"Come closer, and look. Here is Melanov, Piotr. I wish you to point out
to the Colonel the exact spot of which we were talking."
"It is there, your Majesty."
"You see, Colonel, there?"
"I see nothing except that small road which you have traced in red ink."
"You know it?"
"Surely, as I know every inch of the country round, with the exception
of one place."
"And that?"
"Where Piotr used to hide himself, that I never could discover."
"He will show it to you, Colonel."
"For a purpose, your Majesty?"
"For a purpose. I wish you to go there, without anyone knowing, and see
how best it can be adapted quickly to accommodate at least ten thousand
troops, for some days."
"Aha!"
"You will also determine the best way for the said troops to arrive
there, and whether it will be possible to remove the traces of their
progress. When you have all the information required, return to me
here."
"It shall be done, your Majesty."
"You, Piotr, will accompany Colonel von Quarovitch. If help is needed
select from your friends the necessary number of men. They will work
under the Colonel's directions, and you will be in charge, and will pay
them for their time, at twice the ordinary rates. For your own trouble,
I promise that you shall be satisfied."
"I want nothing, your Majesty, my life is yours."
"Then return with Colonel von Quarovitch, we shall perhaps need you."
*CHAPTER XII*
It was three days before Quarovitch returned with the details which I
had desired him to obtain. He was in a state of mind bordering upon
dismay, that such a place should have existed without his knowledge. He
was amazed, disgusted, and yet pleased, for the report he brought back
showed that he had a fair inkling of what I intended to do.
Silently we prepared for war, mobilising quietly and quickly, without
any undue haste, but with careful attention to details.
I interviewed the Press. Thank God they were all loyal, and were only
too pleased to fall in with the scheme I proposed to them: which was to
refrain from mentioning any movements of troops, or details of military
import. I promised them that, whenever it was possible, news that they
could print should be given to them; they also agreed to write articles,
strongly advocating Peace.
As soon as I had Quarovitch's report, I called a Council of War. It was
composed of Count von Belen, Prince von Zeula, Prince von Venoff,
General von Vorkovitch, Prince Kleber, General Avilinoff, General von
Scutane, and Colonel von Quarovitch. Mr. Neville was there to act as
secretary, for we wished to keep our plans known to as few people as
possible.
I am sure there was a strong current of excitement running through us as
we settled ourselves down to examine the large maps of Rudarlia, which
were spread on the table.
"Gentlemen," I said, "we all know the strained feeling now existing
between this country and our neighbour Bornia; their mobilisation points
to serious possibilities, I may say probabilities. I have therefore
called this Council to deliberate upon the steps we must take to prepare
for war.
"I may tell those of you who are not in the Ministry that we have
received information that the great Powers will not interfere in this
war--if it should come to war. With this assurance, which as you know
is of vast importance, we can rest satisfied. The main issue will
therefore rest upon the skill with which we meet the enemy. If our
strategy is superior to that of the Bornians, all will be well. I
refuse to allow for one moment the idea that it may be inferior,
therefore we will not waste time in discussing that eventuality.
"In the Councils we have held in the past, it has been generally
concluded that any invasion by Bornia would come from the west, as it
did before; and certainly the number of troops massed there point to the
probability of the suggestion.
"The military experts among us point out that the Ruln, Agrade, and
Karena line is the only possible means of conveying heavy guns to attack
our fortified capital, which is most likely the correct opinion; but it
must be remembered that there are other ways of reaching Karena. Prince
Kleber is the only one who suggests that the attack may be made through
Soctia, but I am afraid that there the wish is father to the thought."
"That is so," said the Prince, so glibly that we all smiled.
"That being so, I think we can trust our troops in Soctia to repulse any
raid through Garace, which, on account of the nature of the ground to
the north, would be of no real import to the general plan of the
Bornians, save as the means to create a panic, and draw troops from more
important places.
"Now, there is another way into Karena which has not as yet been hinted
at as a possible line of attack. All of you, with courteous
consideration for my feelings, have refrained from any adverse criticism
regarding certain fortified places to the north of Karena. But I have
no doubt that you have often considered the money spent as so much
waste; it may be so, but it was spent with the idea of preventing an
attack in that direction. The road from Melanov to Karena is the
shortest way from Bornian frontiers to our capital."
"Does your Majesty know the road from Melanov to Karena?" asked
Vorkovitch.
"Very well, General. I have walked it twice with my eyes open."
