There were three periods in Washington’s life, and either of the two

first would alone have placed him in the highest roll of the names of

great men. The close of his military life (here represented) terminated

the first period. His civil career in the presidency terminated the

second; and here all comparison between Washington and any other man

that ever lived ceases entirely. With a fame as complete as his, on his

second retirement to Mount Vernon, a sincere and ardent wish to pass the

remainder of his days in peaceful seclusion, and domestic ties and

attachments of the strongest character; with all this around him, to

come out once more from his tent of glory, and at his country’s call to

expose his bright name again to the hazards of failure, and to the

eagerness of human envy and misconstruction,—this seems to me the

sublimest moment of the life of Washington.

“You know, Sir,” he says in his letter to the President, accepting the

office of commander-in-chief of the army, “what calculations I had made

relative to the probable course of events on my retiring from office,

and the determination with which I had consoled myself of closing the

remnant of my days in my present peaceful abode. You will, therefore, be

at no loss to conceive and appreciate the sensations I must have

experienced to bring my mind to any conclusion that would pledge me, at

so late a period of life, to leave scenes I sincerely love to enter upon

the boundless field of public action, incessant trouble, and high

responsibility.”

It is singular how all the contemporaneous judgments of Washington’s

character unite in ascribing the difficulty of drawing his portrait to

the unity, harmony, and perfectability of his character. Chastellux says

very forcibly, “If you are presented with medals of Cæsar, of Trajan, or

Alexander, on examining their features you will still be led to ask,

what was their stature and the form of their persons; but if you

discover in a heap of ruins the head or a limb of the Apollo, be not

curious about the other parts, but rest assured that they were all

conformable to those of a god. Let not this impression be attributed to

enthusiasm. I wish only to express the impression that Washington has

left on my mind: the idea of a perfect whole, that cannot be the produce

of enthusiasm, which rather would reject it, since the effect of

proportion is to diminish the idea of greatness.”

In a funereal eulogy pronounced by Mr. Ware at Hingham, occurs nearly

the same sentiment.

“The image of this great man is not like that of most others who have

shone with distinguished lustre in the annals of the world. It is not

composed of some bright spots surrounded with dark shades, so as to

dazzle without enlightening the beholder. His character is not an

assemblage of great talents by the side of great defects, and splendid

virtues contaminated by their vicinity to atrocious vices: he shone with

a clear and steady lustre, which, if it seldom appeared with flashes of

splendour to dazzle and astonish, was yet never mingled with shades, nor

intercepted by clouds. The circumstance which seems to distinguish his

name from that of all others, is not the pre-eminence of any one talent

or virtue, but a unity of character resulting from the perfect

combination and exact balancing of all those great and good qualities,

which enter into the character of one who is to possess public esteem,

guide public opinion, and command universal respect and confidence.”

[Illustration]

EAST PORT, AND PASSAMAQUODDY BAY.

* * * * *

The people of this beautiful State are just now enduring a double share

of the evils of border location, having not only the ill-directed

“_sympathy_” with the insurrectionists of Canada to repress, but the

excitement of the newly-vexed question of _boundary_. As this last

subject is one little understood, perhaps the history of the

negotiations on the subject may not be unacceptable to the readers of

the AMERICAN SCENERY.

“In their endeavours to bring about the settlement of another contested

point, the two governments were less successful than they had been with

respect to the commercial intercourse between America and the West India

Island. This point related to the fixing the north-eastern boundary of

the United States.

“By the treaty of 1783, which recognised their independence, it was

declared that the eastern boundary of the United States, dividing them

from Nova Scotia, should be ‘a line to be drawn along the middle of the

river St. Croix, from its mouth in the bay of Fundy to its source, and

from its source, directly north, to the highlands, which divide the

rivers that fall into the Atlantic Ocean from those which fall into the

river St. Lawrence.’ The northern line, separating Canada from the New

States, was to commence ‘from the north-west angle of Nova Scotia; viz.

that angle which is formed by a line drawn due north from the source of

the St. Croix river to the highlands, along the said highlands, which

divide those rivers that, empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence

from those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean, to the north-westernmost

head of Connecticut river; thence, descending along that river to the

forty-fifth degree of latitude, thence due west on that latitude, until

it strikes the river Iroquois or Cataruguy, thence along the middle of

the said river into Lake Ontario,’ &c.

