OF THE PROCEEDINGS AGAINST CHARLES V. AND PHILIP II.: AS SCHISMATICS AND
FAVOURERS OF HERESY.--PROGRESS OF THE INQUISITION UNDER THE LAST OF
THESE PRINCES.--CONSEQUENCES OF THE PARTICULAR FAVOUR WHICH HE SHOWED
TOWARDS IT.
_Trials of Charles V., Philip II., and the Duke of Alva._
In 1555, John Peter Carafa, a noble Neapolitan, and as such the subject
of Charles V. and Philip II., was elevated to the holy see, under the
name of Paul IV., at the age of seventy-nine years. Charles V. had then
renounced the crown of Sicily, in favour of Prince Philip, who was about
to marry the Queen of England. The new Pope mortally hated the emperor,
not only because he could not bear to be a subject to the house of
Austria, but because this prince and his son favoured the families of
_Colonna_ and _Sforza_, which he looked upon as the rivals of his house.
The kingdom of Naples passed at that time for a fief of the holy see.
Paul IV. undertook to deprive Charles of the imperial purple, and his
son of the crown of Sicily, and to dispose of it in favour of one of his
nephews, with the assistance of the King of France, or to give the
kingdom to some French prince. He commenced the proceedings against
Charles V. and Philip, by the preparatory instruction, to show that they
were enemies of the holy see, particularly in protecting the families of
_Sforza_ and _Colonna_, whose hatred for the Pontiff was well known.
To these reasons it was to be alleged that Charles V. was a favourer of
heretics, and suspected of Lutheranism, since the publication of the
imperial decrees at the diet of Augsburg, in 1554. The fiscal of the
apostolical chamber then demanded that the Pope should declare Charles
V. to be deprived of the imperial crown, and that of Spain and its
dependencies, and Philip of the throne of Naples; that bulls of
excommunication should be issued against them, and the people of
Germany, Spain, Italy, and particularly of Naples, released from their
oath of fidelity. Paul IV. suspended the trial at this stage of the
proceedings, to continue it when he judged it convenient. He revoked at
the same time all the bulls which his predecessors had expedited in
favour of the Spanish monarchs, for the collection of the annual subsidy
imposed on the clergy, and for the funds destined for the _holy
crusade_. The Pope was not content with this hostile measure; he entered
into an alliance with Henry II., King of France, to make war upon the
house of Austria, until its princes were deprived of their kingdoms.
Charles V. was then at Brussels, occupied in ceding the empire of
Germany to his brother Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and in
making over the crown of Spain and the countship of Flanders to his son.
This policy was useful to Charles V., as it threw the weight of the
embarrassment on Philip, who had just arrived from England to receive
his father's instructions how to govern Spain. The circumstances in
which they found themselves required the greatest prudence, for they not
only had to fear the abuse which the Pope might make of his apostolical
and temporal power, but also the consequences of the alliances which his
holiness had just signed with the King of France.
Besides the Council of State (which Charles and Philip always consulted
before they decided on any subject) they deemed it necessary to have
judgments of _conscience_, to balance the authority of the supreme head
of the Catholic Church. On the 15th of November, 1555, the famous
consultation of Brother Melchior Cano was framed at Valladolid, which
was published at Madrid in 1809, in my _collection of different papers,
ancient and modern, on matrimonial dispensations, and other
ecclesiastical dispensations_. The decision of Cano was, that in all
similar cases the only and proper remedy is not only to deprive the
temporal sovereign of Rome of the power of injuring, but to reduce him
to the necessity of accepting reasonable terms, and of acting with more
prudence in future. Other theologians decided that the concessions made
by the Court of Rome were irrevocable, and had the force of a true
contract passed for the benefit of an empire or kingdom.
