alexander, whose

displeasure he had incurred, he is said to have been accused by the

Athenians of impiety towards the gods, and to have fled to Chalcis, in

order to escape a fate similar to that of Socrates. He died in the year

322 at Chalcis, in Eubæa.

Aristotle left a vast number of writings, of which the smaller (perhaps

a fourth), but unquestionably the more important portion have come down

to us, though in a form which cannot be received without some scruples.

The story of Strabo about the fate of the Aristotelian writings, and the

injury which they suffered in a cellar at Scepsis, is confessedly a

fable, or at least limited to the original manuscripts; but the

fragmentary and descriptive form which many among them, and even the

most important (_e. g._ the metaphysics) possess, the fact that

scattered portions of one and the same work (_e. g._ the ethics) are

repeatedly found in different treatises, the irregularities and striking

contradictions in one and the same writing, the disagreement found in

other particulars among different works, and the distinction made by

Aristotle himself between acroamatic and exoterical writings, all this

gives reason to believe that we have, for the most part, before us only

his oral lectures written down, and subsequently edited by his scholars.

II. UNIVERSAL CHARACTER AND DIVISION OF THE ARISTOTELIAN

PHILOSOPHY.—With Plato, philosophy had been national in both its form

and content, but with Aristotle, it loses its Hellenic peculiarity, and

becomes universal in scope and meaning; the Platonic dialogue changes

into barren prose; a rigid, artistic language takes the place of the

mythical and poetical dress; the thinking which had been with Plato

intuitive, is with Aristotle discursive; the immediate beholding of

reason in the former, becomes reflection and conception in the latter.

Turning away from the Platonic unity of all being, Aristotle prefers to

direct his attention to the manifoldness of the phenomenal; he seeks the

idea only in its concrete actualization, and consequently grasps the

particular far more prominently in its peculiar determinateness and

reciprocal differences, than in its connection with the idea. He

embraces with equal interest the facts given in nature, in history, and

in the inner life of man. But he ever tends toward the individual, he

must ever have a fact given in order to develope his thought upon it; it

is always the empirical, the actual, which solicits and guides his

speculation; his whole course is a description of the facts given, and

only merits the name of a philosophy because it comprehends the

empirical in its totality and synthesis; because it has carried out its

induction to the farthest extent. Only because he is the absolute

empiricist may Aristotle be called the truly philosopher.

This character of the Aristotelian philosophy explains at the outset its

encyclopedian tendency, inasmuch as every thing given in experience is

equally worthy of regard and investigation. Aristotle is thus the

founder of many courses of study unknown before him; he is not only the

father of logic, but also of natural history, empirical psychology, and

the science of natural rights.

This devotion of Aristotle to that which is given will also explain his

predominant inclination towards physics, for nature is the most

immediate and actual. Connected also with this is the fact that

Aristotle is the first among philosophers who has given to history and

its tendencies an accurate attention. The first book of the

_Metaphysics_ is also the first attempt at a history of philosophy, as

his politics is the first critical history of the different states and

constitutions. In both these cases he brings out his own theory only as

the consequence of that which has been historically given, basing it in

the former case upon the works of his predecessors, and in the latter

case upon the constitutions which lie before him.

It is clear that according to this, the method of Aristotle must be a

different one from that of Plato. Instead of proceeding like the latter,

synthetically and dialectically, he pursues for the most part an

analytic and regressive course, that is, going backward from the

concrete to its ultimate ground and determination. While Plato would

take his standpoint in the idea, in order to explain from this position

and set in a clearer light that which is given and empirical, Aristotle

on the other hand, starts with that which is given, in order to find and

exhibit the idea in it. His method is, hence, induction; that is, the

derivation of certain principles and maxims from a sum of given facts

and phenomena; his mode of procedure is, usually, argument, a barren

balancing of facts, phenomena, circumstances and possibilities. He

stands out for the most part only as the thoughtful observer. Renouncing

all claim to universality and necessity in his results, he is content to

have brought out that which has an approximative truth, and the highest

degree of probability. He often affirms that science does not simply

relate to the changeless and necessary, but also to that which

ordinarily takes place, that being alone excluded from its province,

which is strictly accidental. Philosophy, consequently, has with him the

character and worth of a reckoning of probabilities, and his mode of

exhibition assumes not unfrequently only the form of a doubtful

deliberation. Hence there is no trace of the Platonic ideals, hence,

also, his repugnance to a glowing and poetic style in philosophy, a

repugnance which, while indeed it induces in him a fixed, philosophical

terminology, also frequently leads him to mistake and misrepresent the

opinions of his predecessors. Hence, also, in whatever he treated, his

thorough adherence to that which is actually given.

Connected in fine with the empirical character of the Aristotelian

philosophizing, is the fragmentary form of his writings, and their want

of a systematic division and arrangement. Proceeding always in the line

of that which is given, from individual to individual, he considers

every province of the actual by itself, and makes it the subject of a

separate treatise; but he, for the most part, fails to indicate the

lines by which the different parts hang together, and are comprehended

in a systematic whole. Thus he holds up a number of co-ordinate

sciences, each one of which has an independent basis, but he fails to

give us the highest science which embraces them all. The principle is

sometimes affirmed that all the writings follow the idea of a whole; but

in their procedure there is such a want of all systematic connection,

and every one of his writings is a monograph so thoroughly independent

and complete in itself, that we are sometimes puzzled to know what

Aristotle himself received as a part of philosophy, and what he

excluded. We are never furnished with an independent scheme or outline,

we rarely find definite results or summary explanations, and even the

different divisions of philosophy which he gives, vary essentially from

one another. At one time he divides science into theoretical and

practical, at another, he adds to these two a poetical creative science,

while still again he speaks of the three parts of science, ethics,

physics, and logic. At one time he divides the theoretical philosophy

into logic and physics, and at another into theology, mathematics, and

physics. But no one of these divisions has he expressly given as the

basis on which to represent his system; he himself places no value upon

this method of division, and, indeed, openly declares himself opposed to

it. It is, therefore, only for the sake of uniformity that we can give

the preference here to the threefold division of philosophy as already

adopted by Plato.

III. LOGIC AND METAPHYSICS. 1. CONCEPTION AND RELATION OF THE TWO.—The

word metaphysics was first furnished by the Aristotelian commentators.

