CHAPTER XXI.

HISTORY OF TWO AUTOS-DA-FE, CELEBRATED AGAINST THE LUTHERANS IN THE CITY

OF SEVILLE.

An _auto-da-fe_ was celebrated on the 24th of September, 1559, in the

place of St. Francis, at Seville, not less remarkable for the rank of

the condemned, than for the nature of their trials. Four bishops

attended at it; the coadjutor of Seville, those of Largo and the

Canaries, who happened to be in the city, and of Tarrazona, whom the

king had authorized to reside at Seville as vice-inquisitor-general.

The inquisitors of the district of Seville were Don Michel del Carpio,

Don Andres Gasco, and Don Francis Galdo; Don Juan de Obando represented

the archbishop. I make this remark, to show that none of the judges were

named _Vargas_, as the author of a romance entitled _Cornelia Bororquia_

has asserted.

This _auto-da-fe_ was celebrated before the royal court of justice, the

chapter of the cathedral, some grandees of Spain, and a great number of

titled persons and gentlemen; the Duchess of Bejar was present with

several ladies, and an immense concourse of people. Twenty-one persons

were _relaxed_, with an effigy of a contumacious person, and eighty

persons condemned to penances, the greatest number of whom were

Lutherans; I shall mention the most remarkable instances.

The effigy was that of Francis Zafra, the beneficed priest of the parish

of St. Vincent of Seville, who was condemned as a Lutheran, but had made

his escape. Gonzalez de Montes gives a long account of this man, which I

found to be correct, on examining the papers of the holy office. He says

that Francis Zafra was well versed in the Scriptures; for some time he

succeeded in concealing his inclination to Lutheranism, and was employed

by the inquisitors to qualify denounced propositions, and that he was

thus enabled to save many persons from being condemned. He had received

into his house one of the women called _Beates_, who (after obstinately

supporting the new doctrines) became so much deranged, that he was

obliged to confine and scourge her, to calm her violence. In 1555, this

woman escaped, and denounced three hundred persons as Lutherans to the

Inquisition: the inquisitors drew up a list of them; Francis Zafra was

summoned, and although he was mentioned as one of the principal

heretics, proved that they could not receive the evidence of a person

whose mind was so much disordered[20]. As the holy office never

neglected anything that could assist in discovering heresy, this list

caused the conduct of many persons to be strictly observed, and more

than eight hundred were arrested; Francis Zafra was one of the

prisoners, but he contrived to escape, and was burnt in effigy as

contumacious.

The first person I shall mention as condemned to relaxation, was Donna

Isabella de Baena, a rich lady of Seville. Her house was razed to the

ground for having served as a temple to the Lutherans.

I find, among the other victims at Seville, Don Juan Ponce de Leon,

youngest son to the Count de Baylen; he was cousin-german to the Duke

d'Arcos, and related to the Duchess de Bejar, who were both present at

his _auto-da-fe_. He was condemned as an impenitent Lutheran: he at

first denied the charges, but confessed during the torture: the

inquisitors sent a priest, with whom he was well acquainted, to persuade

him that it would be to his advantage if he confessed the truth. Ponce

was deceived, and made the confession they required; but on discovering

his mistake, the day before the _auto-da-fe_, he made one truly

Lutheran, and treated the priest who attended him with contempt.

Gonzalez de Montes pretends that he persisted in his sentiments, but he

is mistaken, for Ponce confessed when he was fastened to the stake, and

strangled before he was burnt.

Don Juan Gonzalez, a priest of Seville, and a celebrated preacher of

Andalusia, embraced Mahometanism at twelve years of age, because his

parents were Moors, but he was reconciled by the Inquisition. Some time

after he was imprisoned as a Lutheran, but obstinately persisted in

refusing to confess, even when tortured; affirming that his opinions

were founded on the Holy Scriptures, and that, consequently, he could

not be a heretic. This example was imitated by his two sisters, who

suffered in the same _auto-da-fe_: When the gags were taken from their

mouths, Don Juan told them to sing the 106th psalm. They died (say the

Protestants) in the faith of Jesus Christ, and detesting the errors of

the _Papists_.

Brother Garcia de Arias (surnamed the _White Doctor_, on account of the

extreme whiteness of his hair) was a Jeronimite of the Convent of St.

