ON THE ADVISABLENESS OF IMPROVING NATURAL KNOWLEDGE.*

([Footnote] *A Lay Sermon delivered in St. Martin's Hall on Sunday,

January 7th, 1866, and subsequently published in the 'Fortnightly

Review'.)

This time two hundred years ago--in the beginning of January,

1666--those of our forefathers who inhabited this great and ancient

city, took breath between the shocks of two fearful calamities: one not

quite past, although its fury had abated; the other to come.

Within a few yards of the very spot on which we are assembled, so the

tradition runs, that painful and deadly malady, the plague, appeared in

the latter months of 1664; and, though no new visitor, smote the people

of England, and especially of her capital, with a violence unknown

before, in the course of the following year. The hand of a master has

pictured what happened in those dismal months; and in that truest of

fictions, 'The History of the Plague Year', Defoe shows death, with

every accompaniment of pain and terror, stalking through the narrow

streets of old London, and changing their busy hum into a silence broken

only by the wailing of the mourners of fifty thousand dead; by the woful

denunciations and mad prayers of fanatics; and by the madder yells of

despairing profligates.

But about this time in 1666, the death-rate had sunk to nearly its

ordinary amount; a case of plague occurred only here and there, and

the richer citizens who had flown from the pest had returned to their

dwellings. The remnant of the people began to toil at the accustomed

round of duty, or of pleasure; and the stream of city life bid fair to

flow back along its old bed, with renewed and uninterrupted vigour.

The newly kindled hope was deceitful. The great plague, indeed, returned

no more; but what it had done for the Londoners, the great fire, which

broke out in the autumn of 1666, did for London; and, in September of

that year, a heap of ashes and the indestructible energy of the people

were all that remained of the glory of five-sixths of the city within

the walls.

Our forefathers had their own ways of accounting for each of these

calamities. They submitted to the plague in humility and in penitence,

for they believed it to be the judgment of God. But, towards the fire

they were furiously indignant, interpreting it as the effect of the

malice of man,--as the work of the Republicans, or of the Papists,

according as their prepossessions ran in favour of loyalty or of

Puritanism.

It would, I fancy, have fared but ill with one who, standing where I

now stand, in what was then a thickly peopled and fashionable part of

London, should have broached to our ancestors the doctrine which I now

propound to you--that all their hypotheses were alike wrong; that the

plague was no more, in their sense, Divine judgment, than the fire was

the work of any political, or of any religious, sect; but that they were

themselves the authors of both plague and fire, and that they must look

to themselves to prevent the recurrence of calamities, to all appearance

so peculiarly beyond the reach of human control--so evidently the result

of the wrath of God, or of the craft and subtlety of an enemy.

And one may picture to one's self how harmoniously the holy cursing of

the Puritan of that day would have chimed in with the unholy cursing and

the crackling wit of the Rochesters and Sedleys, and with the revilings

of the political fanatics, if my imaginary plain dealer had gone on

to say that, if the return of such misfortunes were ever rendered

impossible, it would not be in virtue of the victory of the faith

of Laud, or of that of Milton; and, as little, by the triumph of

republicanism, as by that of monarchy. But that the one thing needful

for compassing this end was, that the people of England should second

the effort of an insignificant corporation, the establishment of which,

a few years before the epoch of the great plague and the great fire, had

been as little noticed, as they were conspicuous.

Some twenty years before the outbreak of the plague a few calm and

thoughtful students banded themselves together for the purpose, as they

phrased it, of "improving natural knowledge." The ends they proposed

to attain cannot be stated more clearly than in the words of one of the

founders of the organization:--

"Our business was (precluding matters of theology and state affairs) to

discourse and consider of philosophical enquiries, and such as related

thereunto:--as Physick, Anatomy, Geometry, Astronomy, Navigation,

Staticks, Magneticks, Chymicks, Mechanicks, and Natural Experiments;

with the state of these studies and their cultivation at home and

abroad. We then discoursed of the circulation of the blood, the valves

in the veins, the venae lacteae, the lymphatic vessels, the Copernican

hypothesis, the nature of comets and new stars, the satellites of

Jupiter, the oval shape (as it then appeared) of Saturn, the spots

on the sun and its turning on its own axis, the inequalities and

selenography of the moon, the several phases of Venus and Mercury, the

improvement of telescopes and grinding of glasses for that purpose,

the weight of air, the possibility or impossibility of vacuities and

nature's abhorrence thereof, the Torricellian experiment in quicksilver,

the descent of heavy bodies and the degree of acceleration therein,

with divers other things of like nature, some of which were then but new

discoveries, and others not so generally known and embraced as now they

are; with other things appertaining to what hath been called the New

Philosophy, which from the times of Galileo at Florence, and Sir Francis

Bacon (Lord Verulam) in England, hath been much cultivated in Italy,

France, Germany, and other parts abroad, as well as with us in England."