Plato had used the term dialectics, and Aristotle had characterized the

same thing as “first philosophy,” while he calls physics the “second

philosophy.” The relation of this first philosophy to the other sciences

Aristotle determines in the following way. Every science, he says, must

have for investigation a determined province and separate form of being,

but none of these sciences reaches the conception of being itself. Hence

there is needed a science which should investigate that which the other

sciences take up hypothetically, or through experience. This is done by

the first philosophy which has to do with being as such, while the other

sciences relate only to determined and concrete being. The metaphysics,

which is this science of being and its primitive grounds, is the _first_

philosophy, since it is presupposed by every other discipline. Thus,

says Aristotle, if there were only a physical substance, then would

physics be the first and the only philosophy, but if there be an

immaterial and unmoved essence which is the ground of all being, then

must there also be an antecedent, and because it is antecedent, a

universal philosophy. The first ground of all being is God, whence

Aristotle occasionally gives to the first philosophy the name of

theology.

It is difficult to determine the relation between this first philosophy

as the science of the ultimate ground of things, and that science which

is ordinarily termed the logic of Aristotle, and which is exhibited in

the writings bearing the name of the _Organon_. Aristotle himself has

not accurately examined the relations of these two sciences, the reason

of which is doubtless to be found in the incomplete form of the

metaphysics. But since he has embraced them both under the same name of

logic, since the investigation of the essence of things (VII. 17), and

the doctrine of ideas (XIII. 5), are expressly called logical, since he

repeatedly attempts in the Metaphysics (_Book_ IV.), to establish the

logical principle of contradiction as an absolute presupposition for all

thinking and speaking and philosophizing, and employs the method of

argument belonging to that science which has to do with the essence of

things (III. 2. IV. 3), and since, in fine, the categories to which he

had already dedicated a separate book in the Organon are also discussed

again in the Metaphysics (_Book_ V.), it follows that this much at least

may be affirmed with certainty, that he would not absolutely separate

the investigations of the Organon from those of the Metaphysics, and

that he would not counsel the ordinary division of formal logic and

metaphysics, although he has omitted to show more clearly their inner

connection.

2. LOGIC.—The great problem both of the logical faculty and also of

logic both as science and art, consists in this, viz., to form and judge

of conclusions, and through conclusions to be able to establish a proof.

The conclusions, however, arise from propositions, and the propositions

from conceptions. According to this natural point of view, which lies in

the very nature of the case, Aristotle has divided the content of the

logical and dialectical doctrine contained in the different treatises of

the Organon. The first treatise in the Organon is that containing the

_categories_, a work which treats of the universal determinations of

being, and gives the first attempt at an ontology. Of these categories

Aristotle enumerates ten; essence, magnitude, quality, relation, the

where, the when, position, habit, action, and passion. The second

treatise (_de interpretatione_) investigates speech as the expression of

thought, and discusses the doctrine of the parts of speech, propositions

and judgments. The third are the analytic books, which show how

conclusions may be referred back to their principles and arranged in

order of their antecedence. The first Analytic contains in two books the

universal doctrine of the Syllogism. Conclusions are according to their

content and end either apodictic, which possess a certain and

incontrovertible truth, or dialectic, which are directed toward that

which may be disputed and is probable, or, finally, sophistic, which are

announced deceptively as correct conclusions while they are not. The

doctrine of apodictic conclusions and thus of proofs is given in the two

books of the second Analytic, that of dialectic, is furnished in the

eight books of the Topic, and that of sophistic in the treatise

concerning “Sophistical Convictions.”

A closer statement of the Aristotelian logic would be familiar to every

one, since the formal representations of this science ordinarily given,

employ for the most part only the material furnished by Aristotle. Kant

has remarked, that since the time of the Grecian sage, logic has made

neither progress nor retrogression. Only in two points has the formal

logic of our time advanced beyond that of Aristotle; first, in adding to

the categorical conclusion which was the only one Aristotle had in mind,

the hypothetical and disjunctive, and second, in adding the fourth to

the first three figures of conclusion. But the incompleteness of the

Aristotelian logic, which might be pardoned in the founder of this

science, yet abides, and its thoroughly empirical method not only still

continues, but has even been exalted to a principle by making the

antithesis, which Aristotle did not, between the form of a thought and

the content. Aristotle, in reality, only attempted to collect the

logical facts in reference to the formation of propositions, and the

method of conclusions; he has given in his logic only the natural

history of finite thinking. However highly now we may rate the

correctness of his abstraction, and the clearness with which he brings

into consciousness the logical operation of the understanding, we must

make equally conspicuous with this the want of all scientific derivation

and foundation. The ten categories which he, as already remarked, has

discussed in a separate treatise, he simply mentions, without furnishing

any ground or principle for this enumeration; that there are this number

of categories is only a matter of fact to him, and he even cites them

differently in different writings. In the same way also he takes up the

figures of the conclusion empirically; he considers them only as forms

and determinations of relation of the formal thinking, and continues

thus, although he allows the conclusion to stand for the only form of

science within the province of the logic of the understanding. Neither

in his Metaphysics nor in his Physics does he cite the rules of the

formal methods of conclusion which he develops in the Organon, clearly

proving that he has nowhere in his system properly elaborated either his

categories or his analytic; his logical investigations do not influence

generally the development of his philosophical thought, but have for the

most part only the value of a preliminary scrutiny.

3. METAPHYSICS.—Among all the Aristotelian writings, the Metaphysics is

least entitled to be called a connected whole; it is only a connection

of sketches, which, though they follow a certain fundamental idea,

utterly fail of an inner mediation and a perfect development. We may

distinguish in it seven distinct groups. (1) Criticism of the previous

philosophic systems viewed in the light of the four Aristotelian

principles, _Book_ I. (2) Positing of the apories or the philosophical

preliminary questions, III. (3) The principle of contradiction, IV. (4)

Definitions, V. (5) Examination of the conception of essence (οὐσία) and

conceivable being (the τί ἦν εἴναι) or the conception of matter (ὕλη),

form (εἶδος), and that which arises from the connection of these two

(σύνολον), VII. VIII. (6) Potentiality and actuality, IX. (7) The Divine

Spirit moving all, but itself unmoved, XII. (8) To these we may add the

polemic against the Platonic doctrine of ideas and numbers, which runs

through the whole Metaphysics, but is especially carried out in _Books_

XIII. and XIV.

(1) _The Aristotelian Criticism of the Platonic Doctrine of Ideas._—In

Aristotle’s antagonism to the Platonic doctrine of ideas, we must seek

for the specific difference between the two systems, a difference of

which Aristotle avails himself of every opportunity (especially

_Metaph._ I. and XIII.) to express. Plato had beheld every thing actual

in the idea, but the idea was to him a rigid truth, which had not yet

become interwoven with the life and the movement of existence. Such a

view, however, had this difficulty, the idea, however little Plato would

have it so, found standing over against it in independent being the

phenomenal world, while it furnished no principle on which the being of

the phenomenal world could be affirmed. This Aristotle recognizes and

charges upon Plato, that his ideas were only “immortalized things of

sense,” out of which the being and becoming of the sensible could not be

explained. In order to avoid this consequence, he himself makes out an

original reference of mind to phenomenon, affirming that the relation of

the two is, that of the actual to the possible, or that of form to

matter, and considering also mind as the absolute actuality of matter,

and matter, as the potentially mind. His argument against the Platonic

doctrine of ideas, Aristotle makes out in the following way.