"Would your Majesty consider that an attack could be made from there?"
"I trust so, since I have counted upon such an attack being attempted."
"But it would be madness to advance that way, there are no roads to
speak of; we could mass our men, so that the enemy would not be able to
advance half a dozen miles. The Bornians must know that and they are
not mad."
"And yet it is the shortest way to Karena from the frontier."
"It would not be if we were in between."
"Perhaps not; but did you intend being in between? I have not heard the
suggestion made."
"No, your Majesty, I did not mention it, as it would be absurd to waste
troops in that direction, when the frontier guard would be sufficient."
"Very well, is that the general opinion?"
"It appears to be, your Majesty," said Prince Zeula.
"Are there no dissentients?"
"Three, your Majesty: Count Belen, Colonel von Quarovitch, and myself."
"You agree with me then, Colonel von Quarovitch?"
"I do, your Majesty, and should like to mention that some years ago I
sent in a report to that effect. At that time, I am convinced, they
could have marched through, that is, if they had taken us by surprise."
"You think then they will try a surprise to the north; on what grounds
do you base your supposition?"
"The south and west have been fortified since the last invasion. They
know that, therefore it must strike them that they will meet with great
opposition in those quarters. This opposition, however, would be
tremendously lessened, if not completely upset, by a striking success to
the north."
"Then what do you imagine would be their plan of attack?"
"I think, your Majesty, that their main forces will strike along the
Ruln-Agrade line, and at the same time they will throw a column through
Melanov."
"Pshaw!" said Vorkovitch.
"What is your objection to Colonel von Quarovitch's argument?"
"My chief objection is that he takes the Bornians for fools, and argues
on that premise. I maintain that no sane general would try to deliver a
main attack through such country as that between Melanov and Karena."
"Colonel von Quarovitch did not suggest a main attack by the north, but
a flying column; personally, I should be inclined to think that they
would send a larger force than that."
With the exception of Quarovitch, the military element were against me.
It was easy to see that their thoughts ran along preconceived lines of
strategy, which I think is rather a failing among military men. It
seems to me that they go too much to the great generals of past times,
whereas no two battles have ever been exactly similar.
On former occasions, when we had held a Council, the soldiers had agreed
most easily, but then we had not discussed the prospect of immediate
warfare. Now, when we should all have been eager to find the best
possible defence, each of these same Generals wanted his own plan to be
adopted.
I listened to each proposition, carefully weighing it; I did not
criticise, there was no need, with the other Generals there.
More than once I introduced the subject of Melanov, but each time it met
with almost unveiled scorn. So finally I said no more; but I had my own
ideas, and I intended to carry them out.
The advance from Ruln was the great topic of discussion, it was there
that the opinions differed: one proposed this, another that, until I was
weary listening to their wrangling.
Quarovitch said little, being only a Colonel, and I almost regretted not
having raised him in rank before this.
The result of this Council was nil. We sat again that evening, also the
next morning; and still they argued, and argued.
At this meeting General von Vorkovitch fell ill; he was a very old man,
and the strain had proved too much for him. He retired from the
Council, and I sent a car to take him to his home near Damretch.
When he had gone I decided to take matters into my own hands, for time
was flying, and we were hardly any nearer the solution of our problem.
We were receiving reports continually from the border of fresh troops
arriving in the neighbourhood of Ruln; it was evident that their main
attack would come that way. I had my spies, too, on the Melanov border,
but so far nothing was reported save a certain restlessness at Nerane,
and certain tracks which could not be accounted for by ordinary traffic.
I sent Piotr to try his luck, and see what he could discover.
Now we had decided that the Ruln-Karena line was where our chief
fighting must be done, and upon this point General Avilinoff and I
agreed. General von Scutane had sided with General von Vorkovitch. They
wished to offer a tremendous defence at Ruln itself, even to advance
into Bornia, their reasons being that in that way we should be fighting
upon the enemy's soil, which is always encouraging to the soldiers.
This was not at all what I wished. It was too much like stalemate, that
is, granting that we could hold Ruln. It seemed to me that, even if we
could, nothing decisive could result, for we were not in a position to
invade Bornia. On the other hand, if we allowed them to force a way
slowly into Rudarlia, there would be more chance of victory. With our
small army we could wage a defensive campaign, where we could hope for
nothing from the offensive. We should be fighting on our own territory,
of which we should know every inch; and, as to the morale of our troops,
well, I had always understood that men would fight to the death in
defence of their own.