The learned Dr. Wallis, writing in 1696, narrates in these words, what

happened half a century before, or about 1645. The associates met

at Oxford, in the rooms of Dr. Wilkins, who was destined to become a

bishop; and subsequently coming together in London, they attracted

the notice of the king. And it is a strange evidence of the taste for

knowledge which the most obviously worthless of the Stuarts shared with

his father and grandfather, that Charles the Second was not content with

saying witty things about his philosophers, but did wise things with

regard to them. For he not only bestowed upon them such attention as he

could spare from his poodles and his mistresses, but being in his usual

state of impecuniosity, begged for them of the Duke of Ormond; and, that

step being without effect, gave them Chelsea College, a charter, and

a mace: crowning his favours in the best way they could be crowned, by

burdening them no further with royal patronage or state interference.

Thus it was that the half-dozen young men, studious of the "New

Philosophy," who met in one another's lodgings in Oxford or in London,

in the middle of the seventeenth century, grew in numerical and in

real strength, until, in the latter part, the "Royal Society for the

improvement of Natural Knowledge" had already become famous, and had

acquired a claim upon the veneration of Englishmen, which it has ever

since retained, as the principal focus of scientific activity in our

islands, and the chief champion of the cause it was formed to support.

It was by the aid of the Royal Society that Newton published his

'Principia'. If all the books in the world, except the Philosophical

Transactions, were destroyed, it is safe to say that the foundations of

physical science would remain unshaken, and that the vast intellectual

progress of the last two centuries would be largely, though

incompletely, recorded. Nor have any signs of halting or of decrepitude

manifested themselves in our own times. As in Dr. Wallis's days, so

in these, "our business is, precluding theology and state affairs,

to discourse and consider of philosophical enquiries." But our

"Mathematick" is one which Newton would have to go to school to

learn; our "Staticks, Mechanicks, Magneticks, Chymicks, and Natural

Experiments" constitute a mass of physical and chemical knowledge, a

glimpse at which would compensate Galileo for the doings of a score of

inquisitorial cardinals; our "Physick" and "Anatomy" have embraced such

infinite varieties of being, have laid open such new worlds in time and

space, have grappled, not unsuccessfully, with such complex problems,

that the eyes of Vesalius and of Harvey might be dazzled by the sight of

the tree that has grown out of their grain of mustard seed.

The fact is perhaps rather too much, than too little, forced upon one's

notice, nowadays, that all this marvellous intellectual growth has a no

less wonderful expression in practical life; and that, in this respect,

if in no other, the movement symbolized by the progress of the Royal

Society stands without a parallel in the history of mankind.

A series of volumes as bulky as the 'Transactions of the Royal Society'

might possibly be filled with the subtle speculations of the Schoolmen;

not improbably, the obtaining a mastery over the products of mediaeval

thought might necessitate an even greater expenditure of time and of

energy than the acquirement of the "New Philosophy"; but though such

work engrossed the best intellects of Europe for a longer time than has

elapsed since the great fire, its effects were "writ in water," so far

as our social state is concerned.

On the other hand, if the noble first President of the Royal Society

could revisit the upper air and once more gladden his eyes with a sight

of the familiar mace, he would find himself in the midst of a material

civilization more different from that of his day, than that of the

seventeenth was from that of the first century. And if Lord Brouncker's

native sagacity had not deserted his ghost, he would need no long

reflection to discover that all these great ships, these railways, these

telegraphs, these factories, these printing-presses, without which the

whole fabric of modern English society would collapse into a mass of

stagnant and starving pauperism,--that all these pillars of our State

are but the ripples, and the bubbles upon the surface of that great

spiritual stream, the springs of which, only, he and his fellows were

privileged to see; and seeing, to recognise as that which it behoved

them above all things to keep pure and undefiled.