Passing by now the fact that Plato has furnished no satisfactory proof

for the objective and independent reality of ideas, and that his theory

is without vindication, we may affirm in the first place that it is

wholly unfruitful, since it possesses no ground of explanation for

being. The ideas have no proper and independent content. To see this we

need only refer to the manner in which Plato introduced them. In order

to make science possible he had posited certain substances independent

of the sensible, and uninfluenced by its changes. But to serve such a

purpose, there was offered to him nothing other than this individual

thing of sense. Hence he gave to this individual a universal form, which

was with him the idea. From this it resulted, that his ideas can hardly

be separated from the sensible and individual objects which participate

in them. The ideal duality and the empirical duality is one and the same

content. The truth of this we can readily see, whenever we gain from the

adherents to the doctrine of ideas a definite statement respecting the

peculiar character of their unchangeable substances, in comparison with

the sensible and individual things which participate in them. The only

difference between the two consists in appending _per se_ to the names

expressing the respective ideas; thus, while the individual things are

_e. g._ man, horse, etc., the ideas are man _per se_, horse _per se_,

etc. There is only this formal change for the doctrine of ideas to rest

upon; the finite content is not removed, but is only _characterized_ as

perpetual. This objection, that in the doctrine of ideas we have in

reality only the sensible posited as a not-sensible, and endowed with

the predicate of immutability, Aristotle urges as above remarked when he

calls the ideas “immortalized things of sense,” not as though they were

actually something sensible and spacial, but because in them the

sensible individual loses at once its individuality, and becomes a

universal. He compares them in this respect with the gods of the popular

and anthropomorphical religion; as these are nothing but deified men, so

the ideas are only things of nature endowed with a supernatural potency,

a sensible exalted to a not-sensible. This identity between the ideas

and their respective individual things amounts moreover to this, that

the introduction of ideas doubles the objects to be known in a

burdensome manner, and without any good results. Why set up the same

thing over again? Why besides the sensible twofoldness and

threefoldness, affirm a twofoldness and threefoldness in the idea? The

adherents of the doctrine of ideas, when they posit an idea for every

class of natural things, and through this theory set up two equivalent

theories of sensible and not-sensible substances, seem therefore to

Aristotle like men who think they can reckon better with many numbers

than with few, and who therefore go to multiplying their numbers before

they begin their reckoning. Therefore again the doctrine of ideas is a

tautology, and wholly unfruitful of the explanation of being, “The ideas

give no aid to the knowledge of the individual things participating in

them, since the ideas are not immanent in these things, but separate

from them.” Equally unfruitful are the ideas when considered in

reference to the arising and departing of the things of sense. They

contain no principle of becoming, of movement. There is in them no

causality which might bring out the event, or explain the event when it

had actually happened. Themselves without motion and process, if they

had any effect, it could only be that of perfect repose. True, Plato

affirms in his Phædon that the ideas are causes both of being and

becoming, but in spite of the ideas, nothing ever _becomes_ without a

moving; the ideas, by their separation from the becoming, have no such

capacity to move. This indifferent relation of ideas to the actual

becoming, Aristotle brings under the categories, potentiality and

actuality, and farther says that the ideas are only potential, they are

only bare possibility and essentiality because they are wanting in

actuality.—The inner contradiction of the doctrine of ideas is in brief

this, viz., that it posits an individual immediately as a universal, and

at the same time pronounces the universal, the species, as numerically

an individual, and also that the ideas are set up on the one side as

separate individual substances, and on the other side as participant,

and therefore as universal. Although the ideas as the original

conceptions of species are a universal, which arise when being is fixed

in existence, and the one brought out in the many, and the abiding is

given a place in the changeable, yet can they not be defined as they

should be according to the Platonic notion, that they are individual

substances, for there can be neither definition nor derivation of an

absolute individual, since even the word (and only in words is a

definition possible) is in its nature a universal, and belongs also to

other objects, consequently, every predicate in which I attempt to

determine an individual thing cannot belong exclusively to that thing.

The adherents of the doctrine of ideas, are therefore not at all in a

condition to give an idea a conceivable termination; their ideas are

indefinable.—In general, Plato has left the relation of the individual

objects to ideas very obscure. He calls the ideas archetypes, and allows

that the objects may participate in them; yet are these only poetical

metaphors. How shall we represent to ourselves this “participation,”

this copying of the original archetype? We seek in vain for more

accurate explanations of this in Plato. It is impossible to conceive how

and why matter participates in the ideas. In order to explain this, we

must add to the ideas a still higher and wider principle, which contains

the cause for this “participation” of objects, for without a moving

principle we find no ground for “participation.” Alike above the idea

(_e. g._ the idea of man), and the phenomenon (_e. g._ the individual

man), there must stand a third common to both, and in which the two were

united, _i. e._ as Aristotle was in the habit of expressing this

objection, the doctrine of ideas leads to the adoption of a “third man.”

The result of this Aristotelian criticism is the immanence of the

universal in the individual. The method of Socrates in trying to find

the universal as the essence of the individual, and to give definitions

according to conception, was as correct (for no science is possible

without the universal) as the theory of Plato in exalting these

universal conceptions to an independent subsistence as real individual

substances, was erroneous. Nothing universal, nothing which is a kind or

a species, exists besides and separate from the individual; a thing and

its conception cannot be separated from each other. With these

principles Aristotle hardly deviated from Plato’s fundamental idea that

the universal is the only true being, and the essence of individual

things; it may rather be said that he has freed this idea from its

original abstraction, and given it a more profound mediation with the

phenomenal world. Notwithstanding his apparent contradiction to Plato,

the fundamental position of Aristotle is the same as that of his master,

viz., that the essence of a thing (τὸ τί ἐστιν, τὸ τί ἦν εἶναι) is known

and represented in the conception; Aristotle however recognizes the

universal, the conception to be as little separated from the determined

phenomenon as form from matter, and essence or substance (οὐσία) in its

most proper sense is, according to him, only that which cannot be

predicated of another, though of this other every remaining thing may be

predicated; it is that which is a this (τόδε τι), the individual thing

and not a universal.