“Being for the most part marked out by mathematical, or by well-known

natural lines, the frontier between the head of the Connecticut and Lake

Ontario afforded but little ground for dispute. But such was not the

case with the boundary from the head of the Connecticut to the sea.

Untrodden, except perhaps by the foot of the hunter, all the northern

division of the country between the Bay of Fundy and the St. Lawrence

then consisted of a dense forest, scattered over with mountains and

lakes, and intersected by streams of considerable magnitude. No survey

of it appears ever to have been made, and the British ministers were,

consequently, ignorant of its topographical features. Yet, even under

these circumstances, they can scarcely be excused for having admitted

such a vague description of the future limits, since, without much

difficulty, sufficient information might have been obtained to prevent

this defect. Their negligence gave birth to a controversy, which, after

the expiration of half a century, yet remains undecided. Only a few

years elapsed before a doubt arose respecting the river which was meant

under the name of St. Croix; the Americans insisting that the St. John

was the river which was intended. By the treaty of 1794, it was arranged

that this point should be left to the decision of a joint commission. In

1798, the commission decided that the extreme source of the northern

branch of the Scoodic river was the source of the St. Croix designated

in the treaty; and a monument was erected there, to indicate the spot

whence the line was to be drawn to the north. Thus far the question was

satisfactorily set at rest. Not such, however, was the result of the

subsequent proceedings. For some years, no further steps appear to have

been taken by either of the governments. While the territory in question

continued to be a wilderness, there was not much temptation to discuss

its limits; but when the new state of Maine, and the British province of

New Brunswick, began to extend their settlements into the interior, the

case was materially altered. The line of demarcation claimed by the

Americans would not only include an area of ten thousand square miles,

but would entirely cut off all direct communication between New

Brunswick and Lower Canada. From the source of the Scoodic river, they

prolonged the line northward, as far as a chain of mountains distant

less than thirty miles from the St. Lawrence; which chain, they

contended, formed the highlands specified in the treaty of 1783.

“The British, on the contrary, maintained that the north-west angle of

Nova Scotia was at Mars Hill, about forty miles from the source of the

Scoodic; and that the northern frontier of Maine ought to pass from

thence to the westward over a range of hills which lie at the sources of

the Penobscot, Kennebec, and Androscoggin. Neither party would recede

from its pretensions. In the treaty of Ghent, in 1814, it was agreed

that two commissioners should be appointed to make surveys and settle

the boundary. If they coincided in opinion, their decision was to be

final; but if they disagreed, some friendly sovereign, or state, was to

be chosen as umpire, and from his judgment there was to be no appeal.

“Affairs remained in this state till 1827, when the commissioners being

unable to agree, and some disputes as to questions of jurisdiction

having rendered it desirable to bring the frontier controversy to an

issue, a convention was concluded between the British and American

government, by which it was arranged that the king of the Netherlands

should be requested to act as arbitrator. To this request his majesty

assented; and their statements and surveys were accordingly laid before

him. The award of the sovereign umpire was not delivered till the 10th

of January, 1831. It was not calculated to satisfy either of the

claimants. Considering the pretensions of the two powers to be equally

balanced, it proceeded to lay down new limits, upon principles of mutual

convenience. The British frontier was to commence at the spot where the

line drawn due north from the source of the Scoodic intersects the St.