It may not be too great a flight of imagination to conceive our noble

'revenant' not forgetful of the great troubles of his own day, and

anxious to know how often London had been burned down since his time,

and how often the plague had carried off its thousands. He would have to

learn that, although London contains tenfold the inflammable matter that

it did in 1666; though, not content with filling our rooms with woodwork

and light draperies, we must needs lead inflammable and explosive gases

into every corner of our streets and houses, we never allow even a

street to burn down. And if he asked how this had come about, we should

have to explain that the improvement of natural knowledge has furnished

us with dozens of machines for throwing water upon fires, any one of

which would have furnished the ingenious Mr. Hooke, the first "curator

and experimenter" of the Royal Society, with ample materials for

discourse before half a dozen meetings of that body; and that, to say

truth, except for the progress of natural knowledge, we should not

have been able to make even the tools by which these machines are

constructed. And, further, it would be necessary to add, that although

severe fires sometimes occur and inflict great damage, the loss is very

generally compensated by societies, the operations of which have been

rendered possible only by the progress of natural knowledge in the

direction of mathematics, and the accumulation of wealth in virtue of

other natural knowledge.

But the plague? My Lord Brouncker's observation would not, I fear, lead

him to think that Englishmen of the nineteenth century are purer in

life, or more fervent in religious faith, than the generation which

could produce a Boyle, an Evelyn, and a Milton. He might find the mud

of society at the bottom, instead of at the top, but I fear that the

sum total would be a deserving of swift judgment as at the time of the

Restoration. And it would be our duty to explain once more, and this

time not without shame, that we have no reason to believe that it is the

improvement of our faith, nor that of our morals, which keeps the plague

from our city; but, again, that it is the improvement of our natural

knowledge.

We have learned that pestilences will only take up their abode among

those who have prepared unswept and ungarnished residences for them.

Their cities must have narrow, unwatered streets, foul with accumulated

garbage. Their houses must be ill-drained, ill-lighted, ill-ventilated.

Their subjects must be ill-washed, ill-fed, ill-clothed. The London

of 1665 was such a city. The cities of the East, where plague has an

enduring dwelling, are such cities. We, in later times, have learned

somewhat of Nature, and partly obey her. Because of this partial

improvement of our natural knowledge and of that fractional obedience,

we have no plague; because that knowledge is still very imperfect and

that obedience yet incomplete, typhus is our companion and cholera our

visitor. But it is not presumptuous to express the belief that, when

our knowledge is more complete and our obedience the expression of our

knowledge, London will count her centuries of freedom from typhus

and cholera, as she now gratefully reckons her two hundred years of

ignorance of that plague which swooped upon her thrice in the first half

of the seventeenth century.

Surely, there is nothing in these explanations which is not fully

borne out by the facts? Surely, the principles involved in them are now

admitted among the fixed beliefs of all thinking men? Surely, it is true

that our countrymen are less subject to fire, famine, pestilence,

and all the evils which result from a want of command over and due

anticipation of the course of Nature, than were the countrymen of

Milton; and health, wealth, and well-being are more abundant with us

than with them? But no less certainly is the difference due to the

improvement of our knowledge of Nature, and the extent to which that

improved knowledge has been incorporated with the household words of

men, and has supplied the springs of their daily actions.

Granting for a moment, then, the truth of that which the depreciators of

natural knowledge are so fond of urging, that its improvement can only

add to the resources of our material civilization; admitting it to be

possible that the founders of the Royal Society themselves looked for

no other reward than this, I cannot confess that I was guilty

of exaggeration when I hinted, that to him who had the gift of

distinguishing between prominent events and important events, the origin

of a combined effort on the part of mankind to improve natural knowledge

might have loomed larger than the Plague and have outshone the glare

of the Fire; as a something fraught with a wealth of beneficence to

mankind, in comparison with which the damage done by those ghastly evils

would shrink into insignificance.

It is very certain that for every victim slain by the plague, hundreds

of mankind exist and find a fair share of happiness in the world by the

aid of the spinning jenny. And the great fire, at its worst, could

not have burned the supply of coal, the daily working of which, in the

bowels of the earth, made possible by the steam pump, gives rise to an

amount of wealth to which the millions lost in old London are but as an

old song.

But spinning jenny and steam pump are, after all, but toys, possessing

an accidental value; and natural knowledge creates multitudes of more

subtle contrivances, the praises of which do not happen to be sung

because they are not directly convertible into instruments of creating

wealth. When I contemplate natural knowledge squandering such gifts

among men, the only appropriate comparison I can find for her is, to

liken her to such a peasant woman as one sees in the Alps, striding ever

upward, heavily burdened, and with mind bent only on her home; but

yet, without effort and without thought, knitting for her children.

