CHAPTER VI

THE ANDEAN NORTH

I. THE CULTURED PEOPLES OF THE ANDES[111]

From the Isthmus of Panama the western coast of South America is marked

by one of the loftiest and most abrupt mountain ranges of the world,

culminating in the great volcanoes of Ecuador and the high peaks of

western Argentina. A narrow coastal strip, dry and torrid in tropical

latitudes; deep and narrow valleys; occasional plateaux or intramontane

plains, especially the great plateau of central Bolivia--these are

the primary diversifications from the high ranges which, rising

precipitously on the Pacific side, decline more gradually toward

the east into the vast forested regions of the central part of the

continent and into the plains and pampas of the south.

Throughout this mountain region, from the plateau of Bogotá in the

north to the neighbourhood of latitude 30º south, was continued

in pre-Columbian times the succession of groups of civilized or

semi-civilized peoples of which the most northerly were the Nahua of

Mexico, or perhaps the Pueblo tribes of New Mexico. The ethnic boundary

of the southern continent is to be drawn in Central America. The

Guetare of Costa Rica, and perhaps the Sumo of Nicaragua, constitute

northerly outposts of the territorially great Chibchan culture, the

centre of which is to be found in the plateau of Bogotá, while its

southerly extension leads to the Barbacoa of northern Ecuador. South

of the Chibcha, in the Andean region lying between the Equator and

the Tropic of Capricorn, is the aboriginal home of the Quechua-Aymara

peoples, nearly the whole of which, at the time of the Conquest was

embraced in the Empire of the Incas. This empire had even reached into

the confines of the third culture area of the southern continent; for

the Calchaqui of the mountains of northern Argentina, who were the most

representative and probably the most advanced nation of the Diaguité

group, had even then passed under Inca subjection. Other tribes of

this most southerly of the civilized peoples of America had never been

conquered; but bounded, as they were, by the aggressive empire of the

north, by the warlike Araucanians to the south, and by the savages

of the Gran Chaco to the east, their opportunities for independent

development were slight; indeed, it is not improbable that the peoples

of this group represent the last stand of a race that had once extended

far to the north and had played an important part in the pre-Inca

cultures of the central Andes. Beyond the Diaguité lay the domains of

savagery, although the Araucanians of the Chilean-Argentine region were

not uninfluenced by the northward civilizations and in most respects

were superior to the wild tribes that inhabited the great body of the

South American continent; but the indomitable love of liberty, which

has kept them unconquered through many wars, gave to their territory a

boundary-line marked no less by a sharp descent in culture than by its

untouched independence.

In Columbian times these three Andean groups--the Chibchan tribes, the

Quechua-Aymara, and the Diaguité-Calchaqui--possessed a civilization

marked by considerable advancement in the arts of metallurgy (gold,

silver, copper), pottery, and weaving, by agriculture (fundamentally,

cultivation of maize), and by domestication of the llama and alpaca.

In the art of building, in stone-work, and, generally, in that plastic

and pictorial expression which is a sign of intellectual advancement,

the central group far excelled its neighbours. Nor was this due to the

fact that it alone, under Inca domination, had reached the stage of

stable and diversified social organization; for the archaeology of Peru

and Bolivia shows that the Empire of the Incas was only the last in a

series of central Andean civilizations which it excelled, if at all, in

political power rather than in the arts, industrial or aesthetic.

Our knowledge of the religious and mythic ideas of these various groups

reflects their relative importance at the time of the Spanish conquests

more than their natural diversity. Of the Chibchan groups, only the

ideas of a few tribes have been described, and these fragmentarily; of

the mythology of the Calchaqui, who had yielded to Inca rule, even less

has come down to us; while what is known of the religious conceptions

of the pre-Inca peoples of the central region is mainly in the form of

gleanings from the works of art left by these peoples, or from such

of their cults as survived under the Inca state or in Inca tradition.

Inevitably the central body of Andean myth, as transmitted to us, is

that of the Incas, who, having reached the position of a great imperial

clan, naturally glorified both their own gods and their own legendary

history.

II. THE ISTHMIANS[112]

The Isthmus of Panama (and northward perhaps as far as the confines of

Nicaragua) was aboriginally an outpost of the great Chibchan stock.

Tribes of other stocks, some certainly northern in origin, dwelt

within the region, but the predominant group was akin to the peoples

of the neighbouring southern continent; although whether they were

immigrants from the south or were parents of the southern stem can

scarcely be known. So far as traditions tell, the uniform account given

by the Bolivian tribes is of a northerly origin. The tales seem to

point to the Venezuelan coast, and perhaps remotely to the Antilles,

rather than to the Isthmus, and it is certain that there are broad

similarities in culture--especially in the forms and use of ceremonial

objects--pointing to the remote unity of the whole region from Haiti to

Ecuador, and from Venezuela to Nicaragua. It is entirely possible that

within this region the drift of influence has been southerly; though it

is more likely that counter-streams, northward and southward, must give

the full explanation of the civilization.