(2.) _The four Aristotelian principles or causes, and the relation of

form and matter._—From the criticism of the Platonic doctrine of ideas

arose directly the groundwork of the Aristotelian system, the

determinations of matter (ὕλη), and form (εἶδος). Aristotle enumerates

four metaphysical principles or causes: matter, form, moving cause, and

end. In a house, for instance, the matter is the wood, the form is the

conception of the house, the moving cause is the builder, and the end is

the actual house. These four determinations of all being resolve

themselves upon a closer scrutiny into the fundamental antithesis of

matter and form. The conception of the moving cause is involved with the

two other ideal principles of form and of end. The moving cause is that

which has secured the transition of the incomplete actuality or

potentiality to the complete actuality, or induces the becoming of

matter to form. But in every movement of the incomplete to the complete,

the latter antedates in conception this movement, and is its motive. The

moving cause of matter is therefore form. So is man the moving and

producing cause of man; the form of the statue in the understanding of

the artist is the cause of the movement by which the statue is produced;

health must be in the thought of the physician before it can become the

moving cause of convalescence; so in a certain degree is medicine,

health, and the art of building the form of the house. But in the same

way, the moving or first cause is also identical with the final cause or

end, for the end is the motive for all becoming and movement. The moving

cause of the house is the builder, but the moving cause of the builder

is the end to be attained, _i. e._ the house. From such examples as

these it is seen that the determinations of form and end may be

considered under one, in so far as both are united in the conception of

actuality (ἐνέργεια), for the end of every thing is its completed being,

its conception or its form, the bringing out into complete actuality

that which was potentially contained in it. The end of the hand is its

conception, the end of the seed is the tree, which is at the same time

the essence of the seed. The only fundamental determinations, therefore,

which cannot be wholly resolved into each other, are matter and form.

Matter when abstracted from form in thought, Aristotle regarded as that

which was entirely without predicate, determination and distinction. It

is that abiding thing which lies at the basis of all becoming; but which

in its own being is different from every thing which has become. It is

capable of the widest diversity of forms, but is itself without

determinate form; it is every thing in possibility, but nothing in

actuality. There is a first matter which lies at the basis of every

determinate thing, precisely as the wood is related to the bench and the

marble to the statue. With this conception of matter Aristotle prides

himself upon having conquered the difficulty so frequently urged of

explaining the possibility that any thing can become, since being can

neither come out of being nor out of not-being. For it is not out of

not-being absolutely, but only out of that which as to actuality is

not-being, but which potentially is being, that any thing becomes.

Possible or potential being is no more not-being than actuality. Every

existing object of nature is hence but a potential thing which has

become actualized. Matter is thus a far more positive substratum with

Aristotle than with Plato, who had treated it as absolutely not-being.

From this is clearly seen how Aristotle could apprehend matter in

opposition to form as something positively negative and antithetic to

the form, and as its positive denial (στέρησις).

As matter coalesces with potentiality, so does form coincide with

actuality. It is that which makes a distinguishable and actual object, a

this (τόδε τι) out of the undistinguished and indeterminate matter; it

is the peculiar virtue, the completed activity, the soul of every thing.

That which Aristotle calls form, therefore, is not to be confounded with

what we perhaps may call shape; a hand severed from the arm, for

instance, has still the outward shape of a hand, but according to the

Aristotelian apprehension, it is only a hand now as to matter and not as

to form: an actual hand, a hand as to form, is only that which can do

the proper work of a hand. Pure form is that which, in truth, is without

matter (τὸ τί ἦν εἶναι); or, in other words, the conception of being,

the pure conception. But such pure form does not exist in the realm of

determined being; every determined being, every individual substance

(οὐσία), every thing which is a this, is rather a totality of matter

and form, a (σύνολον). It is, therefore, owing to matter, that being is

not pure form and pure conception; matter is the ground of the becoming,

the manifold, and the accidental; and it is this, also, which gives to

science its limits. For in precisely the measure in which the individual

thing bears in itself a material element is it uncognizable. From what

has been said, it follows that the opposition between matter and form is

a variable one, that being matter in one respect which in another is

form; building-wood, _e. g._ is matter in relation to the completed

house, but in relation to the unhewn tree it is form; the soul in

respect to the body is form, but in respect to the reason, which is the

form of form (εἶδος εἴδους) is it matter. On this standpoint the

totality of all existence may be represented as a ladder, whose lowest

step is a prime matter (πρώτη ὕλη), which is not at all form, and whose

highest step is an ultimate form which is not at all matter, but is pure

form (the absolute, divine spirit). That which stands between these two

points is in one respect matter, and in another respect form, _i. e._

the former is ever translating itself into the latter. This position,

which lies at the basis of the Aristotelian view of nature, is attained

analytically through the observation that all nature exhibits the

perpetual and progressive transition of matter into form, and shows the

exhaustless and original ground of things as it comes to view in ever

ascending ideal formations. That all matter should become form, and all

that is potential should be actual, and all that is should be known, is

doubtless the demand of the reason and the end of all becoming; yet is

this actually impracticable, since Aristotle expressly affirms that

matter as the antithesis, or denial of form, can never become wholly

actualized, and therefore can never be perfectly known. The Aristotelian

system ends thus like its predecessors, in the unsubdued dualism of

matter and form.