Now stockings are good and comfortable things, and the children

will undoubtedly be much the better for them; but surely it would be

short-sighted, to say the least of it, to depreciate this toiling mother

as a mere stocking-machine--a mere provider of physical comforts?

However, there are blind leaders of the blind, and not a few of them,

who take this view of natural knowledge, and can see nothing in the

bountiful mother of humanity but a sort of comfort-grinding machine.

According to them, the improvement of natural knowledge always has been,

and always must be, synonymous with no more than the improvement of the

material resources and the increase of the gratification of men.

Natural knowledge is, in their eyes, no real mother of mankind, bringing

them up with kindness, and if need be, with sternness, in the way they

should go, and instructing them in all things needful for their welfare;

but a sort of fairy godmother, ready to furnish her pets with shoes of

swiftness, swords of sharpness, and omnipotent Aladdin's lamps, so that

they may have telegraphs to Saturn, and see the other side of the moon,

and thank God they are better than their benighted ancestors.

If this talk were true, I, for one, should not greatly care to toil

in the service of natural knowledge. I think I would just as soon be

quietly chipping my own flint axe, after the manner of my forefathers

a few thousand years back, as be troubled with the endless malady of

thought which now infests us all, for such reward. But I venture to

say that such views are contrary alike to reason and to fact. Those who

discourse in such fashion seem to me to be so intent upon trying to see

what is above Nature, or what is behind her, that they are blind to what

stares them in the face, in her.

I should not venture to speak thus strongly if my justification were not

to be found in the simplest and most obvious facts,--if it needed more

than an appeal to the most notorious truths to justify my assertion,

that the improvement of natural knowledge, whatever direction it has

taken, and however low the aims of those who may have commenced it--has

not only conferred practical benefits on men, but, in so doing, has

effected a revolution in their conceptions of the universe and of

themselves, and has profoundly altered their modes of thinking and

their views of right and wrong. I say that natural knowledge, seeking

to satisfy natural wants, has found the ideas which can alone still

spiritual cravings. I way that natural knowledge, in desiring to

ascertain the laws of comfort, has been driven to discover those of

conduct, and to lay the foundations of a new morality.

Let us take these points separately; and, first, what great ideas has

natural knowledge introduced into men's minds?

I cannot but think that the foundations of all natural knowledge were

laid when the reason of man first came face to face with the facts of

Nature; when the savage first learned that the fingers of one hand are

fewer than those of both; that it is shorter to cross a stream than to

head it; that a stone stops where it is unless it be moved, and that it

drops from the hand which lets it go; that light and heat come and go

with the sun; that sticks burn away to a fire; that plants and animals

grow and die; that if he struck his fellow-savage a blow he would make

him angry, and perhaps get a blow in return, while if he offered him a

fruit he would please him, and perhaps receive a fish in exchange. When

men had acquired this much knowledge, the outlines, rude though they

were, of mathematics, of physics, of chemistry, of biology, of moral,

economical, and political science, were sketched. Nor did the germ of

religion fail when science began to bud. Listen to words which though

new, are yet three thousand years old:--

"...When in heaven the stars about the moon

Look beautiful, when all the winds are laid,

And every height comes out, and jutting peak

And valley, and the immeasurable heavens

Break open to their highest, and all the stars

Shine, and the shepherd gladdens in his heart."*

([Footnote] *Need it be said that this is Tennyson's English for Homer's

Greek?)

If the half-savage Greek could share our feelings thus far, it is

irrational to doubt that he went further, to find, as we do, that upon

that brief gladness there follows a certain sorrow,--the little light of

awakened human intelligence shines so mere a spark amidst the abyss

of the unknown and unknowable; seems so insufficient to do more than

illuminate the imperfections that cannot be remedied, the aspirations

that cannot be realized, of man's own nature. But in this sadness, this

consciousness of the limitation of man, this sense of an open secret

which he cannot penetrate, lies the essence of all religion; and the

attempt to embody it in the forms furnished by the intellect is the

origin of the higher theologies.

Thus it seems impossible to imagine but that the foundations of all

knowledge--secular or sacred--were laid when intelligence dawned, though

the superstructure remained for long ages so slight and feeble as to be

compatible with the existence of almost any general view respecting the

mode of governance of the universe. No doubt, from the first, there were

certain phenomena which, to the rudest mind, presented a constancy of

occurrence, and suggested that a fixed order ruled, at any rate, among

them. I doubt if the grossest of Fetish worshippers ever imagined that

a stone must have a god within it to make it fall, or that a fruit had

a god within it to make it taste sweet. With regard to such matters

as these, it is hardly questionable that mankind from the first took

strictly positive and scientific views.