On the linguistic side it is agreed that the Guetare of Costa Rica

represent a branch of the Chibchan stock, while neighbouring tribes

of the same stock are either now extinct or little known. The Spanish

conquests in the Isthmian region were as ruthlessly complete as

anywhere in America, and for the greater part our knowledge of the

aborigines is the fruit of archaeology. In the writings of Oviedo and

Cieza de León some facts may be gleaned--enough, indeed, to picture the

general character of the rituals of the Indian tribes--but there is no

competent contemporary relation of the native religion and beliefs.

[Illustration: PLATE XXVI.]

Jade pendant representing a Vampire. After Hartman, _Archaeological

Researches on the Pacific Coast of Costa Rica_, Plate XLIV. For

reference to the significance of the bat, as a deity, see page 177 and

Note 102.

Oviedo's description[113] of the tribes about the Gulf of Nicoya, where

the civilizations of the two Americas meet, indicates a religion in

which the great rites were human sacrifices of the Mexican type and

feasts of intoxication. Archaeological researches in the same region

have brought to light amulets and ornaments, some anthropomorphic

in character, but many representing animal forms, usually highly

conventionalized--alligators, jaguars and pumas, frogs, parrots,

vampires, denizens of earth, air, and sea, all indicative of a populous

pantheon of talismanic powers; while cruciform, swastika, and other

symbolic ornamentation implies a development in the direction of

abstraction sustained by Oviedo's mention of "folded books of deerskin

parchment," which are probably the southern extension of the art of

writing as known in the northern civilization. The archaeology of the

Guetare region, in central, and of the Chiriqui region, in southern

Costa Rica, disclose the same fantasy of grotesque and conventionalized

animals--saurians, armadilloes, the cat-tribe, composites--indicative

of a similarly zoomorphic pantheon. Benzoni, speaking of the tribes

of this region, states that they worshipped idols in the forms

of animals, which they kept hidden in caves; while Andagoya declares

that the priests of the Cuna or Cueva (dwelling at the juncture of

the Isthmus and the southern continent) communed with the devil and

that Chipiripa, a rain-god, was one of their most important deities;

they are said, too, to have known of the deluge. Of the neighbouring

Indians, about Uraba, Cieza de León gives us to know that "they

certainly talk with the devil and do him all the honour they can.... He

appears to them (as I have been told by one of themselves) in frightful

and terrible visions, which cause them much alarm." Furthermore, "the

devil gives them to understand that, in the place to which they go

[after death], they will come to life in another kingdom which he has

prepared for them, and that it is necessary to take food with them for

the journey. As if hell was so very far off!"

Peter Martyr devotes the greater part of a book (the tenth of the

Seventh Decade)[114] to a description of the rites and beliefs of the

Indians of the region where the Isthmus joins the continent. Dabaiba,

he says, was the name both of a river and of a divinity whose sanctuary

was about forty leagues from Darien; and thither at certain seasons

the caciques, even of the most distant countries, sent slaves to be

strangled and burnt before the idol. "When the Spaniards asked them

to what divinity they addressed their prayers, they responded that

it is to the god who created the heavens, the sun, the moon, and all

existing things; and from whom every good thing proceeds. They believe

that Dabaiba, the divinity universally venerated in the country, is

the mother of this creator." Their traditions told of a great drought

which, making the rivers dry, caused the greater part of mankind to

perish of thirst, while the survivors emigrated from the mountains to

the sea-coast; for this reason they maintained priests and addressed

prayers to their divinity, who would seem to be a rain-goddess.

Another legend recorded by Peter Martyr tells of a frightful tempest

which brought with it two great birds, "similar to the harpies of

the Strophades," having "the face, chin, mouth, nose, teeth, eyes,

brows, and physiognomy of a virgin." One of these seized the people

and carried them off to the mountains to devour them, wherefore, to

slay the man-eating bird, certain heroes carved a human figure on the

end of a log, which they set in the ground so that the figure alone

was visible. The hunters concealed themselves near by, and when the

monster, mistaking the image for prey, sunk its talons into the wood,

falling upon it, they slew it before it could release itself. "Those

who killed the monster were honoured as gods." Interesting, too, is

Martyr's account of the reason given for the sinfulness of incest: the

dark spots on the moon represent a man cast into that damp and freezing

planet to suffer perpetual cold in expiation of incest committed

with his sister--the very myth that is told in North Greenland; and

the belief that "only nobles have immortal souls" (or, more likely,

that they alone enjoy a paradise) is cited to explain why numbers of

servants gladly throw themselves into the graves of their masters,

since thus they gain the right to accompany their lords into the

afterworld of pleasure; all others, apparently, go down to a gloomy

hades, though there may be truth in Martyr's statement that it is

pollution which brings this fate.