(3.) _Potentiality and Actuality_ (δύναμις and ἐνέργεια).—The relation

of matter to form, logically apprehended, is but the relation of

potentiality to actuality. These terms, which Aristotle first employed

according to their philosophical significance, are very characteristic

for his system. We have in the movement of potential being to actual

being the explicit conception of becoming, and in the four principles we

have a distribution of this conception in its parts. The Aristotelian

system is consequently a system of the becoming, in which the Heraclitic

principle appears again in a richer and profounder apprehension, as that

of the Eleatics had done with Plato. Aristotle in this has made no

insignificant step towards the subjection of the Platonic dualism. If

matter is the possibility of form, or reason becoming, then is the

opposition between the idea and the phenomenal world potentially

overcome, at least in principle, since there is one being which appears

both in matter and form only in different stages of development. The

relation of the potential to the actual Aristotle exhibits by the

relation of the unfinished to the finished work, of the unemployed

carpenter to the one at work upon his building, of the individual asleep

to him awake. Potentially the seed-corn is the tree, but the grown up

tree is it actually; the potential philosopher is he who is not at this

moment in a philosophizing condition; even before the battle the better

general is the potential conqueror; potentially is space infinitely

divisible; in fact every thing is potentially which possesses a

principle of motion, of development, or of change, and which, if

unhindered by any thing external, will be of itself. Actuality or

entelechy on the other hand indicates the perfect act, the end as

gained, the completely actual (the grown-up tree _e.g._ is the entelechy

of the seed-corn), that activity in which the act and the completeness

of the act fall together, _e. g._ to see, to think where he sees and he

has seen, he thinks and he has thought (the acting and the completeness

of the act) are one and the same, while in those activities which

involve a becoming, _e. g._ to learn, to go, to become well, the two are

separated. In this apprehension of form (or idea) as actuality or

entelechy, _i. e._ in joining it with the movement of the becoming, is

found the chief antagonism of the Aristotelian and Platonic systems.

Plato considers the idea as being at rest, and consisting for itself, in

opposition to the becoming and to motion; but with Aristotle the idea is

the eternal product of the becoming, it is an eternal energy, _i. e._ an

activity in complete actuality, it is not perfect being, but is being

produced in every moment and eternally, through the movement of the

potential to its actual end.

(4.) _The Absolute, Divine Spirit._—Aristotle has sought to establish

from a number of sides, the conception of the absolute spirit, or as he

calls it, the first mover, and especially by joining it to the relation

of potentiality and actuality.

(_a._) _The Cosmological Form._—The actual is ever antecedent to the

potential not only in conception (for I can speak of potentiality only

in reference to some activity) but also in time, for the acting becomes

actual only through an acting; the uneducated becomes educated through

the educated, and this leads to the claim of a first mover which shall

be pure activity. Or, again, it is only possible that there should be

motion, becoming, or a chain of causes, except as a principle of motion,

a mover exists. But this principle of motion must be one whose essence

is actuality, since that which only exists in possibility cannot alone

become actual, and therefore cannot be a principle of motion. All

becoming postulates with itself that which is eternal and which has not

become, that which itself unmoved is a principle of motion, a first

mover.

(_b._) _The Ontological Form._—In the same way it follows from the

conception of potentiality, that the eternal and necessary being cannot

be potential. For that which potentially is, may just as well either be

or not be; but that which possibly is not, is temporal and not eternal.

Nothing therefore which is absolutely permanent, is potential, but only

actual. Or, again, if potentiality be the first, then can there be no

possible existence, but this contradicts the conception of the absolute

or that which it is impossible should not be.

(_c._) _The Moral Form._—Potentiality always involves a possibility to

the most opposite. He who has the capacity to be well, has also the

capacity to be sick, but actually no man is at the same time both sick

and well. Therefore actuality is better than potentiality, and only it

can belong to the eternal.

(_d._) So far as the relation of potentiality and actuality is identical

with the relation of matter and form, we may apprehend in the following

way these arguments for the existence of a being which is pure

actuality. The supposition of an absolute matter without form (the πρώτη

ὕλη) involves also the supposition of an absolute form without matter (a

πρῶτον εἶδος). And since the conception of form resolves itself into the

three determinations, of the moving, the conceivable, and the final

cause, so is the eternal one the absolute principle of motion (the first

mover πρῶτον χινοῦν), the absolute conception or pure intelligible (the

pure τί ἧν εἶναι), and the absolute end.

All the other predicates of the first mover or the highest principle of

the world, follow from these premises with logical necessity. Unity

belongs to him, since the ground of the manifoldness of being lies in

the matter and he has no participation in matter; he is immovable and

abiding ever the same, since otherwise he could not be the absolute

mover and the cause of all becoming; he is life as active self-end and

actuality; he is at the same time intelligible and intelligence, because

he is absolutely immaterial and free from nature; he is active, _i. e._

thinking intelligence, because his essence is pure actuality; he is

self-contemplating intelligence, because the divine thought cannot

attain its actuality in any thing extrinsic, and because if it were the

thought of any thing other than itself, this would make it depend upon

some potential existence for its actualization. Hence the famed

Aristotelian definition of the absolute that it is the thought of

thought (νόησις νοήαεως), the personal unity of the thinking and the

thought, of the knowing and the known, the absolute subject-object. In

the Metaphysics (XII. 1.) we have a statement in order of these

attributes of the Divine Spirit, and an almost devout sketch of the

eternally blessed Deity, knowing himself in his eternal tranquillity as

the absolute truth, satisfied with himself, and wanting neither in

activity nor in any virtue.

As would appear from this statement, Aristotle has never fully developed

the idea of his absolute spirit, and still less has he harmonized it

with the fundamental principles and demands of his philosophy, although

many consequences of his system would seem to drive him to this, and

numerous principles which he has laid down would seem to prepare the way

for it. This idea is unexpectedly introduced in the twelfth book of the

Metaphysics simply as an assertion, without being farther and

inductively substantiated. It is at once attended with important

difficulties. We do not see why the ultimate ground of motion or the

absolute spirit must be conceived as a personal being; we do not see how

any thing can he a moving cause and yet itself unmoved; how it can be

the origin of all becoming, that is of the departing and arising, and

itself remain a changeless energy, a principle of motion with no

potentiality to be moved, for the moving thing must stand in a relation

of passive and active with the thing moved. Moreover, Aristotle, as

would follow from these contradictory determinations, has never

thoroughly and consistently determined the relation between God and the

world. He has considered the absolute spirit only as contemplative and

theoretical reason, from whom all action must be excluded because he is

perfect end in himself, but every action presupposes an end not yet

perfected; we have thus no true motive for his activity in reference to

the world. He cannot be truly called the first mover in his theoretical

relation alone, and since he is in his essence extra-mundane and

unmoved, he cannot once permeate the life of the world with his

activity; and since also matter on one side never rises wholly to form,

we have, therefore, here again the unreconciled dualism between the

Divine spirit and the unmistakable reality of matter. Many of the

arguments which Aristotle brings against the gods of Anaxagoras may be

urged against his own theory.