The Pope, informed of these decisions, commanded the inquisitor-general
to punish the authors of it; he was supported by most of the prelates of
the kingdom, at the head of whom was the Cardinal Siliceo, Archbishop of
Toledo, who had been the king's preceptor. Philip, who had been King of
Spain from January, 1556, wrote from London, in the month of July
following, the letter to his sister, the governess of the kingdom, which
I have inserted in my diplomatic collection. It is as follows:--
"Since I informed you of the conduct of the Pope, and of the news
received from Rome, I have learnt that his holiness proposes to
excommunicate the emperor and me, to put my states under an interdict,
and to prohibit the divine service. Having consulted learned men on this
subject, it appears that it is not only an abuse of the power of the
sovereign pontiff, founded only on the hatred and passion, which,
certainly, has not been provoked by our conduct, but that we are not
obliged to submit to what he has ordained in respect to our persons, on
account of the great scandal which would be caused by our confessing
ourselves guilty, since we are not so, and the great sin which we should
commit in so doing. In consequence, it has been decided, that if I am
interdicted from certain things, I am not obliged to deprive myself of
them, as those do who are excommunicated, although a censure may be sent
to me from Rome, according to the disposition of his holiness. For after
having destroyed the sects in England, brought this country under the
influence of the church, pursued and punished the heretics without
ceasing, and obtained a success which has always been constant, I see
that his holiness evidently wishes to ruin my kingdom, without
considering what he owes to his dignity; and I have no doubt that he
would succeed if we consented to his demands, since he has already
revoked all the legations which Cardinal Pole received for this kingdom,
and which had produced so much benefit. These reasons, other important
considerations, the necessity of preparing for all events, and of
protecting our people from being surprised, have induced us to draw up,
in the name of his majesty, and in our own, an act of recusation in
form, of which I intended to send you a copy; but as this piece is very
long, and the courier is setting out for France, it could not be done,
and I will send it by the courier going by sea, who will soon set out.
When you receive it, you must write to the prelates, the grandees, to
the cities, universities, and the heads of orders, and inform them of
all that has passed: you must direct them to look upon the censures and
interdict sent from Rome as non-existent, because they are null, unjust,
and without foundation, for I have taken counsel on what is permitted in
these circumstances. If any act of the Pope should arrive in the
interim, it will be sufficient to prevent it from being received,
accepted, or executed; but to preclude the necessity of coming to this
extremity, you must cause the frontiers to be strictly guarded, as we
have done in England, that none of these pieces should be notified or
delivered, and _punish very severely any person who shall dare to
distribute them, because it is not to be permitted that we should
continue to dissimulate_. If it is impossible to prevent their
introduction, and if any one attempts to put them in force, you must
oppose their execution, as we have powerful motives for this command;
and this prohibition must extend to the kingdom of Aragon, to which you
must write if it is necessary. It has been since known, that in the bull
published on Holy Thursday, the Pope has excommunicated all those who
have taken or shall take the property of the church, _whether they are
kings or emperors_, and that on Good Friday, he commanded the prayer for
his majesty to be omitted, although the Jews, Moors, heretics, and
schismatics are prayed for on that day. This proves that the evil is
becoming serious, and induces us to recommend more particularly the
execution of the measures which we have prescribed, and of which we
shall give an account to his majesty[15]."
Philip, for the time, prevented the inquisitor-general from trying any
of those persons who had been marked as suspected of heresy, among whom
were not only the theologians and canonists who had been consulted, but
many counsellors of state who supported their opinion against Cardinal
Siliceo and his adherents[16].
The Pope was obstinate in his resolutions; and deceived by the
tranquillity which Philip suffered him to enjoy in Rome, he placed
himself at the brink of the precipice. The Duke of Alva, who was viceroy
of Naples (and whose character was at least as harsh as that of the
Pope), in September 1556, left his government, and occupied the states
of the holy see, even to the gates of Rome; and Paul IV., finding that
the republic of Venice had deserted him, and being pressed by the
cardinals and people, demanded an armistice, which was granted. Instead
of taking advantage of this favour to make peace on reasonable terms,
the Pope confirmed his alliance with Henry II., and raised a war between
that monarch and the King of Spain, although Charles V. had, in 1555,
signed a truce of five years with that prince. Henry, having lost the
famous battle of St. Quentin, on the 10th of August, 1557, the Pope
became so alarmed, that he demanded a peace at the time when the Duke of
Alva was preparing to enter Rome at the head of his army. The viceroy
renounced his design, but had the boldness to tell the Pope that he
would not make peace until he had asked pardon of the king, his master,
for having treated him with so little respect. This message increased
the alarm of the old pontiff, who had recourse to the mediation of
Venice. The Pope refused to negociate with the Duke of Alva, but said
that he would consent to any proposal from the King of Spain, as he was
persuaded that he would not impose any condition on him contrary to his
honour, or to the dignity of the holy see.