The account of the religion of the Isthmian tribes in later times, by

W. M. Gabb and Pittier de Fábrega,[115] probably represents faithfully

their earlier beliefs. There are deities who are the protectors of

game-animals, suggesting the Elders of the Kinds so characteristic of

North American lore; though they appear to men in human form, taking

vengeance on those who only wound in the chase: "When thou shootest, do

it to kill, so that the poor beast doth not fall a prey to the worms,"

is the command of the King of the Tapirs to the unlucky hunter who is

punished for his faulty work by being stricken with dumbness during

the period in which a cane grows from a sprout to its full height. The

Isthmian peoples recognize (as do most other Americans) a _fainéant_

supreme being, Sibú, in the world above, with a host of lesser, but

dangerous, powers in the realm of environing nature; and there is a

paradise, at least for the noble dead, situated at the zenith, though

the way thither is beset by perils, monsters, and precipices. Las Casas

also mentions the belief in a supreme deity, Chicuna, Lord of All

Things, as extending from Darien to Nicaragua; and he says that along

with this god the Sun, the Moon, and the Morning Star were worshipped,

as well as divinities of wood and stone which presided over the

elements and the sowings (_sementeras_).

The allusion to deities of the _sementeras_ is interesting in connexion

with the Bribri and Brunka (or Boruca) myths, published by Pittier de

Fábrega. According to these tribes of Indians, men and animal kinds

were originally born of seeds kept in baskets which Sibú entrusted to

the lesser gods; but the evil powers were constantly hunting for these

seeds, endeavouring to destroy them. One tale relates that after Surá,

the good deity to whom the seed had been committed, had gone to his

field of maize, Jáburu, the evil divinity, stole and ate the seed;

and when Surá returned, killed and buried him, a cacao-tree and a

calabash-tree growing from the grave. Sibú, the almighty one, resolving

to punish Jáburu and demanding of him a drink of chocolate, the wives

of the wicked deity roasted the cacao, and made a drinking-vessel of

the calabash. "Then Sibú, the almighty god, willed--and whatever he

wills has to be: 'May the first cup come to me!' and as it so came to

pass, he said, 'My uncle, I present this cup to thee, so that thou

drink!' Jáburu swallowed the chocolate at once, with such delight that

his throat resounded, _tshaaa!_ And he said, 'My uncle! I have drunk

Surá's first fruit!' But just at this moment he began to swell, and

he swelled and swelled until he blew up. Then Sibú, the almighty god,

picked up again the seed of our kin, which was in Jáburu's body, and

willed, 'Let Surá wake up again!' And as it so happened he gave him

back the basket with the seed of our kin to keep." In another tale a

duel between Sibú and Jáburu, in which each should throw two cacao-pods

at the other, and he should lose in whose hand a pod first broke, was

the preliminary for the creation of men, which Sibú desired and Jáburu

opposed. The almighty god chose green pods, the evil one ripe pods;

and at the third throw the pod broke in Jáburu's hand, mankind being

then born from the seed. A third legend, of a man-stealing eagle who

devoured his prey in company with a jaguar (who is no true jaguar, but

a bad spirit, having the form of a stone until his prey approaches),

is evidently a version of the story of the bird-monster told by Peter

Martyr.

III. EL DORADO

Not the quest of the Golden Fleece itself and the adventures of the

Argonauts with clashing rocks and Amazonian women are so filled with

extravagance and peril as is the search for El Dorado.[116] The legend

of the Gilded Man and of his treasure city sprang from the soil of

the New World in the very dawn of its discovery--whether wholly in

the imaginations of _conquistadores_ dazzled with dreams of gold, or

partly from some custom, tale, or myth of the American Indians it

is now impossible to say. In its earlier form it told of a priest,

or king, or priest-king, who once a year smeared his body with oil,

powdered himself with gold dust, and in gilded splendour, accompanied

by nobles, floated to the centre of a lake, where, as the onlookers

from the shore sang and danced, he first made offering of treasure to

the waters and then himself leaped in to wash the gold from his body.