It was then decided that our policy should be a slow strategic retreat
to our own chosen positions.
We were just about to adjourn for an hour, when an urgent message was
brought to me by Woolgast; it ran:
"I have news of the utmost importance to your Majesty, and to the
Council now sitting. I await your Majesty's orders.--RUPERT
CARRUTHERS."
"Admit him, please," I said, and waited.
There must be something serious afoot, or he would never have been so
formal, nor would he have interrupted our Council. He had not wasted
much time in coming over, and, perhaps, on his way he had gathered news.
I wondered whether he had come through Nerane.
He entered the room and saluted.
I felt inclined to jump up and seize his hand, and laugh with pleasure
at sight of him, but of course I could not, so had to content myself
with a good look at him. He really was a splendid looking man, the
ideal soldier; and it was strange that at that moment I wondered whether
he was ever going to be married, and whether there was no Rudarlian girl
to tempt him to matrimony.
"Ah, Monsieur Carruthers, you have news, you say, of importance to us.
I shall be pleased to hear you."
"I come from Nerane, sir"--it was almost ludicrous to see the start
which nearly every one gave, the word "Nerane" seemed to act as a
spur--"being desirous of arriving here as soon as possible, I hired a
horse and, in trying a short cut, lost my way; in seeking the road again
I blundered upon a body of Bornian troops not more than seven miles from
Melanov."
"What's that?" I cried, and I saw General von Soutane's hands clench, as
they rested on the table. "Bornian troops, sir. I estimated their
number to be about ten to fifteen thousand. They are bivouacked in a
defile to the east of the road, well hidden from any ordinary
passer-by."
"Ah! did you observe any details, monsieur? Had they guns?"
"Only horse artillery, but in Nerane I saw heavier weapons."
"Openly displayed?"
"No, sir, they were hidden in a small farm to the south of the town;
observing heavy tracks, I walked up to the house to ask for a drink of
water. The guns were covered with masses of hay."
"And what made you suppose them to be guns?"
"At first it was a surmise on my part, as, in England, haystacks are not
guarded by armed soldiers. Afterwards I made sure, as one of them was
carelessly covered."
I smiled at this, knowing Rupert's inordinate curiosity, and almost
superhuman dexterity in ferreting out what he wished to know.
"Was there not considerable risk in walking to the house as you did?
Surely it would have been better to have ridden up as any traveller
would?"
"I had not my horse then, sir."
"I thought you said you had hired a horse."
"It was at the farm that I obtained my horse, sir."
Rupert allowed a grin to twist his lips, so I said no more about the
horse, but I knew there was a story attached to the possession of it. I
turned to Avilinoff.
"What do you say now, General?"
"Can Monsieur Carruthers give any reason for supposing that the
intentions of these troops were other than pacific?"
"They were carrying ball cartridges, General."
"Then, your Majesty, I say that I was wrong about the north."
"You mean that Colonel von Quarovitch may be right?"
"More than that, I say that he _is_ right. They evidently propose a
raid; how big, of course it is impossible to say until we know more.
Could Monsieur Carruthers give us more details?"
"I had not much time, General, but I saw an aeroplane with the troops,
and there were signs of great activity in Nerane. I only got through by
pretending to be the nephew of Sir George Curtiss."
We adjourned after this for an hour, Rupert breakfasted with me, and
told me the truth about his horse. It appeared that as he was leaving
the farm, he met an officer leading his horse; this officer stopped him,
and asked his business. Carruthers had calmly knocked him down, placed a
thousand franc note in his pocket, and confiscated his horse. The money
he had left was what he described as payment for the hire of the animal.
He also described the payment as: "A d--d sight more than the beast was
worth."
That same day we worked out the full scheme of our south-eastern
defence, and I appointed Avilinoff as Commander-in-Chief. The north I
reserved. I had made up my mind to conduct that campaign myself. It
was perhaps conceited, idiotic, even criminal, that I, a ridiculously
young King, should take into my own hands the leadership of an army, but
I had faith in myself, and in my soldiers. I did not presume to pose as
a tactician, but the strategy should be mine, for I felt it. Perhaps it
was some spark inherited from a soldier ancestor, I do not know.
We had, when fully mobilised, an army of one hundred and thirty thousand
men; this number did not include the garrisons of such places as Soctia,
Poiska, or Orvlov. It was the actual fighting force that reached that
number. Of these I retained forty thousand; the other ninety thousand
were under the command of Avilinoff.
