UNREST IN GREECE
There was the intense racial hatred between Greeks and Bulgars, more
fully explained in previous volumes. Hatreds of this nature affect the
public more than governing bodies. On the public sentiment of Greece
this hatred seems to have been a more powerful influence than more
subtle political considerations. The detested Bulgar, the barbarian,
the "kondri-cephalous" (blockhead) was advancing into eastern
Macedonia, which the Greeks had gained at so much cost, and they were
taking possession of that section of the country where the population
really is preponderatingly Greek. In the north, in western Macedonia,
he was also invading Greek territory, taking Florina, approaching the
very boundaries of Greece proper; indeed, cavalry patrols of the
Bulgarians had descended as far as the plains of Thessaly.
Public indignation flamed to a white heat. On September 1, 1916, came
a press dispatch from Athens stating that the population was rising
against the Government and that the king had abdicated in fear. This
latter statement proved untrue, but in the Macedonia occupied by the
Allies a modified revolution was indeed taking place, no doubt
encouraged by the Allies. A provisional committee, or government, had
been organized, and to this authority the Greek garrisons at Vodena,
Port Karaburun, and Saloniki had surrendered. "Cretan gendarmes and
Macedonian volunteers," continued the report, "have surrounded the
barracks of the Greek infantry in Saloniki and exchanged shots with
the garrison after cutting the water main and electric-light wires and
shutting off food supplies. A detachment of sixty regulars attempted
to break its way out. Its surrender was demanded, and when the
regulars refused the volunteers fired shots in the air. The regulars
replied with a volley, whereupon the volunteers opened fire on them,
compelling them to return to the barracks. Altogether three men were
killed and two wounded. Before the garrison finally surrendered three
companies of French colonial infantry marched to the parade grounds.
They were soon followed by two battalions of infantry, which took up
positions on both sides of the parade grounds in the rear of the
barracks. Machine guns were posted at conspicuous points and armored
cars were stationed opposite the entrance of the barracks.... At 11
o'clock that night the Greek troops marched out unarmed and were
interned at Camp Keitinlek outside the city."
Apparently these incidents had a temporary influence on the Government
at Athens, for on September 3, 1916, it was reported that all parties
had agreed to give their support to the Zaimis cabinet, which was now
ready to reconsider its previous policy and give its full support to
the cause of the Allies. The German Ambassador, it was said, had left
Athens. How confident was Venizelos in the belief that the Government
had come around to his policy is obvious from the following statement,
which he made on that same date:
"The addition of one more nation to the long list of those fighting
against Prussian militarism for the liberty of Europe and the
independence of the smaller states cannot but give more strength to
the common confidence in a complete victory of the Allies. I deeply
grieve that my country has so much delayed in paying her due
contribution to the struggle for these most precious benefits of
humanity, and trust the influence caused by Rumanian intervention will
render it absolutely impossible for the existing Greek authorities any
further to persist in their policy of neutrality, and that at the
earliest moment Greece too will join the camp of her proved and
traditional friends for the purpose of accomplishing her own national
ideals."
Meanwhile the revolt in Greek Macedonia seemed to be spreading. A
provisional government was declared established with a Colonel
Zimorakakis at the head, and all the gendarmes and the cavalry had
gone over to the new regime.
What gave further color to the reports that Greece was definitely
deciding to go over to the Allies was the announcement that the
elections had been postponed indefinitely. The Zaimis cabinet, it will
be remembered by those who have read the previous volume, was merely
provisional to fill the interim until the next elections. These had at
first been fixed for August 7, 1916, then postponed for another month.
Now they were again postponed indefinitely. Truly it seemed that the
two big parties had come to an understanding. Added to this was the
report that Baron Schenk, the chief of the German propaganda, had been
arrested and brought a prisoner aboard one of the French warships.
Also the telegraph and telephone systems of the country had been given
over to the control of the Allies.
There now followed an interval of complete silence, broken only on the
10th, when it was reported from London that the Greek Premier, Zaimis,
had held a conference with the Entente ministers and had asked what
consideration Greece would receive should she join the Allies. The
ministers were reported to have replied that they would ask
instructions from their respective governments. On the following day
Zaimis suddenly offered his resignation. The king refused to accept it
and, on the ministers of the Entente expressing their confidence in
his sincerity, he withdrew his resignation. On the following day the
Entente Powers made their reply to Premier Zaimis, regarding what
reward Greece might expect should she join them. They were not
disposed, they stated, to enter into a discussion of this subject. If
Greece desired to join them, she must waive the question of
compensation for the present, though the Entente Powers stood ready to
assist her in equipping her with arms and munitions.