Later, fostered by the readiness of the aborigines to rid themselves of

the plague of white men by means of tales of treasure cities farther

on, the story grew into pictures of the golden empire of Omagua, or

Manoa, or Paytiti, or Enim, on the shores of a distant lake. Expedition

after expedition journeyed in quest of the fabled capital. As early

as 1530, Ambros von Alfinger, a German knight, set out from the

coast of Venezuela in search of a golden city, chaining his enslaved

native carriers to one another by means of neck-rings and cutting off

the heads of those who succumbed to fatigue to save the trouble of

unlinking them; Alfinger himself was wounded in the neck by an arrow

and died of the wound. In 1531 Diego de Ordaz conducted an expedition

guided by a lieutenant who claimed to have been entertained in the city

of Omoa by El Dorado himself; in 1536-38 George of Spires, afterward

governor of Venezuela, made a journey of fifteen hundred miles into

the interior; and another German, the red-bearded Nicholas Federman,

departed upon the same quest. On the plains of Bogotá in 1539 they met

Quesada and Belalcazar, who, coming from the north and from the south

respectively, had subdued the Chibcha realm. Hernan Perez de Quesada,

brother of the conqueror, led an unlucky expedition, behaving with

such cruelty that his death from lightning was regarded as a divine

retribution; while the expeditions of the chivalrous Philip von Hutten

(1540-41) and of Orellana down the Amazon (1540-41) were followed by

others, down to the time of Sir Walter Raleigh's quest in 1595,--all

enlarging the geographical knowledge of South America and accumulating

fables of cities of gold and nations of warlike women. Of all these

adventures, however, the most amazing was the "jornada de Omagua y

Dorado" which set out from Peru in 1559 under the leadership of Don

Pedro de Ursua, a knight of Navarre. Ursua was a gentleman, worthy of

his knighthood, but his company was crowded with cut-throats, of whom

he himself was an early victim. Hernando de Guzman made himself master

of the mutineers, and renouncing allegiance to the King of Castile,

proclaimed himself Prince and King of all Tierra Firme; but he, in turn

fell before his tyrant successor, Lope de Aguirre, whose fantastic

and blood-thirsty insanity caused half the continent to shudder at

his name, which is still remembered in Venezuelan folk-lore, where

the phosphorescence of the swamp is called _fuego de Aguirre_ in the

belief that under such form the tortured soul of the tyrant wanders

abroad.

The true provenance of the story of the Gilded Man (if not of the

treasure city) seems certainly to be the region about Bogotá in the

realm of the Chibcha. Possibly the myth may refer to the practices of

one of the nations conquered by the Muyscan Zipas before the coming

of the Spaniards, and legendary even at that time; for as the tale is

told, it seems to describe a ceremony in honour of such a water-spirit

as we are everywhere told the Colombian nations venerated; and it

may actually be that the Gilded Man was himself a sacrifice to or

a personation of the deity. Whatever the origin, the legends of El

Dorado have their node in the lands of the Chibcha--a circumstance not

without its own poetic warrant, for from no other American people have

jewelleries of cunningly wrought gold come in more abundance.

[Illustration: PLATE XXVII (_A_).]

Colombian gold work. Ornaments in the forms of human and monstrous

beings, doubtless mythological subjects. The originals are in the

American Museum of Natural History.

[Illustration: PLATE XXVII (_B_).]

Colombian gold work. The human figure apparently holds a staff or wand

and may represent Bochica or similar personage. The originals are in

the American Museum of Natural History.

The Zipa of Bogotá, at the period of the conquest, was the most

considerable of the native rulers in what is now Colombia, having an

empire only less in extent than those of the Peruvian Incas and of the

Aztec Kings. He also was a recent lord, engaged at the very time of the

coming of the whites in extending his power over neighbouring rulers;

it is probable that Guatavita, east of Bogotá had fallen to the Zipa

not many decades before the conquest and this Guatavita is supposed

to have been the scene of the rite of El Dorado; in any case it had

remained a famous shrine. Tunja was another power to the east of Bogotá

declining before the rising power of the Zipas, its Zaque (as the

Tunjan caciques were called) being saved from the Zipa's forces by the

arrival of the Spaniards.

Besides these--the Chibcha proper[117]--there were in Colombia in

the sixteenth century other civilized peoples, akin in culture and

language, whose chief centres were in the elongated Cauca valley

paralleling the Pacific coast. Farthest north were the tribes in

the neighbourhood of Antioquia--the Tamahi and Nutabi; south

of these, about Cartago, were the most famous of gold-workers, the

Quimbaya; while near the borders of what is now Ecuador dwelt the

Coconuco and their kindred. All these peoples possessed skill in

pottery, metal-working, and weaving; and the inhabitants of the Cauca

valley were the most advanced of the Colombians in these arts. Indeed,

the case of Peru seems to be in a measure repeated; for the Chibcha

surpassed their neighbours in the strength of their military and

political organization rather than in their knowledge of the arts.

It is even possible that the Chibcha had been driven eastward by the

western tribes, for the inhabitants of the Cauca valley possessed

traditions of a northern origin, claiming to be immigrants; while

the Chibcha still regarded certain spots in the territories of their

western enemies, the Muzo, as sacred. Little is known of the mythic

systems of any of these peoples save the Chibcha. The Antioquians

preserved a deluge-myth (as doubtless did all the other Colombians);

and they recognized a creator-god, Abirá, a spirit of evil, Canicubá,

and a goddess, Dabeciba, who was the same as Dabaiba, the Darien Mother

of the Creator. Cieza de León says[118] that the Antioquians "carve

the likeness of a devil, very fierce and in human form, with other

images and figures of cats which they worship; when they require water

or sunshine for their crops, they seek aid from these idols." Of the

Quimbaya Cieza tells how there appeared to a group of women making salt

beside a spring the apparition of a disembowelled man who prophesied

a pestilence that soon came. "Many women and boys affirmed that they

saw the dead with their own eyes walking again. These people well

understand that there is something in man besides the mortal body,

though they do not hold that it is a soul, but rather some kind of

transfiguration." The Sun, the Moon, and the Rainbow were important

divinities with all these tribes, and they made offerings of gold and

jewels and children to water-spirits in rivers and in springs. Human

sacrifice was probably universal, and too many of the Indians, as

Cieza puts it, "not content with natural food, turned their bellies

into tombs of their neighbours."