IV. THE ARISTOTELIAN PHYSICS.—The Aristotelian Physics, which embraces

the greater portion of his writings, follows the becoming and the

building up of matter into form, the course through which nature as a

living being progresses in order to become individual soul. All becoming

has an end; but end is form, and the absolute form is spirit. With

perfect consistency, therefore, Aristotle regards the human individual

of the male sex as the end and the centre of earthly nature in its

realized form. All else beneath the moon is, as it were, an unsuccessful

attempt of nature to produce the male human, a superfluity which arises

from the impotence of nature to subdue the whole of matter and bring it

into form. Every thing which does not gain the universal end of nature

must be regarded as incomplete, and is properly an exception or

abortion. For instance, he calls it an abortion when a child does not

resemble its father; and the female child he looks upon as an abortion

in a less degree, which he accounts for by the insufficient energy of

the male as the forming principle. In general, Aristotle regards the

female as imperfect in comparison with the male, an imperfection which

belongs in a higher degree to all animals except man. If nature did her

work with perfect consciousness, then were all these mistakes, these

incomplete and improper formations inexplicable, but she is an artist

working only after an unconscious impulse, and does not complete her

work with a clear and rational insight.

1. The universal conditions of all natural existence, _motion_,

_matter_, _space_ and _time_, Aristotle investigates in the books of

Physics. These physical conceptions may, moreover, be reduced to the

metaphysical notions of potentiality and actuality; motion is

accordingly defined as the activity of being potentially, and is

therefore a mean between the merely potential entity and the perfectly

realized activity;—space is the possibility of motion and possesses,

therefore, potentially, though not actively, the property of infinite

divisibility; time is in the same way the infinitely divisible,

expressing the measure of motion in number, and is the number of motion

according to before and after. All three are infinite, but the infinite

which is represented in them is only potentially but not actually a

whole: it comprehends nothing, but is itself comprehended,—a fact

mistaken by those who are accustomed to extol the infinite as though it

comprehended and held every thing in itself, because it had some

similarity with the whole.

2. From his conception of motion Aristotle derives his view of the

_collective universe_, as brought out in his books _De Cælo_. The most

perfect motion is the circular, because this is constant, uniform, and

ever returning into itself. The world as a whole is therefore

conditioned by the circular motion, and being a whole complete in

itself, it has a spherical form. But because the motion which returns

into itself is better than every other, it follows, from the same

ground, that in this spherical universe the better sphere will be in the

circumference where the circular motion is most perfect, and the

inferior one will arrange itself around the centre of the universal

sphere. The former is heaven, the latter is earth, and between the two

stand the planetary spheres. Heaven, as the place of circular motion,

and the scene of unchangeable order, stands nearest the first moving

cause, and is under its immediate influence; it is the place where the

ancients, guided by the correct tradition of a lost wisdom, have, placed

the Divine abode. Its parts, the fixed stars, are passionless and

eternal essences, which have attained the best end, which must be

eternally conceived in a tireless activity, and which, though not

clearly cognizable, are yet much more divine than man, A lower sphere,

next to that of the fixed stars, is the sphere of the planets, among

which, besides the five known to the ancients, he reckons the sun and

the moon. This sphere stands a little removed from the greatest

perfection: instead of moving directly from right to left, as do the

fixed stars, the planets move in contrary directions and in oblique

orbits; they serve the fixed stars, and are ruled by their motion.

Lastly, the earth is in the centre of the universe, farthest removed

from the first mover, and hence partaking in the smallest degree of the

Divine. There are thus three kinds of being, exhibiting three stages of

perfection, and necessary for the explanation of nature; first, the

absolute spirit or God, an immaterial being, who, himself unmoved,

produces motion; second, the super-terrestrial region of the heavens, a

being which is moved and which moves, and which, though not without

matter, is eternal and unchangeable, and possesses ever a circular

motion; and, lastly, in the lowest course this earth, a changeful being,

which has only to play the passive part of being moved.

3. _Nature in a strict sense_, the scene of elemental working,

represents to us a constant and progressive transition of the elementary

to the vegetative, and of the vegetative to the animal world. The lowest

step is occupied by the inanimate bodies of nature, which are simple

products of the elements mingling themselves together, and have their

entelechy only in the determinate combinations of these elements, but

whose energy consists only in striving after a fitting place in the

universe, and in resting there so far as they reach it unhindered. But

now such a mere external entelechy is not possessed by the living

bodies; within them dwells a motion as organizing principle by which

they attain to actuality, and which as a preserving activity develops in

them towards a perfected organization,—in a word they have a soul, for a

soul is the entelechy of an organic body. In plants we find the soul

working only as persevering and nourishing energy: the plant has no

other function than to nourish itself and to propagate its kind; among

animals—where we find a progress according to the mode of their

reproduction—the soul appears as sensitive; animals have sense, and are

capable of locomotion; lastly, the human soul is at the same time

nutritive, sensitive, and cognitive.

4. _Man_, as the end of all nature, embraces in himself the different

steps of development in which the life of nature is exhibited. The

division of the faculties of the soul must therefore be necessarily

regulated, according to the division of living creatures. As the

nutritive faculty is alone the property of vegetables, and sensation, of

animals, while to the more perfect animals locomotion also belongs, so

are these three activities also development steps of the human soul, the

antecedent being the necessary condition of, and presupposed in time by,

the subsequent, while the soul itself is nothing other than the union of

these different activities of an organic body in one common end, as the

entelechy of the organic body. The fourth step, thought or reason,

which, added to the three others, constitutes the peculiarity of the

human soul, forms alone an exception from the general law. It is not a

simple product of the lower facilities of the soul, it does not stand

related to them simply as a higher stage of development, nor simply as

the soul to the body, as the end to the instrument, as actuality to

possibility, as form to matter. But as pure intellectual activity, it

completes itself without any mediation of a bodily organ; as the reason

comes into the body from without, so is it separable from the body, and

therefore has it no inner connection with the bodily functions, but is

something wholly foreign in nature. True, there exists a connection

between thought and sensation, for while the sensations are outwardly

divided, according to the different objects of sense, yet internally

they meet in one centre, as a common sense. Here they become changed

into images and representations, which again become transmuted into

thoughts, and so it might seem as if thought were only the result of the

sensation, as if intelligence were passively determined; (here we might

notice the proposition falsely ascribed to Aristotle: _nihil est in

intellectu quod non fuerit in sensu_, and also the well-known though

often misunderstood comparison of the soul with an unwritten tablet,

which only implies this much, viz., that as the unwritten tablet is

potentially but not actually a book, so does knowledge belong

potentially though not actually to the human reason; fundamentally and

radically the thought may have in itself universal conceptions, so far

as it has the capacity to form them, but not actually, nor in a

determined or developed form). But this passivity presupposes rather an

activity; for if the thought in its actuality, in that it appears as

knowledge, _becomes_ all forms and therefore all things, then must the

thought _constitute itself_ that which it becomes, and therefore all

passively determined human intelligence rests on an originally active

intelligence, which exists as self-actualizing possibility and pure

actuality, and which, as such, is wholly independent of the human body,

and has not its entelechy in it but in itself, and is not therefore

participant in the death of the body, but lives on as universal reason,

eternal and immortal. The Aristotelian dualism here again appears.