Our railways were never idle, and in order to confuse the enemy's spies
very few people knew of the ultimate destination of the troops, these
being moved backwards and forwards; but gradually they were drafted off
to the frontier, or as near to it as Avilinoff wished.
I made Quarovitch a General, for I intended giving him a large command
in the north, and he and I worked hard together concocting our plan, and
deciding on the composition of the forces necessary to carry it out.
Forty thousand men may have seemed a large proportion of our fighting
force to have kept for the north, and I believe it was greatly
criticised, but my reasons were these: we did not know how many of the
enemy would be opposed to us, I wished to have the numerical superiority
over any probable force.
I wanted to gain a victory, of a decisive kind, quickly, and also I
thought that, after a victory in the north, the troops, when they did
reach the southern army, would leaven that in a most satisfactory way,
especially as Avilinoff's army would have been retreating for some time.
For some days small bodies of troops left Karena, after dark, for a
destination known only to the officer in charge, and Quarovitch. Of
course, I was aware that they went, and where; but, then, I was supposed
to know everything.
A shooting affray in which a Bornian officer was wounded, a fishing boat
seized by our coast guard, were the two excuses our enemy needed; these
two things happened simultaneously, and within twenty-four hours they
had presented an ultimatum.
That same night Piotr returned. He had ample information, and of such a
nature that I blessed the thought that had induced me to retain so many
troops in the north. He left again some hours later with Quarovitch.
Between Prince Venoff and the Bornian Minister, there was a great deal
of going to and fro. Our Foreign Minister, full of wiles, played his
part to perfection. He asked for more time, appeared to meditate
compliance with the terms of the ultimatum, suggested compromises with
every sign of nervousness; but all to no avail, the Bornian was
relentless.
I cannot remember meeting a man so born to be duped. He was enormously
conceited, overbearing, and haughty. He only possessed a modicum of
those qualities a Minister needs.
Had he been a wiser man, our course of procedure would have been very
different, but as it was he was fooled completely, and the more fooled
he was the more pressing he became in his demands.
At last we could hold him off no longer, even if we had wished to; and
he was recalled upon war being declared.
*CHAPTER XIII*
So war had come, and I, for one, thanked God that it had not found us
unprepared.
The first shot of the war was fired at Ruln. It took the enemy three
days, and cost them many lives, to drive our small force out of that
place. It was on that day that they made their first move from the
north, and it is with this attack that I will deal first.
A thousand men seized Melanov, driving out a small force of ill-equipped
Rudarlians. These retired with every appearance of panic and surprise.
It was Captain von Essens who was responsible for this move, and he had
chosen his men for their intelligence; they must have acted their part
extremely well.
The enemy advanced rapidly, their cavalry reached Nardal and occupied
that place without resistance. On the other flank they reached half-way
to Villatov. The ground, however, in that direction was eminently
unsuited for cavalry work, and a small body of Rudarlians held them
there successfully.
At Viritz, their main force met with considerable resistance, as we
determined to make them bring up as large a number of troops as
possible. Our old guns were conspicuous, and in spite of their age did
considerable damage. Again we lost ground, retiring, before an
overwhelming force, some seven miles, to a range of hills where we were
heavily entrenched. We left Viritz in a hurry, leaving behind us a
number of obsolete guns carefully rendered useless; I had given them to
the Bornians as I had promised.
They occupied Viritz, and I heard with great satisfaction that they were
congratulating themselves on the easiness with which they were
progressing. They made the fatal blunder of under-estimating an
adversary. It was what I had wished and schemed for. The concentration
of their troops at Viritz, preparatory to a final rush through to
Karena, gave us time to complete our defences on the hills, and there we
sat and waited.
The three roads which led from Viritz to Karena, Romlitz, and Kelbna ran
through the hills at places where, strangely enough, minerals had been
found; between these roads, linking them up, were our troops. The roads
were also joined by a military road, on the side nearest to Karena.
This had been built especially for the movements of troops.
So far they had made no use of the aeroplane which had been seen by
Carruthers, and we did not wish them to know of ours, until necessary.
Then an accident took place which might have upset our plans
considerably: my two trained aeronauts were standing together talking,
when a shell burst near them; killing one, wounding the other, and
completely smashing one of the aircraft. It was the first shell, from a
battery that had taken up a position to try and force us from our
entrenchments. As soon as this was reported to me, I rode over to see
whether something could be done, but, alas, the damaged machine was
beyond repair, even if we had had anyone to fly in it. I must confess
that the sight of the other standing there all ready for use made me
feel despondent, especially as a few minutes later we saw the Bornian
machine rise in the air from behind their line.