Isidore, at Seville; he was condemned as an impenitent Lutheran, and

perished in the flames. He had professed the doctrines of Luther for

several years, but his sentiments were known only to the principal

partisans of the heresy, such as Vargas, Egidius, and Constantine: his

prudence was so great, that he was looked upon as an orthodox theologian

and of the greatest piety: he even carried his dissimulation so far as

to profess to be an enemy to the Lutherans. He was several times

employed to qualify heretical propositions, and appeared to be so

devoted to the inquisitorial system, that though he was denounced

several times, the inquisitors declared that the informers acted out of

hatred to him. However, the informations were communicated to him, that

he might be more cautious in his conversations with suspicious persons.

His conduct towards Gregorio Riuz ought to be recorded. Riuz was

denounced for some explanations of doctrine in a sermon; being obliged

to appear and defend his doctrine before theologians, he applied to his

friend, the White Doctor, who wished to hear his exposition of the

principles he intended for his defence, and the solutions he had

prepared for the difficulties which he might meet with. When the

assembly took place, the Inquisitors commissioned Arias to argue against

Riuz, who was much surprised to see him at this conference, and still

more so, when he heard him speak in such a manner, that the answers he

had prepared were entirely useless. Riuz sunk under this attack, and the

doctor Arias was severely reproached for his treachery by the Lutheran

doctors, Vargas, Egidius, and Constantine.

Arias taught the Lutheran doctrine to some monks of his convent: one of

them (Brother Cassiodorus) made so much progress in it, that he

converted almost all the monks of the community, so that the monastic

exercises were no longer practised. Twelve of these persons being

alarmed at this state of things fled to Germany; the rest who remained

at Seville, were condemned by the Inquisition. The same fate awaited

Garcia d'Arias; the depositions against him continued to multiply, and

he was at last arrested. Foreseeing the result of his trial, he made a

confession of his faith, and undertook to prove, that the opinions of

Luther were founded on the gospel. He persevered in his impenitence, and

no Catholic could convert him, because he understood doctrine better

than those who disputed with him.

Donna Maria de Virues, Donna Maria Cornel, and Donna Maria Bohorques,

also perished in this _auto-da-fe_. They were all young, and of the

highest class of nobility. The history of the last of these ladies ought

to be made known, on account of some circumstances in her trial, and

because a Spaniard has composed a _novel_ under the title of _Cornelia

Bororquia_, which he affirms to be rather a history than a romance,

although it is neither the one nor the other, but a collection of scenes

and events badly conceived, in which he has not even given the actors

their true names, from not having understood the History of the

Inquisition by Limborch. This historian has mentioned two of the ladies

by the names of _Cornelia_ and _Bohorquia_, which means _Donna Maria

Cornel_, and _Donna Maria Bohorquia_. The Spanish author has united

these names, to designate _Cornelia Bororquia_ an imaginary person. He

has supposed a love-intrigue between her and the inquisitor-general,

which is absurd, since he was at Madrid. He has also introduced

examinations which never took place in the tribunal; in short, the

intention of the author was to criticise and ridicule the Inquisition,

and the fear of being punished for it induced him to fly to Bayonne. A

good cause becomes bad when falsehood is employed in its defence: the

true history of the Inquisition is sufficient to show how much it merits

the detestation of the human race, and it is therefore useless to employ

fictions or satire. The same may be said of the _Gusmanade_, a French

poem, containing assertions false and injurious to the memory of St.

Dominic de Guzman, whose personal conduct was very pure, though he may

be blamed for his conduct to the Albigenses.

Donna Maria de Bohorques, was the natural daughter of Pedro Garcia de

Xerez Bohorques of one of the first families of Seville, and from which

sprung the Marquises de Ruchena, grandees of the first class. She was

not twenty-one years of age when she was arrested as a Lutheran. She had

been instructed by the doctor, Juan Gil (or Egidius), was perfectly

acquainted with the Latin language, and understood Greek; she had many

Lutheran books, and had committed to memory the Gospels, and some of the

principal works which explain the text in a Lutheran sense. She was

conducted to the secret prisons, where she acknowledged her opinions,

and defended them as Catholic. She said that some of the facts and

propositions contained in the depositions were true, but denied the

others, either because she had forgotten them, or was afraid to

compromise others. She was then tortured, and confessed that her sister,

Jane Bohorques, was acquainted with her sentiments, and had not

disapproved them. The fatal consequences of this confession will be

shown hereafter. The definitive sentence was pronounced, and Maria

Bohorques was condemned to _relaxation_. As the sentence was not

communicated to the prisoner till the day before the _auto-da-fe_, the

inquisitors desired that Maria should be exhorted during the interval.