But, with respect to all the less familiar occurrences which present

themselves, uncultured man, no doubt, has always taken himself as the

standard of comparison, as the centre and measure of the world; nor

could he well avoid doing so. And finding that his apparently uncaused

will has a powerful effect in giving rise to many occurrences, he

naturally enough ascribed other and greater events to other and greater

volitions, and came to look upon the world and all that therein is, as

the product of the volitions of persons like himself, but stronger, and

capable of being appeased or angered, as he himself might be soothed

or irritated. Through such conceptions of the plan and working of

the universe all mankind have passed, or are passing. And we may

now consider, what has been the effect of the improvement of natural

knowledge on the views of men who have reached this stage, and who

have begun to cultivate natural knowledge with no desire but that of

"increasing God's honour and bettering man's estate."

For example, what could seem wiser, from a mere material point of view,

more innocent, from a theological one, to an ancient people, than that

they should learn the exact succession of the seasons, as warnings for

their husbandmen; or the position of the stars, as guides to their rude

navigators? But what has grown out of this search for natural

knowledge of so merely useful a character? You all know the reply.

Astronomy,--which of all sciences has filled men's minds with general

ideas of a character most foreign to their daily experience, and has,

more than any other, rendered it impossible for them to accept the

beliefs of their fathers. Astronomy,--which tells them that this so vast

and seemingly solid earth is but an atom among atoms, whirling, no man

knows whither, through illimitable space; which demonstrates that what

we call the peaceful heaven above us, is but that space, filled by an

infinitely subtle matter whose particles are seething and surging, like

the waves of an angry sea; which opens up to us infinite regions where

nothing is known, or ever seems to have been known, but matter and

force, operating according to rigid rules; which leads us to contemplate

phenomena the very nature of which demonstrates that they must have

had a beginning, and that they must have an end, but the very nature of

which also proves that the beginning was, to our conceptions of time,

infinitely remote, and that the end is as immeasurably distant.

But it is not alone those who pursue astronomy who ask for bread

and receive ideas. What more harmless than the attempt to lift and

distribute water by pumping it; what more absolutely and grossly

utilitarian? But out of pumps grew the discussions about Nature's

abhorrence of a vacuum; and then it was discovered that Nature does not

abhor a vacuum, but that air has weight; and that notion paved the way

for the doctrine that all matter has weight, and that the force which

produces weight is co-extensive with the universe,--in short, to the

theory of universal gravitation and endless force. While learning how

to handle gases led to the discovery of oxygen, and to modern chemistry,

and to the notion of the indestructibility of matter.

Again, what simpler, or more absolutely practical, than the attempt to

keep the axle of a wheel from heating when the wheel turns round very

fast? How useful for carters and gig drivers to know something about

this; and how good were it, if any ingenious person would find out the

cause of such phenomena, and thence educe a general remedy for them.

Such an ingenious person was Count Rumford; and he and his successors

have landed us in the theory of the persistence, or indestructibility,

of force. And in the infinitely minute, as in the infinitely great,

the seekers after natural knowledge, of the kinds called physical and

chemical, have everywhere found a definite order and succession of

events which seem never to be infringed.

And how has it fared with "Physick" and Anatomy? Have the anatomist,

the physiologist, or the physician, whose business it has been to devote

themselves assiduously to that eminently practical and direct end,

the alleviation of the sufferings of mankind,--have they been able to

confine their vision more absolutely to the strictly useful? I fear they

are worst offenders of all. For if the astronomer has set before us the

infinite magnitude of space, and the practical eternity of the duration

of the universe; if the physical and chemical philosophers have

demonstrated the infinite minuteness of its constituent parts, and

the practical eternity of matter and of force; and if both have alike

proclaimed the universality of a definite and predicable order and

succession of events, the workers in biology have not only accepted all

these, but have added more startling theses of their own. For, as the

astronomers discover in the earth no centre of the universe, but an

eccentric speck, so the naturalists find man to be no centre of the

living world, but one amidst endless modifications of life; and as the

astronomer observes the mark of practically endless time set upon

the arrangements of the solar system so the student of life finds the

records of ancient forms of existence peopling the world for ages,

which, in relation to human experience, are infinite.