I sat there impotent, and watched the accursed thing come flying
towards, and then over us. She could make her observations and we could
do nothing to prevent her. I rode a little way back still looking at
the machine, and then from behind me I heard a cheer, a wild
exhilarating sound which caused me to turn again quickly. Our own
aeroplane was just rising from the ground. I stared in astonishment. I
had no idea that anyone could fly amongst my officers, whoever it was
should reap a rich reward. Then one of my aides-de-camp came towards me
at a gallop.
"Who is on that?" I asked with a wave of my hand to the ascending
machine.
"Monsieur Carruthers, your Majesty."
Rupert! and I never knew that he could fly. It did not surprise me,
however, it was just the kind of thing which he would enjoy.
My heart beat rapidly as I watched his machine ascending higher and
higher; what did he intend to do? I was not left long in doubt, for he
soon started in pursuit of the Bornian. They disappeared into the
clouds which rolled low over the hills behind us. The Bornian evidently
knew that he was being pursued, for in a little while they reappeared
again, like birds at first, but every minute growing bigger. It was a
race, in which the Bornian was leading. I think that nearly every man
was watching with open-mouthed astonishment. I turned my head for an
instant and lost touch with them; I no longer knew which was which. My
agitation must have passed to my horse, for he began to plunge, tearing
at the bit.
A great cry from the soldiery, and I looked up. My God! one of them was
falling horribly--like a great wounded eagle--the other kept on its way
towards the enemy's lines.
I almost broke down then, I know that I covered my face with my hands
and groaned; my old friend, my dear old pal, had gone. Those around me
kept silent in sympathy, for they knew how strong had been the bond
between their King and the English lord.
I did not look any more, but motioned to some one to find out all he
could of the catastrophe. This was no time for private grief.
Carruthers had given his life for me, and now we must fight to preserve
our own.
There was a depressed feeling among the troops, the failure of our
aeroplanes had dampened them, I think they regarded it as a bad omen. I
turned to give an order, and saw on my aide's face a look of supreme
astonishment.
"Look, your Majesty, he's coming back."
I looked. What an extraordinary thing, for what reason would he return?
And then the men began to shout, wildly, and I knew the reason: it was
our machine that was returning; it had been the Bornian who had come to
the ground.
It was as if the sun had suddenly shone out, on every face there was a
smile, and gone, for ever, the feeling of depression.
It was one of the happiest moments of my life when Carruthers came to
report on his trip over Viritz. I felt inclined literally to hug him,
but had to be content with his salute.
His report was satisfactory.
All that day the artillery fire was kept up with but small loss to us,
and night fell.
I had instructed the gunners to cease firing, to make it appear as
though some of them had been put out of action, and so little by little
our fire had slackened. So far the forts had not spoken.
Anyone on the look out that night would have seen three rockets soar
into the sky over Karena; they were very important, but the enemy did
not know that such was the case. As it was, they conveyed a message to
General von Quarovitch.
And then morning came, and with it the attack. A tremendous bombardment
for some two hours, which did little damage, as our men had literally
dug themselves in, and then the infantry advanced; a feeble fire met
them until within a few hundred yards, and then they were simply swept
away. No human beings could have withstood that rain of fire, and they
fled back, while all the time our cavalry hung upon their flanks
creating further panic among them.
Again their artillery opened fire, and this time our forts came into
action; the roar of their big guns must have awakened the Bornians to
the terrible position, especially as they must have heard, about that
time, that Quarovitch had cut right across their communications with
some fifteen thousand men. He had carried out his part with consummate
skill, and was then entrenched in a strong position south of Melanov.
I think General von Brote, realising his position, thought that his only
chance lay in breaking through on the Karena road. Perhaps he imagined
that we were in less force than we were. I don't know, but anyhow he
tried the impossible.
A few miles east of the Karena road, there was a break in the hills, and
it was this way that General von Brote thought to turn our flank. I
cannot understand his reasoning, for he must have known that it was
extremely unlikely that we should have left such a way open, especially
as it was cavalry country; but I can only suppose that he still did not
realise that we were thoroughly prepared.
I have said it was cavalry country, so it was, right up to the break,
and on the other side towards Yungben, but the break itself was rather
an extraordinary piece of ground.