IV. MYTHS OF THE CHIBCHA[119]

Fray Pedro Simon wrote his _Noticias Historiales_ in 1623, some four

score years from the conquest, giving in his fourth _Noticia_ an

account of the myths and rites of the Chibcha which is our primary

source for the beliefs of these tribes. Like other American peoples the

Chibcha recognized a Creator, apparently the Heaven Father, but like

most others their active cults centred about lesser powers: the Sun

(to whom human sacrifices were made), the Moon, the Rainbow, spirits

of lakes and other _genii locorum_, culture deities, male and female,

and the manes of ancestors. Idols of gold and copper, of wood and clay

and cotton, represented gods and fetishes, and to them offerings were

made, especially of emeralds and golden ornaments. Fray Pedro says

that the Pijaos aborigines and some of those of Tunja had in their

sanctuaries images having three heads or three faces on a single body

which, the natives said, represented three persons with one heart; and

he also records their use of crosses to mark the graves of those dead

of snake-bite, as well as their belief that the souls of the dead fared

to the centre of the earth, crossing the Stygian river on _balsas_ made

of spiders' webs, for which reason spiders were never killed. Like the

Aztec they held that the lot of men slain in battle and of women dying

in child-birth was especially delectable in the other world.

The worship of mountains, serpents, and lakes was implied in many of

the Chibcha rites. Slaves were sacrificed, and their bodies were buried

on hill-tops; children, who were the particular offering to the Sun,

were sometimes taken to mountain-tops to be slain, their bodies being

supposed to be consumed by the Sun; and an interesting case of the

surrogate for human victims was the practice of sacrificing parrots

which had been taught to speak. In masked dances, addressed to the

Sun, tears were represented on the masks as a supplication for pity;

and another curious rite, apparently solar, was performed at Tunja,

where twelve men in red, presumably typifying the moons of the year,

danced about a blue man, who was doubtless the sky-god. The ceremony

of El Dorado is only one of many rites in which the divinities of

the sacred lakes were propitiated; and it is probable that these

water-spirits were conceived in the form of snakes, as when, at Lake

Guatavita, a huge serpent was supposed to issue from the depths to

secure offerings left upon the bank.

The same concept of serpentiform water-deities appears in the curious

and novel creation-myth of the Chibcha, briefly told by Fray Simon. In

the beginning all was darkness, for light was imprisoned in a great

house in charge of a being called Chiminigagua, whom the friar names

as the Supreme God, omnipotent, ever good, and lord of all things.

After creating huge black birds, to whom he gave the light, commanding

them to carry it in their beaks until all the world was illumined and

resplendent, Chiminigagua formed the Sun, the Moon (to be the Sun's

wife and companion), and the rest of the universe. The human race was

of another origin, for shortly after the creation of light, from Lake

Iguaque, not far from Tunja, emerged a woman named Bachue or Turachogue

("the Good Woman"), bearing with her a boy just out of infancy. When

he was grown, Bachue married him; and their prolific offspring--she

brought forth four or six children at a birth--peopled the earth; but

finally the two returned beneath the waters, Bachue enjoining upon the

people to keep the peace, to obey the laws which she had given them,

and in particular to preserve the cult of the gods; while the pair

assumed the form of serpents, in which they were supposed sometimes to

reappear to their worshippers.

The belief that the ancestors of men issued from a lake or spring was

common to many Andean tribes, being found far to the south, where the

Indians of Cuzco pointed to Lake Titicaca as the place whence they had

come. The myth is easy to explain for the obvious reason that lakesides

are desirable abodes and that migrating tribes would hark back to

abandoned lakeside homes as their primal sites; however, another

suggestion is made plausible by various fragments of origin-myths which

have been preserved, namely, that the Andean legends belong to the

great cycle of American tales which make men immigrants to the upper

world from an under-earth realm whence they have been driven by the

malevolence of the water-monster, a serpent or a dragon. There are many

striking parallels between the Colombian tales and those of the Pueblo

tribes of North America--the great underworld-goddess, the serpent and

the spider as subaqueous and subterranean powers, the return of the

dead to the realm below, the importance of birds in cosmogony, the

cult of the rainbow; and along with these there are tales of a culture

hero and of a pair of divine brothers such as are common to nearly all

American peoples.

[Illustration: PLATE XXVIII.]

1. Ceremonial dish of black ware with monster or animal forms

found near Anoire, Antioquia. The original is in the Museum of the

University of Nebraska.

2. Image of mother and child, red earthenware, from the coastal

regions of Colombia. The original is in the Museum of the University

of Nebraska.

Other Colombian legends of the origin of men include the Pijaos

belief, recorded by Fray Simon, that their ancestors had issued from

a mountain, and the tradition of the Muzo--western neighbours of the

Chibcha--that a shadow, Aré, formed faces from sand, which became men

and women when he sprinkled them with water. A true creation-story (as

distinguished from tales of origin through generation) was told also by

the people of Tunja. In the beginning all was darkness and fog, wherein

dwelt the caciques of Ramiriqui and of Sogamozo, nephew and uncle. From

yellow clay they fashioned men, and from an herb they created women;

but since the world was still unillumined, after enjoining worship upon

their creatures, they ascended to the sky, the uncle to become the Sun,

the nephew the Moon. It was at Sogamozo that the dance of the twelve

red men--each garlanded and carrying a cross, and each with a young

bird borne as a crest above his head--was danced about the blue

sky-man, while all sang how human beings are mortal and must change

their bodies into dust without knowing what shall be the fate of their

souls.