Two Jesuits and two Dominicans were successively sent to her. They

returned full of admiration at the learning of the prisoner, but

displeased at her obstinacy, in explaining the texts of Scripture which

they proposed, in a Lutheran sense. On the day before the _auto-da-fe_,

two other Dominicans went with the first, to make a last effort to

convert Maria, and they were followed by several other theologians of

different religious orders. Maria received them with as much pleasure as

politeness, but she told them, that they might spare themselves the

trouble of speaking to her of their doctrines, as they could not be more

concerned for her salvation than she was herself; that she would

renounce her opinions if she felt the least uncertainty; but that she

was still more convinced that she was right, since so many _popish_

theologians had not been able to advance any arguments, for which she

had not prepared a solid and conclusive answer. At the place of

execution, Don Juan Ponce de Leon, who had abjured heresy, exhorted

Maria to do the same. She received his advice very ill, and called him

_ignorant, an idiot, and a babbler_: she added, that it was no longer a

time to dispute, and that the few moments they had to live ought to be

employed in meditating on the passion and death of their Redeemer, to

reanimate the faith by which they were to be justified and saved.

Although she was so obstinate, several priests, and a great number of

monks, earnestly entreated that she might be spared, in consideration of

her extreme youth and surprising merit, if she would consent to repeat

the _Credo_. The inquisitors granted their request; but scarcely had

Maria finished it, than she began to interpret the articles on the

Catholic faith, and the judgment of the quick and the dead, according to

the opinions of Luther: they did not give her time to conclude; the

executioner strangled her, and she was afterwards burnt. Such is the

true history of Maria Bohorques, according to the writings of the

Inquisition.

Paul IV. died at Rome on the 18th of August, 1559, a few days before the

_auto-da-fe_ at Seville. When the Romans learnt this event, they went in

crowds to the Inquisition, set all the prisoners at liberty, and burnt

the house and the archives of the tribunal. It cost much money and

trouble to prevent the enraged populace from burning the convent _De la

Sapienza_ of the Dominicans, who conducted all the affairs of the Roman

Inquisition. The principal commissioner was wounded, and his house

burnt. The statue of Paul IV. was taken from the capitol and destroyed;

the arms of the house of Carafa were everywhere defaced, and even the

mortal remains of the Pope would have been abused, if the Canons of the

Vatican had not interred him secretly, and if the guards had not

defended the pontifical residence[21]. This revolt of the Romans did not

alarm the inquisitors of Spain, where the people had been brought up by

the monks in different principles from those professed by their

ancestors under the reign of Ferdinand, and the first ten years of that

of Charles V.

_Auto-da-fe of the year 1560._

The inquisitors of Seville, who had perhaps depended on the presence of

Philip II., prepared another _auto-da-fe_ for him similar to that of

Valladolid. When they had lost all hope of that honour, the ceremony was

performed: it took place on the 22nd of December, 1560. Fourteen

individuals were burnt in person (_i. e._ relaxed), and three in effigy;

thirty-four were subjected to penances, and the reconciliation of three

other persons was read before the _auto-da-fe_. The effigies were those

of the Doctors Egidius, Constantine, and Juan Perez.

Constantine Ponce de la Fuente was born at _San Clemente de la Mancha_,

in the diocese of Cuenca; he finished his studies at Alcala de Henares,

with the Doctor Juan Gil, or _Egidius_; and with Vargas, who died during

his trial. These three theologians were the principal chiefs of the

Lutherans at Seville, whom they secretly directed, enjoying at the same

time the reputation of good Catholics and virtuous priests. Egidius

preached much in the metropolitan church; Constantine was less ardent in

his zeal, but he obtained as much applause; Vargas explained the

Scriptures in the pulpit of the municipality. Constantine refused the

dignity of magisterial canon, which was offered to him both by the

Chapter of Cuenca and that of Toledo. Charles V. appointed him his

almoner and preacher; in this quality he took him to Germany, where he

made a long stay. On his return to Seville, he directed the College _de

la Doctrina_, and there established a pulpit to preach the Holy

Scriptures, of which he appointed the salary: he undertook to fill the

office, and during this period the Canons' corporation offered him the

place of magisterial canon; exempting him from the usual competition.