John, and was to pass up the latter river and the St. Francis, to the

highlands which run parallel with the St. Lawrence. Though this award

assigned to the Americans seven-eighths of the district which was

contended for by Great Britain, yet, as it gave a direct communication

between New Brunswick and Lower Canada, it was accepted by the British

government. The United States was not so yielding. The award was

immediately protested against by the American ministers at the Hague, on

the ground of the arbiter having exceeded his authority. The State of

Maine also entered its protest, and denied the right of the federal

government to cede any portion of the litigated territory. The matter

was finally brought before the senate by the President, and that body

decided that the umpire having gone beyond his powers, his award was not

binding; and that a new negotiation must be opened with Great Britain.

Since that period, however, no steps have been taken to accomplish an

arrangement.”

[Illustration]

CEMETERY OF MOUNT AUBURN.

* * * * *

This picturesque and beautiful burial-place occupies a grove, formerly

an academic and sylvan retreat for the students of Harvard College, near

by. It is about five miles from Boston, and presents naturally a most

agreeable mixture of hill, valley, and water, forming altogether the

beau-ideal of a site for the purpose to which it is at present devoted.

If we are not mistaken, the people of the United States owe the most

creditable and delicate taste, newly awakened throughout the country on

the subject of sepulture, to one of their most distinguished poets, the

Rev. John Pierpoint, author of the “Airs of Palestine.” By his

exertions, mainly, a society was formed for the purchase, appropriation,

and improvement, of the beautiful spot represented in the drawing; and,

at present, most of the wealthier citizens of the capital of New England

are possessors of verdant and flowery enclosures, which are ornamented

even more tastefully than the celebrated cemeteries of Père la Chaise.

In doing away thus with the neglectfulness and dreariness of the outer

aspect of the grave, death, it seems to us, is divested of half its

terrors, while a refined and salutary feeling is awakened in the bosoms

of the living.

The example of this cemetery has been followed in other cities; and at

Philadelphia, particularly, there is a most sweet spot selected upon the

banks of the Schuylkill, and appropriated to this purpose. The

refinement has spread all over the country; and in a few years,

probably, the burial of the dead will be associated in the minds of the

people of the United States only with sylvan repose, and the sacred

loveliness of consecrated natural beauty.

[Illustration]

NORTHAMPTON, MASSACHUSETTS.

* * * * *

It is recorded of the first settlers of Northampton, that in the tenth

year of their establishment in the wilderness, in 1663, they paid for

the support of a clergyman one hundred and twenty pounds sterling.

According to the change in the value of money, and the circumstances of

the persons who formed the congregation, this sum was equal to at least

six times the amount of the present valuation. In this one fact is to be

found a leaven which has pervaded the town ever since, preserving for

its inhabitants the rigid morality, the religious feeling, and almost

the stern manners of the Puritan pilgrims.

The inflexible justice practised among such men had its effect on the

Indians among whom they settled; and Northampton, in consequence, was

one of the last towns affected by the general hostilities of Philip’s

war.

In their first purchases, they secured no less their own rights than the

rights of the natives; and the latter were always considered as having a

right to dwell and hunt in the lands they had sold. In the year 1664,

they requested leave of the settlers to build themselves a fort within

the town; and leave was granted on the following conditions:—

“That the Indians do not work, game, or carry burdens within the town on

the Sabbath; nor _powow_ here, or anywhere else;

“Nor get liquor, nor cider, nor get drunk;

“Nor admit Indians from without the town;

“Nor break down the fences of the inhabitants;

“Nor let cattle or swine upon their fields; but go over a stile at one

place;

“Nor admit among them the murderers, Calawane, Wuttowhan, and

Pacquallant;

“Nor hunt, nor kill cattle, sheep, or swine, with their dogs.”

There is in these conditions an attention to the sobriety and morality

of the Indians, which has been very seldom regarded in compacts with

this injured race. The consequence was, a perpetual peace between them

and the Indians of their immediate neighbourhood. On the breaking out of

Philip’s war, however, they became liable to incursions from other

tribes, and especially from the Canadians, French, and Indians. They

fortified their “meeting-house;” and in every cluster of houses, one was

fortified and pierced with holes for the discharge of muskets. The whole

town was then enclosed with a palisado set up in a trench, and a guard

of fifty persons perpetually kept.