Fray Simon relates an episode of these same Indians which is

enlightening both as to the missionary and as to the aboriginal

conception of the powers that be. After the first missionary had

laboured among the natives of Tunja and Sogamozo, "the Demon there

began to give contrary doctrines; and among other matters he sought

to discredit the teaching of the Incarnation, telling them that such

a thing had not yet taken place. Nevertheless, it should happen that

the Sun, assuming human flesh in the body of a virgin of the pueblo

of Guacheta, should cause her to bring forth that which she should

conceive from the rays of the sun, although remaining virgin. This was

bruited throughout the provinces, and the cacique of the pueblo named,

wishing to prove the miracle, took two virgins, and leading them forth

from his house every dawn, caused them to dispose themselves upon a

neighbouring hill, where the first rays of the sun would shine upon

them. Continuing this for some days, it was granted to the Demon by

Divine permission (whose judgements are incomprehensible) that the

event should issue according to his desire: in such manner that in a

few days one of the damsels became pregnant, as she said, by the Sun."

At the end of nine months the girl brought forth a _hacuata_, a large

and beautiful emerald, which was treated as an infant, and after being

carried for several days, became a living creature--"all by the order

of the Demon." The child was called Goranchacha, and when he was grown

he became cacique, with the title of "Child of the Sun." It is to be

suspected that the story of the virgin-born son of the Sun was older

than the first preaching of the Incarnation, and that Spanish ears had

too eagerly misheard some tale of rites or myths which must have been

analogous to the Inca legends of descent from the Sun and to their

consecration of virgins to his worship.

Like the other civilized American nations the Chibcha preserved the

tradition of a bearded old man, clothed in long robes who came from

the east to instruct them in the arts of life and to raise them from

primeval barbarism; and like other churchly writers Fray Pedro Simon

regarded this as evidence of the preaching of the Gospel by an apostle.

Nempterequeteva, or Nemquetheba, and Xue, or Zuhé, are two of the

names of this culture hero, worshipped as the god Bochica. He taught

the weaving of cotton, the cultivation of fruits, the building of

houses, the adoration of the gods; and then he passed on his mysterious

way, leaving as proof of his mission designs of crosses and serpents,

and the custom of erecting crosses over the graves of the victims of

snake-bite--to Fray Pedro an obvious reminiscence of the brazen serpent

raised on a cross by Moses in the Wilderness. One of the epithets of

this greybeard was Chiminizagagua, or "Messenger of Chiminigagua," the

supreme god; and when the Spaniards appeared they were called Gagua,

after the light-giver; but later, when their cruelties had set them

in a different context, the aborigines changed the name to Suegagua

("Demon with Light") after their principal devil, Suetiva, "and this

they give today to the Spaniards." Piedrahíta says the Spaniards were

termed _Zuhá_, but he identifies the name as belonging to the hero

Bochica.

A curious episode follows the departure of the culture hero. Among the

people appeared a woman, beautiful and resplendent--"or, better to say,

a devil in her figure"--who taught doctrines wholly opposed to the

injunctions of Chiminizagagua. Dancing and carousal were the tenets of

her evangel; and in displeasure at this, Chiminizagagua transformed the

woman (variously known as Chie, Huytaca, or Xubchasgagua) into an owl,

condemning her to walk the night. Humboldt says that Bochica changed

his wife Chia into the Moon (_chia_ signifies "moon" in the Chibchan

tongue, says Acosta de Samper); and it seems altogether likely that in

the culture hero, Messenger of Light, and the festal heroine, with

their opposite doctrines, we have a myth of sun and moon.

The Chibcha, of course, had their deluge-legend. In the version

given by Fray Pedro Simon it is associated with the appearance of

the rainbow as the symbol of hope; and since the rainbow cult was

important throughout the Andean region, it may everywhere have been

associated with some such myth as the friar recounts. Chibchachum,

the tutelary of the natives of Bogotá, being offended by the people,

who murmured against him and indeed openly offended, sent a flood to

punish them, whereupon they, in their peril, appealed to Bochica, who

appeared to them upon a rainbow, and, striking the mountains with his

staff, opened a conduit for the waters. Chibchachum was punished, as

Zeus punished the Titans, by being thrust beneath the earth to take

the place of the lignum-vitae-trees which had hitherto upheld it, and

his weary restlessness is the cause of earthquakes; while the rainbow,

Chuchaviva, was thenceforth honoured as a deity, though not without

fear; for Chibchachum, in revenge for his disgrace, announced that

when it appeared, many would die. In the version of this tale given

by Piedrahíta, Huytaca plays a part, for it is as a result of her

artifices that the waters rise; but Bochica is again the deliverer,

and the place opened for the issuance of the waters was shown at the

cataract of Téquendama--"one of the wonders of the world."