Some of the canons recollecting the unfortunate consequences of the

election of Juan Gil (who was appointed in the same manner), wished that

the competition should take place. Constantine was requested to submit

to it, and assured that he would triumph over the competitors. This, in

fact, took place in 1556, in opposition to the appeals and intrigues of

the only person who had the courage to compete with him. While

Constantine continued to enjoy general esteem, the declarations of a

great number of prisoners who were arrested for Lutheranism, caused his

arrest in 1558, some months before the death of Charles V. During the

time that he was preparing his defence, an accident happened which

rendered it useless.

Isabella Martinez, a widow of Seville, was arrested as a Lutheran. Her

property was sequestrated; but it was soon found, that Francis Beltran,

her son, had concealed several chests of valuable effects before the

inventory was taken. Constantine had committed some prohibited books to

the care of this woman, who concealed them in her cellar. The

inquisitors sent Louis Sotelo, the alguazil of the holy office, to

Francis Beltran, to claim the effects which he had concealed. Francis,

on seeing the alguazil, did not doubt that his mother had declared the

concealment of the books given to her care by Constantine, and without

waiting until Sotelo should tell him the cause of his visit, he said,

_Senor Sotelo, I suppose that you come for the things deposited in my

mother's house. If you will promise that I shall not be punished for not

giving information of them, I will show you what there is hidden there._

Beltran then conducted the alguazil to his mother's house, and pulled

down part of the wall, behind which the Lutheran books of Constantine

had been concealed; Sotelo, astonished at this sight, told him that he

should take possession of the books, but that he did not consider

himself bound by his promise, as he only came to claim the effects which

he had concealed. This declaration increased the alarm of Beltran, and

he gave everything up to the alguazil, on condition that he might remain

free in his house. This denunciation had been made by a servant, who

hoped to obtain the benefit of the act of Ferdinand V., which assigns

the fourth part of the concealed effects to the informer.

Among the prohibited books, were found several writings by Constantine

Ponce de Fuente, which treated of the true church according to the

principles of the Lutherans, and proved in their manner, that this

church was not that of the _papists_: he also discussed in them several

other points on which the Lutherans differed from the Catholics.

Constantine could not deny these papers, as they were in his own

hand-writing; he confessed that they contained the profession of his

faith, but refused to name his accomplices and disciples. The

inquisitors, instead of decreeing the torture, plunged him into a deep,

humid, and obscure dungeon, where the air, impregnated with the most

dangerous miasma, soon altered his health. Overcome by this persecution,

he exclaimed, "_My God, were there no Scythians or cannibals into whose

hands to deliver me, rather than to let me fall into the power of these

barbarians!_" This situation could not last long; Constantine fell sick,

and died of a dysentery: it was reported, when the _auto-da-fe_ was

celebrated, that he had killed himself to avoid his punishment. His

trial was as celebrated as his person. The inquisitors caused the

_merits_ or charges against him to be read in a pulpit close to their

seats, where the people could not hear them; the Corregidor Calderon

remarked the circumstance twice, and they were obliged to begin it again

where those of the other trials were read. Constantine had published the

first part of a catechism; the second was not printed. The following

works of Constantine were inserted in the prohibitory Index, published

in 1559, by Don Ferdinand Valdes:--An Abridgment of the Christian

Doctrine; a Dialogue on the same subject, between a Master and his

Disciple; The Confession of a Sinner to Jesus Christ; A Christian

Catechism; An Exposition of the Psalm, _Beatus qui non abiit in concilio

impiorum_. Alphonso de Ulloa, in his Life of Charles V., gives the

highest praise to the works of Constantine, particularly his Treatise on

the Christian Doctrine, which was translated into Italian[22]. The

effigy of Contantine was not like those of the other condemned persons

(which were an unformed mass surmounted by a head); it was an entire

figure with the arms spread, as Constantine was accustomed to do when

preaching, and was clothed in garments which appeared to have belonged

to him. After the _auto-da-fe_, this figure was taken back to the Holy

Office, and a common effigy was burnt with the bones of the condemned.