Manifestly this active intelligence stands related to the soul as God to

nature. The two sides possess no essential relation to each other. As

the Divine spirit could not enter the life of the world, so is the human

spirit unable to permeate the life of sense; although it is determined

as something passionless and immaterial, still must it as soul be

connected with matter, and although it is pure and self-contemplative

form, still it should be distinguished from the Divine spirit which is

its counterpart; the want of a satisfactory mediation on the side of the

human and on that of the Divine, is in these respects unmistakable.

V. THE ARISTOTELIAN ETHICS. 1. RELATION OF ETHICS TO PHYSICS.—Aristotle,

guided by his tendency towards the natural, has more closely connected

ethics and physics than either of his predecessors, Socrates or Plato,

had done. While Plato found it impossible to speak of the good in man’s

moral condition, disconnected from the idea of the good in itself,

Aristotle’s principal object is to determine what is good for man

solely; and he supposes that the good in itself, the idea of the good,

in no way facilitates the knowledge of that good, which alone is

attainable in practical life. It is only the latter, the moral element

in the life of men, and not the good in the great affairs of the

universe, with which ethics has to do. Aristotle therefore considers the

good especially in its relation to the natural condition of men, and

affirms that it is the end towards which nature herself tends. Instead

of viewing the moral element as something purely intellectual, he rather

apprehends it as only the bloom of the physical, which here becomes

spiritualized and ethical; instead of making virtue to be knowledge, he

treats it as the normal perfection of the natural instinct. That man is

_by nature_ a political animal, is his fundamental proposition for the

doctrine of the state.

From this connection of the ethical and the physical, arose the

objections which Aristotle urged against the Socratic conception of

virtue. Socrates had looked to the dialectical exclusively for the

ground of all morality, and had accordingly made virtue and knowledge

one. But in this, said Aristotle, the pathological element which is

associated by nature with every moral act, is destroyed. It is not

reason, but the circumstances and natural bias of the soul which are the

first ground of virtue. There is an instinct in the soul which at first

strives unconsciously after the good, which is only subsequently sought

with the full moral insight. Moral virtue arises first from that which

is natural. It is on this ground, also, that Aristotle combats the

notion that virtue may be learned. It is not through the perfection of

knowledge, but by exercise that we become acquainted with the good. It

is by a practice of moral acts that we become virtuous, just as by a

practice of building and of music we become architects and musicians;

for the habit which is the ground of moral constancy, is only a fruit of

the abundant repetition of a moral action. Hence it is that originally

we have our virtuous or our vicious dispositions in our power, but as

soon as they are formed either to virtue or to vice, we are no longer

able to control them. It is by three things, therefore, nature, habit,

and reason, that man becomes good. The standpoint of Aristotle is in

these respects directly opposed to that of Socrates. While Socrates

regarded the moral and the natural as two opposites, and made the moral

conduct to be the consequent of a rational enlightenment, Aristotle

treated both as different steps of development, and reversing the order

of Socrates, made the rational enlightenment in moral things consequent

upon the moral conduct.

2. THE HIGHEST GOOD.—Every action has an end; but since every end is

only itself a means to some other, we need therefore something after

which we can strive for its own sake, and which is a good absolutely, or

a best. What now is this highest good and supreme object of human

pursuit? In name, at least, all men are agreed upon it, and call it

happiness, but what happiness is, is a much disputed point. If asked in

what human happiness consists, the first characteristic given would be

that it belongs alone to the peculiar being of man. But sensation is not

peculiar to man, for he shares this with the brute. A sensation of

pleasure, therefore, which arises when some desire is gratified, may be

the happiness of the brute, but certainly does not constitute the

essential of human happiness. Human happiness must express the

completeness of intelligent existence, and because intelligence is

essentially activity, therefore the happiness of man cannot consist in

any merely passive condition, but must express a completeness of human

action. Happiness therefore is a well-being, which is at the same time a

well-doing, and it is a well-doing which satisfies all the conditions of

nature, and which finds the highest contentment or well-being in an

unrestrained energy. Activity and pleasure are thus inseparably bound

together by a natural bond, and happiness is the result of their union

when they are sustained through a perfect life. Hence the Aristotelian

definition of happiness. It is a perfect practical activity in a perfect

life.

Although it might seem from this as though Aristotle placed the

happiness of man in the natural activity of the soul, and regarded this

as self-sufficient, still he is not blind to the fact that perfect

happiness is dependent on other kinds of good whose possession is not

absolutely within our power. It is true he expresses an opinion, that

outward things in moderation are sufficient, and that only great success

or signal reverses materially influence the happens of life; still he

holds that wealth, the possession of friends and children, noble birth,

beauty of body, etc., are more or less necessary conditions of

happiness, though these are partly dependent on accidental

circumstances. These wavering and inconsistent views of Aristotle

respecting the nature of happiness, naturally rise from his empirical

method of investigation. Careful in noting every thing which our limited

experience seems to utter, he expressly avoids making either virtue or

pleasure his principle, because actual experience shows the separation

of the two. Although therefore he gives directions in general to strive

after that pleasure in which the good man delights, or which is

connected with a virtuous activity, yet is pleasure with him an end for

its own sake, and not merely an accident of virtue, an empiricist,

Aristotle is here also a dualist, while the Stoics and Epicureans have

respectively taken and held fast to each of the two sides.

3. CONCEPTION OF VIRTUE.—As has already been seen in the Aristotelian

Polemic against Socrates, virtue is the product of an oft-repeated moral

action, a condition acquired through practice, a moral dexterity of the

soul. The nature of this dexterity is seen in the following way: every

action completes something as its work; but now if a work is imperfect

when it has either a want or a superfluity, so also is every action

imperfect in so far as there is in it either too little or too much; its

perfection, therefore, is only found as it contains the right degree,

the true mean between the too much and too little. Accordingly, virtue

in general may be explained as the observation of the right mean in

action, by which is meant not the arithmetical or absolute mean, but the

one relative to ourselves. For what is enough for one individual is

insufficient for another. The virtue of a man, of a woman, of a child,

and of a slave is respectively different. Thus, virtue depends upon

time, circumstance, and relation. The determination of this correct mean

will always waver. In the impossibility of an active and exhaustive

formula, we can only say respecting it that it is the correct mean as

determined by a correct practical insight which is seen to be such by

the intelligent man.