The myth of Chibchachum, shaking the world which he supports, has its

analogue not only in the tale of Atlas but also in the Tlingit legend

of the Old Woman Below who jars the post that upholds the world. It

would seem, however, not impossible that the story is an etymological

myth, for Fray Pedro Simon says that Chibchachum means "Staff of the

Chibcha," a name which might easily lend itself to the mythopoesy of

the deluge-tale; nor is it unreasonable from the point of view of

cultural advancement, for the Chibcha were beyond the stage in which

it is profitable to refer all deifications to natural phenomena.

Chibchachum, says the friar, was god of commerce and industries--a

complex divinity, not a mere hero of myth--and Bochica, the most

universally venerated of Chibchan deities, was revered as a law-giver,

divinity of caciques and captains; served with sacrifices of gold and

tobacco, he was worshipped with fasts and hymns, and his image was that

of a man with the golden staff of authority. There was a fox-god and

a bear-god, but Nemcatacoa, the bear-god, was patron of weavers and

dyers, and, oddly, of drunkards; in his bear's form he was supposed

to sing and dance with his followers. Chukem, deity of boundaries

and foot-races, must have been an American Hermes, and Bachue,

goddess of agriculture and of the springs of life, was, no doubt, a

personification of the earth itself, a Ge or Demeter. Chuchaviva, the

Rainbow, aided women in child-birth and those sick with a fever--and

we think of the images of the rainbow goddess on the sweat lodges of

the Navaho far to the north, and of the rainbow insignia of the royal

Incas in the imperial south. Certain it is that here we have to do with

a pantheon that reflects the complexity of a life developed beyond the

primitive needs of those whom we call nature-folk.

V. THE MEN FROM THE SEA

The most picturesque account of the landing of gigantic strangers on

the desert-like Pacific coast, just south of the equator, is that given

by Cieza de León.[120] "I will relate what I have been told, without

paying attention to the various versions of the story current among

the vulgar, who always exaggerate everything." With this proclamation

of modesty, he proceeds with the tale which the natives, he says, have

received from their ancestors of a remote time.

"There arrived on the coast, in boats made of reeds, as big as large

ships, a party of men of such size that, from the knee downwards, their

height was as great as the entire height of an ordinary man, though

he might be of good stature. Their limbs were all in proportion to the

deformed size of their bodies, and it was a monstrous thing to see

their heads, with hair reaching to the shoulders. Their eyes were as

large as small plates. They had no beards and were dressed in the skins

of animals, others only in the dress which nature gave them, and they

had no women with them. When they arrived at this point [Santa Elena],

they made a sort of village, and even now the sites of their houses

are pointed out. But as they found no water, in order to remedy the

want they made some very deep wells, works which are truly worthy of

remembrance, for such is their magnitude that they certainly must have

been executed by very strong men. They dug these wells in the living

rock until they met with water, and then they lined them with masonry

from top to bottom in such sort that they will endure for many ages.

The water in these wells is very good and wholesome, and always so cold

that it is very pleasant to drink it. Having built their village and

made their wells or cisterns where they could drink, these great men,

or giants, consumed all the provisions they could lay their hands upon

in the surrounding country, insomuch that one of them ate more meat

than fifty of the natives of the country could. As all the food they

could find was not sufficient to sustain them, they killed many fish

with nets and other gear. They were detested by the natives, because in

using their women they killed them, and the men also in another way;

but the Indians were not sufficiently numerous to destroy this new

people who had come to occupy their lands.... All the natives declare

that God, our Lord, brought upon them a punishment in proportion to the

enormity of their offence.... A fearful and terrible fire came down

from heaven with a great noise, out of the midst of which there issued

a shining angel with a glittering sword, with which, at one blow, they

were all killed, and the fire consumed them. There only remained a few

bones and skulls, which God allowed to remain without being consumed

by the fire, as a memorial of this punishment."

Cieza de León's story is only one among a number of accounts of this

race of giants, come from the sea and destroyed long ago by flame from

heaven for the sin of sodomy. To these legends recent investigations

have added a new interest; for during excavations in the coast region

to the north of Cape Santa Elena the members of the George G. Heye

Expeditions (1906-08) discovered the remains of a unique aboriginal

civilization in this region, among its monuments being stone-faced

wells corresponding to those mentioned by the early narration. Another

and peculiarly interesting type of monument, found here in abundance,

is the stone seat, whether throne or altar, carved with human or

animal figures to support it, and reminiscent of the _duhos_ of the

Antilles and of carved _metates_ and seats found northward in the

continent and beyond the Isthmus. It is the opinion of the excavators

that these seats were thrones for deities; possibly also for human

dignitaries, especially as clay figures represent men sitting upon

such seats--images, perhaps, of household gods; while the figures of

men, pumas, serpents, birds, monkeys, and other figures crouching

caryatid-like are, no doubt, depictions of supporting powers, divine

auxiliaries or gods themselves. Monstrous forms, composite animals,

and grotesquely frog-like images of a female goddess in bas-relief on

stele-like slabs--mute emblems of a forgotten pantheon--add curious

interest to the vanished race, remembered only in distorted legend when

the first-coming Spaniards received the tale from the aborigines.

[Illustration: PLATE XXIX.]

Scene from a vase, Truxillo, showing balsa. The drawing is in the

Chimu style. After Joyce, _South American Archaeology_, page 126.