Another prisoner died in the dungeons of the Inquisition; he was

(according to Gonzalez de Montis) a monk of the Convent of St. Isidore,

named Ferdinand. The same author affirms, that one Olmedo, a Lutheran,

was likewise carried off by an epidemic disease which ravaged the

prisons, and that he uttered groans similar to those of Constantine when

he was dying. I have not found that any Inquisition in Spain has, of

late years, condemned any person to this sort of dungeon, unless the

torture was decreed; the inquisitors of that time cannot be pardoned for

making them a common prison.

The Doctor Juan Perez de Pineda, whose effigy was the third in the

_auto-da-fe_, was born at Montilla in Andalusia; he was placed at the

head of the College _de la Doctrina_, in which the young people of

Seville were educated.

He made his escape when he was informed that the inquisitors were about

to arrest him as suspected of Lutheranism. Proceedings were instituted

against him as contumacious, and he was condemned as a formal Lutheran

heretic. He had composed several works: the Index prohibited the

following: The Holy Bible, translated into the Castilian tongue; a

Catechism, printed at Venice in 1556 by Pedro Daniel; The Psalms of

David in Spanish; and a Summary of the Christian Doctrine. Juan Perez

had attained a great age when he was condemned. Of the fourteen persons

who were reconciled in the second _auto-da-fe_ the most remarkable

were:--

Julian Hernandez, surnamed the _Little_, a native of Villaverde. The

wish to promulgate Lutheran books in Seville induced him to go to

Germany. He gave the books to Don Juan Ponce de Leon, who undertook to

distribute them. He passed more than three years in the prisons of the

Holy Office, and was tortured several times, to force him to discover

his accomplices. He bore the torture with a fortitude far above his

physical strength, and remained faithful to his creed. When he arrived

at the stake he arranged the wood around him so as to burn quickly; the

Doctor Ferdinand Rodriguez, who attended him, demanded that the gag

should be taken from his month, that he might make his confession, but

Julian opposed it, and he was burnt.

Nicholas Burton, born in England, was condemned at an impenitent

Lutheran heretic. It is impossible to justify the conduct of the

inquisitors to this Englishman, and several other foreigners who had not

settled in Spain, and were merely returning to their respective

countries after having transacted their commercial affairs. This man

came to Spain in a vessel laden with merchandise, which, he said, was

all his own property, but of which some part belonged to John Fronton,

who was reconciled in this _auto-da-fe_. Burton refused to abjure, and

was burnt alive; the inquisitors seized his vessel and its freight, thus

proving that avarice was the principal motive of the Inquisition. The

inquisitors were guilty of a great cruelty in this instance, and the

commerce of Spain would perhaps have been destroyed, if the violence

committed against Burton, and some others, had not been protested

against by the different powers, which induced Philip IV. to prohibit

the inquisitors from molesting foreign merchants and travellers, if they

did not attempt to promulgate heretical opinions; but the inquisitors

eluded this order, by pretending that they brought prohibited books into

the kingdom, or spoke in favour of heresy.

Gonzalez de Montes speaks of the arrival in Spain of a very rich

stranger, named Rehukin, whose vessel was finer and better built than

any that had ever appeared at San-Lucar de Barrameda. The Inquisition

arrested him as an heretic, and confiscated his property; the merchant

proved that the vessel did not belong to him, and that it could not be

included in the confiscation; but his efforts to recover it were

useless.

Two other foreigners shared the fate of Burton. One was an Englishman

named William Brook, born at Sarum, and a sailor; the other was a

Frenchman of Bayonne, named Fabianne, whose trade required his presence

in Spain.

The _Beata_ protected by Francis Zafra, who had recovered her senses,

but persisted in her heresy, was burnt in this _auto-da-fe_, with five

women of her family. Thirty-four persons were condemned to penances. The

most remarkable instances were:--

John Fronton, an Englishman of the city of Bristol, who came to Seville,

where he was informed of the arrest of Nicholas Burton. He was the

proprietor of a considerable part of the merchandise taken from Burton,

and after proving this fact by documents which he brought from England

he claimed restitution. He was subjected to great delays and expenses,

but as it was impossible to deny his rights, the inquisitors promised to

restore the merchandise: in the mean time they contrived that witnesses

should appear and depose that John Fronton had advanced heretical

propositions, and he was taken to the secret prisons. The fear of death

induced Fronton to say everything that the inquisitors required, and he

demanded reconciliation. He was declared to be _violently suspected_ of

the Lutheran heresy. This was sufficient to authorize the inquisitors to

seize his property, and he was reconciled, condemned to forfeit his

merchandise, and to wear the _san-benito_ for the space of one year.