The Duke of Alva wrote to Philip, to request that, in this instance, he
would display the severity necessary to prevent new divisions. But this
prince (who had signed on the 10th of July, 1556, the excellent letter
already quoted) had no person in the following year to inspire him with
sufficient energy to follow the advice of his viceroy. He wrote to
command him to conclude a peace immediately, "as he would rather lose
the privileges of his crown, than infringe those of the holy see in the
slightest degree."
The Duke of Alva was extremely displeased at this resolution, but he
immediately obeyed his master, and this singular peace was signed on the
14th of September, 1557, by the Duke of Alva, and Cardinal Carafa,
nephew and plenipotentiary to the Pope. The envoy made no reparation to
Philip II., and the following singular article is part of the
treaty:--"His holiness will receive from the Catholic king, through his
plenipotentiary, the Duke of Alva, all the necessary submissions to
obtain the pardon of his offences, without prejudicing the engagement of
the king to send an ambassador extraordinary for the particular object
of the pardon which he demands, it being understood that his holiness
will restore him to favour as a submissive son, and worthy to share the
benefits which the holy see is accustomed to bestow on its children and
the other Christian princes."
The haughty pontiff acknowledged that he had obtained more than he had
hoped for, and to show his satisfaction, bestowed the highest honours on
the Duke of Alva; he invited him to eat at his own table, and received
him in the palace of the Vatican.
Gregorio Leti is right in attributing all the evils that have since
arisen from the excessive authority which the priests have arrogated
over laymen, to this conduct of Philip II. Paul IV. soon displayed his
contempt for Philip II. and his father, since, in five months after the
treaty, on the 13th of February, 1558, he addressed a brief to the
inquisitor-general Valdes, in which he revived all the regulations of
the councils and pontiffs against heretics and schismatics. He commanded
him to prosecute them, and punish them according to the constitutions,
and, above all, to deprive all such persons of their dignities and
offices, whether they were bishops, archbishops, patriarchs, cardinals,
or legates, _barons, counts, marquisses, dukes, princes, kings, or
emperors_. Fortunately, neither Charles V. nor his son had embraced the
opinions of Luther, yet it was certainly the intention of the Pope to
subject them to the dispositions of his bull.
_Of the Inquisitions of Sardinia, Flanders, Milan, Naples, Galicia,
America, and the Sea._
In 1562, Philip II. commanded the Inquisition of Sardinia to conform
rigorously to the rules of the holy office of Spain in prosecuting the
accused, although it was represented to him that they had hitherto only
known those of Ferdinand V., which were less severe.
Philip did not treat his Flemish subjects with less rigour. In 1522
Charles V. appointed Francis de Hult, a lay counsellor of Brabant,
inquisitor-general for the states of Flanders; and Adrian VI. invested
him with the apostolical jurisdiction, on the condition that he had
priests and theologians for assessors. Soon after three provincial
inquisitors were appointed, the overseer of the regular canons of Ypres
for Flanders and its dependencies; the overseer of the clergy of Mons
for Hainault, and the Dean of Louvain for Brabant, Holland, and the
other provinces. The inquisitors-general appointed by Clement VII. were
Cardinal Everard de la Marche, Bishop of Liege, and Francis de Hult,
before mentioned. This measure did not deprive the other inquisitors of
their privileges; those of Louvain, in 1527, celebrated several
_autos-da-fe_, and condemned sixty persons to different punishments. In
1529 terrible edicts were issued against heretics, which were renewed in
1531, but with some mitigation.