Furthermore, the physiologist finds life to be as dependent for its

manifestation on particular molecular arrangements as any physical or

chemical phenomenon; and, whenever he extends his researches, fixed

order and unchanging causation reveal themselves, as plainly as in the

rest of Nature.

Nor can I find that any other fate has awaited the germ of Religion.

Arising, like all other kinds of knowledge, and out of the action and

interaction of man's mind, with that which is not man's mind, it has

taken the intellectual coverings of Fetishism or Polytheism; of Theism

or Atheism; of Superstition or Rationalism. With these, and their

relative merits and demerits, I have nothing to do; but this it is

needful for my purpose to say, that if the religion of the present

differs from that of the past, it is because the theology of the present

has become more scientific than that of the past; because it has not

only renounced idols of wood and idols of stone, but begins to see

the necessity of breaking in pieces the idols built up of books and

traditions and fine-spun ecclesiastical cobwebs: and of cherishing the

noblest and most human of man's emotions, by worship "for the most part

of the silent sort" at the altar of the Unknown and Unknowable.

Such are a few of the new conceptions implanted in our minds by the

improvement of natural knowledge. Men have acquired the ideas of

the practically infinite extent of the universe and of its practical

eternity; they are familiar with the conception that our earth is but an

infinitesimal fragment of that part of the universe which can be seen;

and that, nevertheless, its duration is, as compared with our standards

of time, infinite. They have further acquired the idea that man is but

one of innumerable forms of life now existing in the globe, and that

the present existences are but the last of an immeasurable series of

predecessors. Moreover, every step they have made in natural knowledge

has tended to extend and rivet in their minds the conception of a

definite order of the universe--which is embodied in what are called,

by an unhappy metaphor, the laws of Nature--and to narrow the range and

loosen the force of men's belief in spontaneity, or in changes other

than such as arise out of that definite order itself.

Whether these ideas are well or ill founded is not the question. No one

can deny that they exist, and have been the inevitable outgrowth of the

improvement of natural knowledge. And if so, it cannot be doubted that

they are changing the form of men's most cherished and most important

convictions.

And as regards the second point--the extent to which the improvement

of natural knowledge has remodelled and altered what may be termed the

intellectual ethics of men,--what are among the moral convictions most

fondly held by barbarous and semi-barbarous people.

They are the convictions that authority is the soundest basis of

belief; that merit attaches to a readiness to believe; that the doubting

disposition is a bad one, and scepticism a sin; that when good authority

has pronounced what is to be believed, and faith has accepted it, reason

has no further duty. There are many excellent persons who yet hold by

these principles, and it is not my present business, or intention, to

discuss their views. All I wish to bring clearly before your minds is

the unquestionable fact, that the improvement of natural knowledge

is effected by methods which directly give the lie to all these

convictions, and assume the exact reverse of each to be true.

The improver of natural knowledge absolutely refuses to acknowledge

authority, as such. For him, scepticism is the highest of duties; blind

faith the one unpardonable sin. And it cannot be otherwise, for every

great advance in natural knowledge has involved the absolute rejection

of authority, the cherishing of the keenest scepticism, the annihilation

of the spirit of blind faith; and the most ardent votary of science

holds his firmest convictions, not because the men he most venerates

hold them; not because their verity is testified by portents and

wonders; but because his experience teaches him that whenever he chooses

to bring these convictions into contact with their primary source,

Nature--whenever he thinks fit to test them by appealing to experiment

and to observation--Nature will confirm them. The man of science has

learned to believe in justification, not by faith, but by verification.

Thus, without for a moment pretending to despise the practical results

of the improvement of natural knowledge, and its beneficial influence

on material civilization, it must, I think, be admitted that the great

ideas, some of which I have indicated, and the ethical spirit which

I have endeavoured to sketch, in the few moments which remained at my

disposal, constitute the real and permanent significance of natural

knowledge.

If these ideas be destined, as I believe they are, to be more and more

firmly established as the world grows older; if that spirit be fated, as

I believe it is, to extend itself into all departments of human thought,

and to become co-extensive with the range of knowledge; if, as our race

approaches its maturity, it discovers, as I believe it will, that there

is but one kind of knowledge and but one method of acquiring it; then

we, who are still children, may justly feel it our highest duty to

recognise the advisableness of improving natural knowledge, and so to

aid ourselves and our successors in their course towards the noble goal

which lies before mankind.

End of On the Advisableness of Improving Natural Knowledge.

***

Lectures and Essays(#6414) · 第 50 / 56 题