Juan de Velasco,[121] in the beginning of his history of Quito, places

the coming of the giants about the time of the Christian era; and six

or seven centuries later, he declares, another incursion of men from

the sea appeared on this coast, destined to leave a more permanent

trace, for the present city of Caraques not only marks the site of

their first power, but bears the name of the Cara. These invaders are

said to have come on _balsas_--the strange boats of this coast,

formed of logs bound together, the longest at the centre, into the form

of a hull, on which a platform was built, while masts bore cloth sails;

and it is stated that the Spaniards encountered such craft capable

of carrying forty or fifty men. The Cara were an adventurous people,

and after dwelling for a time upon the coast, they advanced into the

interior until, about 980 A. D., according to Velasco, they eventually

established their power in the neighbourhood of Quito, where the Scyri

(as the Cara king was called) became a powerful overlord. From that

time until Quito was subdued by the Incas Tupac Yupanqui and Huayna

Capac in the latter part of the fifteenth century, the Scyris reigned

over the northern empire, constantly extending their territories by

war; but their power was finally broken when the Inca added the emerald

of the Scyris to the red fringe of Cuzco to complete his imperial crown.

The followers of the Scyris, Velasco says, were mere idolaters, having

at the head of their pantheon the Sun and the Moon who had guided them

on their journeys; and he describes the temples built to these deities

on two opposite hills at Quito, that to the Sun having before the door

two pillars which served to measure the solar year, while twelve lesser

columns indicated the beginning of each month. Elsewhere in their

empire were the usual local cults,--worship of animals and elements,

with tales of descent from serpentiform water-spirits and with

adoration of fish and of food animals--while on the coast the Sea was a

great divinity, and the islands of Puna and La Plata were the seats of

famous sanctuaries, at the former shrine prisoners being sacrificed to

Tumbal, the war-god, by having their hearts torn out. The neighbouring

coast was the seat of the veneration of the great emerald (mentioned by

Cieza de León and Garcilasso de la Vega) which was famous as a god of

healing; and it is altogether probable that the Scyris brought their

regard for the emerald from this region in which the gem abounded,

though this may well have been merely a local intensification of that

belief in the magic of green and blue gems which is broadcast in the

two Americas.

Besides the stories of the giants and the Cara, there is a third legend

of an ancient descent of seamen upon the equatorial coast. Balboa[122]

is the narrator of the tale of the coming of Naymlap and his people

to Lambeyeque, a few degrees south of Cape Santa Elena, and the story

which he tells is given with a minuteness as to name and description

that leaves no doubt of its native origin. At a very remote period

there arrived from the north a great fleet of _balsas_, commanded by a

brave and renowned chieftain, Naymlap. His wife was called Ceterni, and

a list of court officers is given--Pitazofi, the trumpeter; Ninacolla,

warden of the chief's litter and throne; Ninagentue, the cup-bearer;

Fongasigde, spreader of shell-dust before the royal feet (a function

which leads us to suspect that the royal feet, for magic reasons, were

never to touch the earth); Ochocalo, chief of the cuisine; Xam, master

of face-paints; and Llapchilulli, charged with the care of vestments

and plumes. From this account of the _entourage_, one readily infers

that the chieftain is more than man, himself a divinity; and, indeed,

Balboa goes on to say that immediately after the new comers had landed,

they built a temple, named Chot, wherein they placed an idol which they

had brought and which, carved of green stone in the image of the chief,

was called Llampallec, or "figure of Naymlap." After a long reign

Naymlap disappeared, leaving the report that, given wings by his power,

he had ascended to the skies; and his followers, in their affliction,

went everywhere in search of their lord, while their children inhabited

the territories which had been acquired. Cium, the successor of

Naymlap, at the end of his reign, immured himself in a subterranean

chamber, where he perished of hunger in order that he might leave the

reputation of being immortal; and after Cium were nine other kings,

succeeded by Tempellec, who undertook to move the statue of Naymlap.

But when a demon, in the form of a beautiful woman, had seduced him,

it began to rain--a thing hitherto unknown on that dry coast--and

continued for thirty days, this being followed by a year of famine,

whereupon the priests, binding Tempellec hand and foot, cast him into

the sea, after which the kingdom was changed into a republic.

This tale bears all the marks of authentic tradition. We may well

suppose that Naymlap and his successors were magic kings, reigning

during the period of their vigorous years and then sacrificed to

make way for a successor who should anew incarnate the sacred life

of Llampallec. Such rulers, as corn-spirits and embodiments of the

communal soul of their people, have been made familiar by Sir James G.

Frazer's monumental _Golden Bough_; and in this case it would appear

that the sacred king was regarded as a marine divinity, probably as

the son of Mother Sea. Certainly this would not merely explain the

shell-dust spread beneath his feet, but it might also account for the

punishment of Tempellec, who had brought the cataclysm of water to the

land and so was cast back to his own element; while it is even possible

that the worship of the emerald, which all writers mention in connexion

with this coast, may have here received its especial impetus from the

colour and translucency of the stone, suggesting the green waters of

the ocean.

The Mythology of All Races, Vol. 11: Latin-American · 第 6 / 11 章