Right across the whole width, which at the greatest was some three
miles, were strewn immense boulders, some singly, others arranged in
heaps for some hundred yards, only in the centre was there a space of
about half a mile free from them. Instead of the boulders a narrow
stream ran across. It was a stream which watered the plains round
Yungben, twisting and winding in a most weird fashion. In time of rain,
it sometimes flooded the fields around, but now it ran steadily and
calmly, little dreaming, if streams can dream, of the horrible sights it
was to see before many hours had passed, or of the dead bodies of man
and beast with which its clear waters were to be choked.
In order to make this break as impregnable as I could, without showing
any great signs, I had constructed a low, barbed wire entanglement on
the Yungben side of the stream; this entanglement, although low, was
fifty yards wide; behind that again, I had rifle pits dug, but instead
of banking up the earth it was scattered over the ground. Besides this
I had placed a battery of horse artillery on either flank, while the
line of boulders was also guarded with entanglements and maxims;
altogether we had some three thousand troops guarding that spot. The
guns, and the men, were concealed behind bushes and small trees, as well
as the masses of rock, some hundred men only being on view.
Against this defence, there were some five thousand of the enemy.
Relying upon the reports of their scouts, who had been misled by the
small number of our men to be seen, their cavalry swept forward. They
were too far from their supports, their artillery was unable to come
into action, on account of their forward movement. They swept on
blindly, trusting to sweep away the little force opposed to them. Our
men opened fire at two thousand yards, they did some damage but not
enough even to make them think; they rode on and on, the nearer they
got, the more men they lost.
They were within one hundred yards of the stream, when the rest of our
infantry came into action. It must have been appalling, although even
then they struggled to get to close quarters, but the stream held them,
the entanglements held them, and all the while death was poured from the
barrels of our rifles and maxim guns; what was left of them turned and
fled. Their artillery opened, but, before they could get the range, our
batteries replied, and we had our ranges marked. They retired. It will
never be known how many men they lost, for the remnant of that force was
engulfed in the ruin that had overtaken the main bodies.
Our right wing advanced, joining the two thousand men who had been
posted on the Villatov road. General von Brote massed his guns and men
on the Karena road; our left advanced. He hurled regiment after
regiment at our front, they were mown down by the hundred. As night
fell he retreated to Viritz, and our whole line advanced. His cavalry on
the left wing, at Nardal, were called in. There they rested for the
night, but with earliest dawn our attack commenced. Hemmed in on all
sides, they fought like lions, but it was unavailing. Then they tried
to retreat still farther, and Quarovitch held them. It was the end.
Without a single chance of success, they fought on, although three times
I sent a white flag with a message to Brote, asking him to refrain from
further useless bloodshed. He was resolved to die rather than
surrender. He did die, and then what was left of his army threw down
their weapons.
Of the thirty-five thousand men who had entered Rudarlia through
Melanov, only seventeen thousand surrendered, the rest had been killed,
wounded, or were already prisoners.
Their surprise, to which they had evidently looked to end the war
quickly, had failed utterly. Our northern frontier was now safe, and I
could throw most of our men to the relief of Avilinoff. We had lost
altogether some four thousand men in killed and wounded. I left eleven
thousand to clear up the scattered Bornians, and guard the frontier and
prisoners, the other twenty-five thousand I hurried south. Many of them
had not been in the firing line at all, so they were perfectly fresh,
and brim-full of enthusiasm and eagerness to come to grips with the foe.
In order to avoid any delay--which would have been almost inevitable had
we returned through Karena--I, with my aides, motored through Romlitz to
Agrade. There I stayed for only one day. Scutane was delighted to hear
that the extra troops were on the way down, as he said that Avilinoff
had been rather hard pressed at Milova, but that now he was in a good
position to defend that place. Accordingly, I left for Avilinoff's
head-quarters immediately.
It was evident that the enemy had counted on the success of their
northern attack, as they had not hastened, rather luckily for us, for
Avilinoff's army was sadly outnumbered, both in men and guns.
He had done grand work, his retreats were as orderly as parades, which
spoke well for the troops under his command. I found that his army had
occupied a strong position extending from Nadir on the left, to Pinofska
on the right. So far, not a single Bornian had managed to cross the
Loina. Now, however, when the news from the north became known, there
was new vigour put into both armies. The Bornians at once realised that
their dawdling methods would not succeed, and, also, they were spurred
to try and blot out the disaster at Viritz.