At the death of the Dean of Louvain, Paul III. in 1537, appointed as
inquisitor-general for the Low Country the successor in the deanery, and
the canon Douce; they were approved by Charles V. In 1555 Julius III.
authorised the sub-delegates of the dean and canon; Paul IV. did the
same in 1560 for the overseer of Valcanet, and the theological doctor of
Louvain, Michael Bayo. All these men took the title of _ecclesiastical
ministers_ from the year 1550, when Charles V. prohibited them from ever
taking the name of _inquisitors_, because it was obnoxious to the
people. The Flemish Inquisition was extremely severe in the first period
of its existence; it inflicted the same punishments as that of Spain,
but applied them to a greater number of cases. Philip II. moderated the
action of this tribunal by an edict in 1556.
Such was the state of the Flemish Inquisition in 1559, when a bull of
Paul IV. was received from Rome, by which three ecclesiastical provinces
were created, the bishoprics of which were subjected to the jurisdiction
of the Archbishops of Malines, Cambray, and Utrecht: twelve canons were
instituted for each cathedral, three of whom were to be inquisitors for
life. This measure caused the first indication of the rebellion which
raged in Holland and the United Provinces in 1562. The people maintained
that they had only tolerated the inquisitors since 1522, because they
considered them as temporary agents; but that they would never allow the
permanent establishment of an institution so obnoxious to the provinces.
This opposition increased when it was known that Philip II. intended to
organize the eighteen Inquisitions of Flanders, on the plan of that of
Spain, which had long been regarded as a sanguinary tribunal.
This project was the more dreaded, as many Spaniards had fled from the
Inquisition to Holland. These emigrations were most numerous after the
year 1550, when several Bibles, which had been printed in the Spanish
language in the Low Countries, were prohibited as containing the
opinions of the new heretics. Notwithstanding the obstinacy with which
the King of Spain pursued the establishment of the Inquisition in
Flanders, he failed in his enterprise, and also in his attempt to force
the Low Countries to receive the regular tribunal. The Flemings
persisted in opposing everything resembling the Inquisition, and their
resistance was the cause of the long and bloody wars which exhausted the
treasures and armies of Spain during half a century.
In the following year, 1563, Philip II. decreed the necessary measures
to establish the Inquisition at Milan. He communicated his design to the
Pope, who appeared to approve it, but was really displeased, because it
tended to diminish the power of the holy see. The Milanese immediately
protested against the introduction of a tribunal, of which they had
formed the most unfavourable opinion. The bishops of Lombardy were not
less averse to it, as they knew that in Spain the bishops were not only
deprived of all power, but had fallen into contempt from the despotism
of the inquisitors, who had taken possession of the episcopal
privileges, and enjoyed them in peace under the protection of the
sovereign, who had no adviser in these affairs but the
inquisitor-general.
The city of Milan sent deputies to the Pope (who was a native of that
place), to entreat him to preserve his country from the danger which
threatened it. They also sent deputies to Madrid to demand that things
should remain in the same state, and applied at the same time to the
Milanese bishops at the Council of Trent to support their cause before
that celebrated assembly. Pius IV. told the deputies that he would never
allow the Spanish Inquisition to be established in Milan, _as he knew
its extreme severity_, and promised that their tribunal should be
dependent on the Court of Rome, whose decrees were extremely mild, and
gave the accused every facility in their defence.
During the course of this negotiation, the Duke de Sesa, wishing to
execute his master's private orders, established the tribunal of the
Inquisition in the city of Milan, of which he was the governor, and
published the names of the sub-delegated inquisitors. This declaration
displeased the Milanese, who began to excite popular commotions, and
cried _Long live the king! perish the Inquisition!_
The Milanese bishops at the Council of Trent disinclined all the Italian
prelates to the Spanish Inquisition; the legates of the Pope who
presided at the council, declared in favour of the Milanese, and
Cardinal S. Charles Borromeo pleaded the cause of his countrymen in the
college of cardinals, and placed them under their protection. The Duke
de Sesa, who observed all that passed, foresaw that the result would be
disagreeable to his master, and wrote to Philip, who abandoned his
design[17].