It follows from this general conception of virtue, that there will be as

many separate virtues as there are circumstances of life, and as men are

ever entering into new relations, in which it becomes difficult

practically to determine the correct method of action, Aristotle, in

opposition to Plato, would limit the field of separate virtues by no

definite number. Only certain fundamental virtues can be named according

as there are certain fixed and fundamental relations among men. For

instance, man has a fixed relation to pleasure and pain. In relation to

pain, the true moral mean is found in neither fearing nor courting it,

and this is valor. In relation to pleasure, the true mean standing

between greediness and indifference is temperance. In social life, the

moral mean is between doing and suffering wrong, which is justice. In a

similar way many other virtues might be characterized, each one of them

standing as a mean between two vices, the one of which expresses a want

and the other a superfluity. A closer exhibition of the Aristotelian

doctrine of virtue would have much psychological and linguistic

interest, though but little philosophical worth. Aristotle takes the

conception of his virtues more from the use of language than from a

thoroughly applied principle of classification. His classification of

virtues is, therefore, without any stable ground, and is differently

given in different places. The conception of the correct mean which

Aristotle makes the measure of a moral act is obviously unworthy of a

systematic representation, for as it cannot be determined how the

intelligent man would act in every case, there could never be given any

specific directions how others should act. In fine, the criterion of

virtue as the correct mean between two vices cannot be always applied

for in the virtue of wisdom, _e. g._ which Aristotle describes as the

mean between simplicity and cunning, there is no such thing as too much.

4. THE STATE.—Aristotle, like Plato, makes the highest condition of

moral virtue attainable only through political life. The state exists

before the individual, as the whole is prior to its parts. The

rationality and morality of the state is thus antecedent to that of the

individual. Hence in the best state, moral and political virtue, the

virtue of the man and the virtue of the citizen are one and the same

thing, although in states as they are, the good citizen is not

necessarily also the good man. But though this principle harmonized with

Plato, yet Aristotle, at whose time the old aboriginal states had

already begun their process of dissolution, cherished a very different

view concerning the relation of the individual and the family to the

state. He allows to both these an incomparably greater consideration,

and yields to them a far wider field of independent action. Hence he

combats Plato’s community of wives and goods, not simply on the ground

of its practicability, but also on the ground of its principle, since

the state cannot be conceived as a strict unit, or as possessing any

such centralization as would weaken or destroy individual activity. With

Plato the state is but the product of the philosophical reflection,

while with Aristotle it results from given circumstances, from history

and experience, and he therefore wholly omits to sketch a model state or

a normal constitution, but carefully confines his attention to those

which actually exist. Although the ideal of a state constitution in the

form of a limited monarchy is unmistakably in his mind, still he

contents himself with portraying the different kinds of polities in

their peculiarities, their origin, and their reciprocal transitions. He

does not undertake to declare which is the best state absolutely, since

this depends upon circumstances, and one constitution is not adapted for

every state. He simply attempts to show what form of the state is

relatively the best and the most advisable under certain historical

circumstances, and under given natural, climatic, geographic, economic,

and intellectual conditions. In this he is faithful to the character of

his whole philosophy. Standing on the basis of the empirical, he

advances here as elsewhere, critically and reflectively, and in despair

of attaining the absolutely true and good, he seeks for these

relatively, with his eye fixed only on the probable and the practicable.

VI.—THE PERIPATETIC SCHOOL.—The school of Aristotle, called the

Peripatetic, can here only be mentioned; the want of independence in its

philosophizing, and the absence of any great and universal influence,

rendering it unworthy an extended notice. Theophrastus, Eudemus, and

Strato are its most famous leaders. Like most philosophical schools, it

confines itself chiefly to a more thorough elaboration and explanation

of the system of its master. In some empirical provinces, especially the

physical, the attempt was made to carry out still further the system,

while at the same time its speculative basis was set aside and

neglected.

VII.—TRANSITION TO THE POST-ARISTOTELIAN PHILOSOPHY.—The productive

energy of Grecian philosophy expends itself with Aristotle,

contemporaneously and in connection with the universal decay of Grecian

life and spirit. Instead of the great and universal systems of a Plato

and an Aristotle, we have now systems of a partial and one-sided

character, corresponding to that universal breach between the subject

and the objective world which characterized the civil, religious, and

social life of this last epoch of Greece, the time succeeding Alexander

the Great. That subjectivity, which had been first propounded by the

Sophists, was at length, after numerous struggles, victorious, though

its triumph was gained upon the ruins of the Grecian civil and artistic

life; the individual has become emancipated, the subject is no longer to

be given up to the objective world, the liberated subjectivity must now

be perfected and satisfied. This process of development is seen in the

post-Aristotelian philosophy, though it finds its conditioning cause in

the character of the preceding philosophical strivings. The dualism

which formed the chief want of the systems both of Plato and Aristotle,

has forced itself upon our attention at every step. The attempt which

had been made, with the greatest expenditure of which the Grecian mind

was capable, to refer back to one ultimate ground both subject and

object, mind and matter, had produced no satisfactory result; and these

two oppositions, around which all previous philosophy had struggled in

vain, still remained disconnected. Wearied with the fruitless attempts

at mediation, the subject now breaks with the objective world. Its

attention is directed towards itself in its own self-consciousness. The

result of this gives us either STOICISM, where the moral subject appears

in the self-sufficiency of the sage to whom every external good and

every objective work is indifferent, and who finds a good only in a

moral activity; or EPICUREANISM, where the subject delights itself in

the inner feeling of pleasure and the calm repose of a satisfied heart,

enjoying the present and the past, and never fearing the future while it

sees in the objective world only a means by which it can utter itself;

or, again, Scepticism, where the subject, doubting and rejecting all

objective truth and science, appears in the apathy of the Sceptic, who

has broken both theoretically and practically with the objective world.

In fine, NEW-PLATONISM, the last of the ancient philosophical systems,

bears this same character of subjectivity, for this whole system turns

upon the exaltation of the subject to the absolute, and wherever it

speculates respecting God and his relation to man, it is alone in order

to establish the progressive transition from the absolute object to the

human personality. The ruling principle in it all is the interest of the

subjectivity, and the fact that in this system there are numerous

objective determinations, is only because the subject has become

absolute.

A History of Philosophy in Epitome · 第 16 / 45 章