It is scarcely possible to convey, to a mind that has not reflected on

the subject, a fair idea of the difficulties, hazards, and horrors, that

beset the first adventurers for religious liberty in New England. Beside

all the usual evils of pioneering—the separation from friends, the

hardships, the privations, the loss of all communication with the

civilized world, these settlers had to encounter the most diabolical

warfare recorded in history.

“The first announcement of an Indian war,” says a diffuse writer on this

subject, “is its terrible commencement. In the hour of security and

sleep, when your deadly enemies are supposed to be friends, quietly

fishing and hunting—when they are believed to be far off, and

thoughtless of you and yours, your sleep is suddenly broken by the

war-whoop, your house and village set on fire, your family and friends

butchered, and yourself escape only to be carried into captivity, and

wrung with every species of torture. If you go out to the fields, you

may be shot down by an unseen enemy in the woods, or return in the

evening and find your house consumed to ashes, and your family carried

into captivity.”

During the last part of what is called Philip’s war, to the Indians’

treachery, cruelty, and cunning, was added the instigation, the

sustenance, and the wealth of the civilized French. A price was paid for

English scalps; European officers planned and assisted to execute

schemes of devastation and slaughter; and, in short, nothing was wanting

to develop, in its fullest ferocity, the Indian’s love of blood.

It is curious to reflect how wide and immortal would have been the fame

of the king of the Wampanoags, had he succeeded, (as he came very near

doing,) in exterminating the Whites, and restoring the land of his

forefathers to his subjects and children. The experiment of settlement

would scarcely have been soon repeated; and, perhaps, to this day, the

Indian, confident in his tried strength, would have possessed and

defended the lands from which he has so utterly disappeared; while the

name of Philip would justly have been associated with those of Gustavus

Vasa, and Alfred of England. The difference between him and these great

lights of history, is, that he failed.

[Illustration]

CHAPEL OF “OUR LADY OF COLD SPRING.”

* * * * *

The Hudson bends out from Crow-Nest into a small bay; and, in the lap of

the crescent thus formed, lies snug and sheltered, the little village of

Cold Spring. It is not much of a place for its buildings, history, or

business; but it has its squire and post-master, its politics and

scandal, and a long disappointed ambition to become a regular

landing-place for the steamers. Then there are cabals between the rival

ferrymen, on which the inhabitants divide; the vote for the president,

on which they agree (for Van Buren); and the usual religious sects, with

the usual schisms. The Presbyterians and Methodists, as usual, worship

in very ugly churches; and the Catholics, as usual, in a very

picturesque and beautiful one. (_Vide_ the Drawing.)

It is a pity (picturesquely speaking) that the boatmen on the river are

not Catholics; it would be so pretty to see them shorten sail off Our

Lady of Cold Spring, and uncover for an Ave-Maria. This little chapel,

so exquisitely situated on the bluff overlooking the river, reminds me

of a hermit’s oratory and cross which is perched similarly in the

shelter of a cliff on the desolate coast of Sparta. I was on board a

frigate, gliding slowly up the Ægean, and clinging to the shore for a

land-wind, when I descried the white cross at a distance of about half a

mile, strongly relieved against the dark rock in its rear. As we

approached, the small crypt and altar became visible; and, at the moment

the ship passed, a tall monk, with a snow-white beard, stepped forth

like an apparition upon the cliffs, and spread out his arms to bless us.

In the midst of the intense solitude of the Ægean, with not a human

dwelling to be seen on the whole coast from Moron to Napoli, the effect

of this silent benediction was almost supernatural. He remained for five

minutes in this attitude, his long cowl motionless in the still air, and

his head slowly turning to the ship as she drew fast round the little

promontory on her course. I would suggest to Our Lady of Cold Spring,

that a niche under the portico of her pretty chapel, with a cross to be

seen from the river by day, and a lamp by night, would make at least a

catholic impression on the passer by, though we are not all children of

St. Peter.