These events did not prevent Philip II. from attempting to introduce the
inquisition at Naples, although both Ferdinand V. and Charles V. had
failed in the enterprise; but his efforts only served to disgrace him
and destroy his authority in Naples, as they had before done in Flanders
and Milan.
It may be supposed that Philip did not forget his American dominions.
Ferdinand V. having resolved to establish the Inquisition in the New
World, charged Cardinal Ximenez de Cisneros with the conduct of the
affair, and in 1516 he appointed Don Juan Quevedo, Bishop of Cuba, the
_delegated_ inquisitor-general, for the Spanish colonies then known by
the name of the _kingdom of Terra Firma_, and gave him the power of
appointing judges and officers for the tribunal. Charles V. wished to
extend the benefits of this _pious_ institution, and Cardinal Adrian, by
his order, appointed, on the 7th of January, 1519, Don Alphonso Manso,
Bishop of Porto Rico, and Brother Pedro de Cordova, inquisitors for the
_Indies and Isles of the Ocean_, and gave them the requisite powers to
establish the tribunal.
The new inquisitors began to prosecute the baptized Indians, who still
retained some idolatrous practices. The viceroys informed the King of
Spain of the evils produced by this system: in fact the Indians fled
into the interior, and joined the savage tribes, which considerably
retarded the progress of population in those vast countries. Charles V.
in 1538 prohibited the inquisitors from prosecuting the Indians, who
were to be under the jurisdiction of the bishops. The inquisitors of
America were not more submissive than those of Spain, which obliged the
prince to renew his orders in 1549. Philip II. undertook to organize the
tribunal on the plan of that of Spain. In 1553 and 1565 he renewed his
father's injunctions to leave the Indians under the jurisdiction of the
bishops; and in 1569 he published a royal ordinance, importing that the
inquisitor-general had appointed inquisitors, and commanding the
viceroys and governors to give them every assistance in their
establishment. These inquisitors were received with great ceremony at
Panama and Lima, when they first formed the tribunal.
In 1570 Philip II. appointed an Inquisition at Mexico, and in 1571
established three tribunals for all America; one at Lima, one at Mexico,
and the other at Carthagena, assigning to each the extent of territory
which they were to possess, and subjecting them to the authority of the
inquisitor-general and the Supreme Council.
The first _auto-da-fe_ in Mexico took place in 1574; it was celebrated
with so much pomp and splendour, that eye-witnesses have declared that
it could only be compared to that of Valladolid in 1559, at which Philip
II. and the royal family attended. A Frenchman and an Englishman were
burnt as impenitent Lutherans; eighty persons were reconciled, and
subjected to different penances. The Inquisition of Carthagena was not
established at this period; it was founded in 1610 by Philip III.
The great fleet of the Catholic league against the Emperor of
Constantinople, which gained the famous battle of Lepanto, inspired
Philip II. with the project of creating an Inquisition for heretics who
might be found in ships. As the authority of the inquisitor-general did
not extend beyond the dominions of the King of Spain, it was considered
necessary to apply to the Pope, who in 1571 granted the brief, which was
demanded, authorizing the inquisitor-general to create the new tribunal,
and appoint judges and officers. It was first known by the name of the
_Inquisition of the Galleys_, but it was afterwards called the
_Inquisition of the Fleets and Armies_; it existed but for a short
period, as it was found to impede the progress of navigation.
The Inquisition was unknown in Galicia for more than a century before
this period. This province formed part of the district subject to the
holy office of old Castile and the kingdom of Leon; it had escaped this
scourge, but at last Philip II. resolved that it should have an
Inquisition to superintend the sea-ports, in order to prevent the
introduction of pernicious books, and the entrance of persons who would
teach the doctrines of the Protestants. The royal ordinance which
established the Inquisition in Galicia was expedited in 1574, and the
tribunal was organised in the same year.