This is a remarkable proof of the mischief produced by the secrecy of

the inquisitorial proceedings. If the affair of John Fronton had been

made public, any lawyer would have shown the nullity and falsehood of

the _instruction_. Yet there are Englishmen who defend the tribunal of

the holy office as a useful institution, and I have heard an _English

Catholic priest_ speak in its defence. I represented that he did not

understand the nature of the tribunal; that I was not less attached to

the Catholic religion than he, or any inquisitor might be; but that if

the spirit of peace and charity, humility and disinterestedness,

inculcated by the Holy Scriptures, is compared with the system of

severity, craft, and malice, dictated by the laws of the holy office,

and the power possessed by the inquisitors (from the secrecy of their

proceedings) of abusing their authority in defiance of natural and

divine laws, the orders of the Popes and the royal decrees, it will be

impossible not to detest the tribunal as only tending to produce

hypocrisy.

Gaspard de Benavides was an alcalde of the prison of the Inquisition,

and appeared in the _auto-da-fe_ with a flambeau; he was banished for

life from Seville, and lost his place, for _having failed in zeal and

attention in his employment_. Let this qualification and the sentence be

compared with the crime of which he was accused. He purloined part of

the small rations of the prisoners, the food which he gave them was of a

bad quality, and he made them pay for it, as if it was superior; he did

not take care to prepare it properly, it was badly cooked and seasoned;

he deceived them in the price of wood, and made false bills of

expenditure. If any of the prisoners complained, he removed them to a

dark and humid dungeon, where he left them for a fortnight or even

longer, to punish them for murmuring; he did not fail to tell them that

he did this by the order of the inquisitors, and that they were released

at his intercession. When any prisoner demanded an audience, Gaspard

(fearing that they would denounce him) did not inform the inquisitors of

the request, and told the prisoner the next day that the inquisitors

were so much occupied that they could not grant audiences. In short,

there was no sort of injustice which he did not commit, until the moment

when his conduct was discovered by chance.

Maria Gonzalez, a servant of this man, was condemned to receive two

hundred stripes, and to be banished for ten years. Her crime was, having

received money from some prisoners, and having permitted them to see and

converse with each other.

Donna Jane Bohorques was declared innocent. She was the legitimate

daughter of Don Pedro Garcia de Xeres y Bohorques, and the sister of

Donna Maria Bohorques, who perished in a former _auto-da-fe_. She had

married Don Francis de Vargas, lord of the borough of Higuera. She was

taken to the secret prisons when her unfortunate sister declared that

she was acquainted with her opinions, and had not opposed them; as if

silence could prove that she had admitted the doctrine to be true. Jane

Bohorques was six months gone with child; but this did not prevent the

inquisitors from proceeding in her trial, a cruelty which will not

surprise, when it is considered that she was arrested before any proof

of her crime had been obtained. She was delivered in the prison; her

child was taken from her at the end of eight days, in defiance of the

most sacred rights of nature, and she was imprisoned in one of the

common dungeons of the holy office. The inquisitors thought they did all

that humanity required in giving her a less inconvenient cell than the

common prison. It fortunately happened that she had as a companion in

her cell a young girl who was afterwards burnt as a Lutheran, and who

pitying her situation, treated her with the utmost tenderness during her

convalescence. She soon required the same care; she was tortured, and

all her limbs were bruised and almost dislocated. Jane Bohorques

attended her in this dreadful state. Jane Bohorques was not yet quite

recovered, when she was tortured in the same manner. The cords with

which her still feeble limbs were bound penetrated to the bone, and

several blood vessels breaking in her body, torrents of blood flowed

from her mouth. She was taken back to her dungeon in a dying state, and

expired a few days after. The inquisitors thought they expiated this

cruel murder by declaring Jane Bohorques innocent, in the _auto-da-fe_

of this day. Under what an overwhelming responsibility will these

monsters appear before the tribunal of the Almighty!

The History of the Inquisition of Spain from the Time of its Establishment to the Reign of Ferdinand VII. · 第 21 / 30 章