Half way between the mountain and our Lady’s shrine, stands, on a superb

natural platform, the romantic estate of Undercliff, the seat of Colonel

Morris. Just above it rises the abrupt and heavily wooded mountain, from

which it derives its name; a thick grove hides it from the village at

its foot; and, from the portico of the mansion, extend views in three

directions unparalleled for varied and surprising beauty. A road,

running between high-water mark and the park gate, skirts the river in

eccentric windings for five or six miles; the brows of the hills

descending to the Hudson in the west and north, are nobly wooded and

threaded with circuitous paths, and all around lies the most romantic

scenery of the most romantic river in the world.

The only fault of the views from West Point, is, that West Point itself

is lost as a feature in the landscape. The traveller feels the same

drawback which troubled the waiting-maid when taken to drive by the

footman in her mistress’s chariot—“How I wish I could stand by the road

side and see myself go by!” From Undercliff, which is directly opposite,

and about at the same elevation, the superb terrace of the Military

School is seen to the greatest advantage. The white barracks of

Camptown, the long range of edifices which skirt the esplanade, the

ruins half way up the mountain of old Fort Putnam, and the waving line

of wood and valley extending to Mr. Cozzen’s estate of “Stoney

Lonesome,” form a noble feature in the view from Undercliff.

I had forgotten that Cold Spring “plucks a glory on its head” from being

honoured with the frequent visits of Washington Irving, Halleck, and

other lesser stars in the literary firmament; when these first lights

above the horizon shall have set, (Hesperus-like—first and brightest!)

there will linger about this little village—by that time, perhaps,

arrived at the dignity of a landing-place—many a tale of the days when

Geoffrey Crayon talked in his gentle way with the ferryman who brought

him to Cold Spring; or the now plethoric post-master, who, in his

character of librarian to the village, enjoyed the friendship of Irving

and Halleck, and received from their own hands the “authors’ copies,”

since curiously preserved in the execrable print and binding then

prevalent in America. Perhaps even old Lipsey the ferryman, and his

rival Andrews, will come in for their slice of immortality, little as

they dream now, pulling close in for the counter-current under our

Lady’s skirts, of working at that slow oar for posthumous reputation.

[Illustration]

VIEW FROM THE MOUNTAIN HOUSE, CATSKILL.

* * * * *

In the following masterly description, by Miss Martineau, is said all,

and the best that can be said, of the glorious view from the

Mountain-House at Catskill.

“After tea, I went out upon the platform in front of the house, having

been warned not to go too near the edge, so as to fall an unmeasured

depth into the forest below. I sat upon the edge as a security against

stepping over unawares. The stars were bright overhead, and had

conquered half the sky, giving promise of what we ardently desired, a

fine morrow. Over the other half, the mass of thunder-clouds was, I

supposed, heaped together; for I could at first discern nothing of the

champaign which I knew must be stretched below. Suddenly, and from that

moment incessantly, gushes of red lightning poured out from the cloudy

canopy, revealing, not merely the horizon, but the course of the river,

in all its windings through the valley. This thread of river, thus

illuminated, looked like a flash of lightning caught by some strong hand

and laid along in the valley.

“All the principal features of the landscape might, no doubt, have been

discerned by this sulphureous light; but my whole attention was absorbed

by the river, which seemed to come out of the darkness, like an

apparition, at the summons of my impatient will. It could be borne only

for a short time—this dazzling, bewildering alternation of glare and

blackness, of vast reality and nothingness. I was soon glad to draw back

from the precipice, and seek the candle-light within.

American Scenery, Vol. 2 (of 2) or, Land, lake, and river illustrations of transatlantic nature · 第 9 / 10 段