_Disputes with the Inquisition of Portugal._
The establishment of the power of Philip II. in Portugal, after the
death of the Cardinal King Don Henry, who had occupied the throne until
1580, gave that prince another opportunity of signalizing his zeal for
the Inquisition. I have already indicated the period of its institution,
and the attendant circumstances[18]. Don Henry was inquisitor-general
from 1539 to 1578, when he succeeded to the crown of Portugal, after the
death of his nephew Don Sebastian. He bestowed the archbishopric of
Lisbon, which he occupied at the time of his accession, on Don George
Almeida, and likewise appointed him the third inquisitor-general of the
kingdom.
In 1544, Don Henry (who then occupied the see of Evora), and Cardinal
Don Juan Pardo de Tabera, inquisitor-general of Spain, with the consent
of their respective sovereigns, published a circular, in which they
announced, that as the two states were so near each other, and the
extent of the frontier favoured the flight of the persons prosecuted by
the Inquisition, they had agreed, 1st, to communicate reciprocally
everything which might interest the Inquisition; 2nd, to arrest in their
respective jurisdictions those subjects who were designated; 3rdly, to
keep them prisoners, and to claim the writings of the trial, because
this measure was less inconvenient than the exchange of the prisoners.
This convention was observed for some time; but in 1588 the inquisitors
of Lisbon sent a requisition to those of Valladolid, to deliver up to
them Gonzales Baez, who had been arrested at Medina del Campo: they
replied that this demand could not be admitted, as it was contrary to
the convention. The inquisitors of Portugal acknowledged the justice of
this claim; but those of Spain, who in 1568 found themselves in the same
situation, refused to conform to the measure, because they had at their
head Cardinal Espinosa, who was all-powerful with Philip. The cardinal
informed Don Henry that he had not ratified the convention, and that he
considered it more proper that the prisoner should be given up to the
tribunal which had instituted the trial. He requested Cardinal Henry to
apply to both their sovereigns, and promised to propose to the King of
Spain a measure which should be a general rule for all cases in future.
Don Henry commissioned Francis Pereira, the Portuguese ambassador at
Madrid, to terminate this dispute with Cardinal Espinosa. While this
affair was being negotiated, several Spaniards who had been condemned by
the tribunal of Llerena to be burnt in effigy as contumacious, were
arrested in Portugal by the inquisitors of Evora, who immediately
demanded the writings of the trial according to the convention of 1544.
The tribunal of Llerena replied that it was impossible not to follow the
example of Cardinal Espinosa. Almost at the same time these inquisitors
arrested some Portuguese who had escaped from their country. The Bishop
of Portalegre, inquisitor of Evora, reclaimed the prisoners, but the
tribunal refused to give them up, if the inhabitants of Albuquerque, who
had been arrested by the Inquisition of Evora, were not returned.
Cardinal Henry yielded to the Spanish Inquisition, but wrote to them on
the 5th of December to address a formal requisition on this subject,
while the Inquisition of Evora would do the same to Cardinal Espinosa.
The Supreme Council consented to this arrangement, and the prisoners
were exchanged.
The inquisitor-general, Don Henry, died in 1580. The crown of Portugal
then descended to Philip II., as being the son of the Empress Isabella,
the sister of John III., King of Portugal. As the office of
grand-inquisitor was vacant, he wished to suppress it, and place
Portugal under the dominion of that of Spain. He represented to the Pope
that there would be more unity in the proceedings: but this attempt was
unsuccessful, as he had only been acknowledged king, on condition that
the crown should continue independent of that of Spain.