The Rudarlians, in their turn, were more resolved than ever to beat back
their enemy; success dispelled all the bad effects of a tedious retreat.
Success was an excellent tonic, yet it could not equalise the opposing
forces, although every day saw that inequality grow less, as trainload
after trainload of fresh troops poured into Agrade and Milova; but the
greatest thing for us was the fact that the artillery became more of a
strength.
For four days the position underwent no change, in spite of some
vigorous attacks, both by night and day. On the fifth day we lost
Nadir, through a brilliant flanking attack of the enemy's cavalry. There
is no doubt that we were completely surprised, as we had never believed
for one minute that they would have attempted the road from Alzar to
Drenda, with any considerable force. Our troops, guarding the narrow
road through the hills south-east of Nadir, were easily disposed of and
taken in the rear; Nadir became untenable. We fell back to Lortrun, a
move which considerably weakened our left wing, by lengthening it.
However, it now rested safely at the extreme end, for our rear was
guarded by the Drenda marshes, across which I knew it was impossible to
move troops.
Our position was not satisfactory, so I sent word to Quarovitch to bring
every available man to Agrade. By this time the north was quiet and he
brought six thousand with him. Two thousand of these were cavalry. The
same night that he arrived, he came to meet me, and, with Avilinoff, we
worked for some hours on a scheme which I had thought of.
We strengthened our left wing with some twenty thousand men, some
straight from Agrade to Vilt, the others, by way of Roltov across the
Loina to Lortrun. Five thousand men were sent to hold Butrem and the
road to Milova; while another five thousand were dispatched to
strengthen the right flank, and entrench from Trun to Atar, and from
Trun to the mountains on the west of Pinofska.
While these movements were being carried out, the Bornians were by no
means idle, but pushed their attacks strongly. More than once it seemed
that our line would be pierced, but, thanks to our artillery, which
prevented them from crossing the Loina, we managed to hold our ground.
The fierceness of their attack really stood us in good stead, for it
enabled us to carry out our plans without showing our hand.
Under the guise of a forced retirement, we drew back to the new lines we
had prepared. From the mountains by Pinofska our line ran in a double
curve to Butrem; there it stopped, and both sides of the Loina were left
undefended as far as Vilt, from whence our line ran to Lortrun.
Imagining that we were in retreat, and seeking to cut in behind Milova,
they hurled their forces across and straddled the Loina; in this way,
they, in their turn split their line, but not to their advantage, for in
order to advance on the northern bank they were obliged to mass their
troops in a narrow strip of land, not wide enough for them to manoeuvre
in properly.
When they had crossed, and were engaged in a fierce attack on Vilt, our
forces moved out from Lortrun. By sheer weight of numbers we regained
Nadir and the Drenda road.
We entrenched ourselves well along the Nadir-Vilt road, and for two days
repulsed every attack made by the Bornians. Then, when they had
exhausted themselves in vain, we in our turn advanced, doubling their
right wing back upon itself, by a series of brilliant bayonet charges,
which drove them headlong from their trenches. Then, while they were in
disorder, our cavalry got to work. I had collected a large force in
Nadir, and fresh, with high spirits, they were irresistible, sweeping
all before them. At the same time, we allowed Pinofska to go, retiring
eastward to defend Agrade and leaving open the road to Kelbna.
It was apparently too tempting a bait to be refused, and they weakened
their centre to reinforce their left. It was only owing to this that we
dared to drive their right in the way we did, and that was eminently
satisfactory; for, driven back on themselves in hopeless confusion, they
united with their other forces south of Butrem, not in a strong line
capable of defence, but in an indescribable state of tangle. In many
places along the Loina, their forces would be trying to cross the river
at the same time, but in different directions. We drove them from
Farnov, and then the remnant of their right wing fell back to try and
defend their communications with Lorif.
We captured a tremendous mass of war material, guns and prisoners, as it
was impossible, owing to the rapidity of our movements, for the forces
on the northern bank of the Loina to recross and get away in time.
The crumpling of their right wing necessitated the drawing in of their
left, so they did not progress far beyond Pinofska; and little by little
we drove them back from there until we reoccupied our old lines across
the Kelbna road.
We now had an undoubted superiority in all arms, as well as a greater
number of men; but, try how we would, for some days we could not make
any real progress beyond the Pinofska-Trun-Farnov line.
Each day I rode or motored along this line to hold conversations with
the different generals, and to encourage the wounded; the actual
fighting men did not need encouragement, they were brim-full of zeal and
confidence.