When the Duke of Braganza was proclaimed King of Portugal in the reign
of Philip IV., Don Francis de Castro grand-inquisitor, and Don John de
Vasconcellas, a member of the council of the Inquisition, remained
faithful to the King of Spain. The new sovereign (who had taken the name
of John IV.) wished to increase his party. Influenced by the advice of
England, which had favoured the insurrection, he resolved to restore to
the Jews the liberty which they enjoyed before the establishment of the
Inquisition; but he was opposed by the two inquisitors above mentioned.
The council even condemned a decision of the university of Paris, in
which it was said that the king could appoint and consecrate bishops
without bulls from Rome, if Pope Innocent X. refused to grant them. John
IV. threatened the inquisitors with imprisonment, and even with death,
but they were ready to suffer anything rather than consent to the
emancipation of the Jews. Don Francis de Castro died, and it was
necessary to appoint another inquisitor-general; but the bulls of
confirmation were not less difficult to obtain than those for bishops,
as the Popes, Urban VIII., Innocent X., and Alexander VII., avoided
declaring in favour of either the King of Spain or the Duke of Braganza.
At last Portugal triumphed over the efforts of Spain, and the
Inquisitions of the two kingdoms seldom had any communication.
That I may not pass over any event tending to prove the attachment of
Philip II. for the Inquisition, I shall here mention a project for a
military order of the holy office, which would never have been
conceived, if the partiality of the monarch for this tribunal had not
been generally known.
Some fanatics thought to please him by founding a new military order
under the name of _St. Mary of the White Sword_. The object of this
institution was to defend the Catholic religion, the kingdom of Spain,
its frontiers, and forts, from any invasion; to prevent the ingress of
Jews, Moors, and heretics; and to execute any measures which the
inquisitor might command. To be a member of this order it was necessary
to produce proofs and witnesses that they descended neither from Jews,
Moors, nor any Spaniard condemned and punished by the holy office;
nobility was not necessary. The members of this association were
independent of the jurisdiction of the bishops and civil authorities;
they were all to take the field and fight in defence of the frontier
towns, but they acknowledged no chief but the inquisitor-general.
This scheme was adopted by the provinces of Castile, Leon, the Asturias,
Aragon, Navarre, Galicia, Guipuscoa, Alava, Biscay, Valencia, and
Catalonia. The statutes of the order received the approbation of the
inquisitor-general and the Supreme Council; the founders and the
representatives of the metropolitan churches of Toledo, Seville,
Santiago, Grenada, Tarragona, Saragossa, Valencia, and forty-eight
noble families known for having never mixed their blood with that of the
New Christians, addressed an humble supplication to the king to obtain
the confirmation of them. They represented that the order of the _White
Sword_ offered the greatest advantages to Spain; that it would increase
the army without any expense of public treasure; that its services would
reform and ameliorate the morals of the people; lastly, that it would
shed fresh lustre on the nobility of the kingdom.
Philip commissioned his Sovereign Council to examine the plan of this
institution, which was likewise discussed in several assemblies
appointed by his majesty. The opinions were various; but I shall make
known that of a Spanish gentleman, as it deserves to be recorded.
Don Pedro Venegas, of Cordova, represented to the king, that the new
order was not necessary, as the Inquisition had not found the want of it
in the most difficult circumstances; that the bishops reformed the
morals of the people as much as could be expected from human nature;
that Spain had never wanted troops even when part of the Peninsula was
occupied by enemies; that other military orders existed, who were
obliged to obey their respective grand-masters; that these dignities
were now possessed by the monarch in virtue of apostolical bulls; that
the new establishment might one day attack the authority of the
sovereign, if the inquisitor-general made a bad use of the troops at his
disposal; that several similar instances had been known of the
grand-masters of the orders above mentioned; that this institution would
create two parties in the kingdom, that of the Old Christians and that
of the New, and that the distinction granted to the first would cause
murders and civil wars, and threaten the monarchy with ruin.
Philip II. thought seriously on what the grand-masters of the military
orders had done, and being jealous of his authority, he was not disposed
to place an army in the power of the inquisitor-general, who might
follow their example; he therefore commanded that the proceedings should
be suspended, and the interested persons informed that it had not been
found necessary to create a new order.