It was during this period that I was delivered from that enemy of mine,
Prince Alexis.
Between Trun and Atar the road is of an intensely beautiful nature,
presenting many different kinds of scenery, well wooded in places, with
gentle slopes running down to small streams which feed the Loina, while
always to the north rose the mountains. The road itself rises and falls
with delightful frequency, from an artistic point of view, although I
doubt if the farmers who live in the vicinity, or their horses, really
appreciate it. On the top of one of these inclines the road was
bisected by a cart track, and in order to obtain a view over the
surrounding country I had turned off along this track, accompanied by
Woolgast, Scutane, and some dozen troopers.
It was soon after daybreak, and we were returning from Pinofska, where I
had slept the night before. I do not know quite how it happened, but, on
attempting to retrace our steps, we discovered that our way was blocked
by some fifty of the enemy's cavalry. It was extremely lucky for us
that we saw them before they saw us, for it gave us time to get speed on
our horses. To charge was the only thing for us to do, and we struck
them hard; in a few seconds we were through them, all save two of the
troopers who had been shot down. We raced for the road, with the
Bornians hard at our heels. We could hear from their cries, that they
knew I was of the party and it made them redouble their efforts to
overtake us; they kept up a fusillade of revolver shots, but fortunately
without effect.
Our horses fairly flew along that muddy track, but, quickly as we went,
the Bornians were as quick, and as we turned into the Trun road they
were a very little way behind. In their eagerness to capture me, they
must have forgotten that all the time we were approaching our lines, for
they never slackened their pace, and in consequence ran into the arms of
a regiment of Rudarlian cavalry at the foot of the hill.
It was over very quickly, they had the discretion to surrender at once,
with one exception. This one had, either through his horse, or for
other reasons, ridden well behind his comrades, but he could not hope to
escape by turning back up the hill, so instead, he made a dash for
liberty, by jumping the bank which bordered the road towards the enemy's
lines. I heard Woolgast give a grunt, and the next moment he had
followed.
I sprang from my horse and stood on the higher ground looking after him.
The ground over which he was riding sloped gently down to a stream
below, on the other side of which the ground rose again and was well
wooded, not with big trees, but small brushwood. Woolgast was at full
charge after the flying Bornian, it was a magnificent sight to see the
two horses stretching out, the one flying, the other in pursuit. The
pursued turned in his saddle and fired, Woolgast swerved a little but
kept on, ever drawing nearer. Some three lengths from the stream, he
overtook the Bornian; we saw his sword flash once, and the enemy dropped
from his horse. Then Woolgast, unable to stop his, urged him to the
jump, and, slowly returning, jumped the stream again, and alighted. He
walked up to the Bornian's body--which made a light blue patch among the
stubble--and then reeled suddenly over on to the top of him.
He was not seriously hurt, thank God, but simply in a faint. When we
turned the dead Bornian, so that we could see his face--it was Prince
Alexis.
I confess that I felt relief at his death, he was so degraded that there
was nothing he would not have stooped to do. I might have felt sorrow
at the death of an ordinary enemy, but in the case of Alexis, no--simply
relief.
Woolgast was evidently disturbed in his mind as to the consequence of
his action, for he sent me word that he craved an audience.
He was in a state of feverish excitement, for the wound, although not
severe, was a painful one.
"Well, General?" I said.
"There is something I wish to tell your Majesty. It is this: I called to
the Prince to surrender, before and after he shot me."
"Quite so, General, and you did right; you also did right in cutting him
down when he refused. You did both Rudarlia and myself a good service
in killing him."
He heaved a sigh of relief.
"Thank God, your Majesty, I did not know----"
"What I should feel about it? Well, you know now, and can sleep in
peace; but be quick in recovering, for I need you."
I had become genuinely fond of Woolgast. He was a man whom I had a
great admiration for; and, seeing that he was generally near me, I had a
good many opportunities of discovering his worth. I know that he was
devoted to me.
To return to the main battle. For a week or more the fighting continued
without advantage to either side, at least, neither the Bornians nor
ourselves were able to say that we had definitely advanced our lines.
There could be no doubt, however, that our artillery did much damage,
although not sufficient to allow us to assault their positions.
It was necessary that we should break through their line somewhere, but
the difficult question was where and how to do it.
We had smashed their right flank by stratagem; we had split our force in
two to do this. We would now do the same thing on our right, that is to
say we would give up the bridge of Atar.