CHAPTER II

THE BEGINNING OF A CAREER

By his Edinburgh lectures Smith had proved that he could be at once

learned and popular, and the fact that he was probably the only Scottish

savant who had thoroughly acquired the English accent at a time when

English had suddenly become highly fashionable north of the Tweed, would

do him no harm in loyal Glasgow, where the English connection, with all

its solid advantages, was well esteemed. Accordingly in 1750, when a

vacancy occurred in the chair of Logic at Glasgow, Adam Smith’s

candidature proved very acceptable, and he was unanimously appointed by

the Senate. A week later he read a Latin dissertation on the Origin of

Ideas, signed the Westminster Confession of Faith before the Presbytery

of Glasgow, and took the usual oath of fidelity to the authorities. So

far as I am aware, it has not been noticed hitherto that the substance

of Smith’s inaugural dissertation, _De Origine Idearum_, has been

preserved in a fragment published by his literary executors after his

death. _The History of the Ancient Logics and Metaphysics_, as the piece

is called, deserves notice not only as one of the earliest specimens of

Smith’s extraordinary power of reasoning, but because it proves his

interest in some metaphysical questions which are suppressed or ignored

in his larger treatises, and at the same time exhibits the range and

accuracy of his classical scholarship.

In describing the ancient dialectic Smith had to give an explanation of

what Plato meant by “ideas.” The later Platonists imagined their master

to mean no more than that “the Deity formed the world after what we

would now call an idea or plan conceived in his own mind, in the same

manner as any other artist.” Against them the young philosopher

proceeded to turn the formidable battery of ratiocination that was one

day to demolish a living and formidable foe. It is characteristic of

Adam Smith that whether he is attacking the harmless errors of an

extinct school of thought, or the noxious fallacies of an established

policy, he tries every mode of assault. He “swims, or sinks, or wades,

or creeps, or flies”:—

“If Plato had meant to express no more than this most natural and

simple of all notions, he might surely have expressed it more plainly,

and would hardly, one would think, have talked of it with so much

emphasis, as of something which it required the utmost reach of

thought to comprehend. According to this representation, Plato’s

notion of species, or Universals, was the same with that of Aristotle.

Aristotle, however, does not seem to understand it as such; he bestows

a great part of his Metaphysics upon confuting it, and opposes it in

all his other works.”

Again, this notion of the separate existence of Species is the very

basis of Plato’s philosophy; and there is not a single dialogue in all

his works which does not refer to it. Can Aristotle, “who appears to

have been so much superior to his master in everything but eloquence,”

wilfully have misinterpreted Plato’s fundamental principle when Plato’s

writings were in everybody’s hands and his disciples were spread all

over Greece; when Speusippus, the nephew and successor of Plato, as well

as Xenocrates, who continued the school in the Academy, at the same time

as Aristotle held his in the Lyceum, must have been ready at all times

to expose and affront him for such gross disingenuity? Aristotle’s

interpretation had been followed by Cicero, Seneca, and every classical

authority down to Plutarch, “an author who seems to have been as bad a

critic in philosophy as in history, and to have taken everything at

second-hand in both.”

Whether Smith either then or at any time arrived at metaphysical

certainty is very doubtful. “To explain the nature, and to account for

the origin of general Ideas is,” he says, “even at this day, the

greatest difficulty in abstract philosophy.”

“How the human mind when it reasons concerning the general nature of

triangles, should either conceive, as Mr. Locke imagines it does, the

idea of a triangle, which is neither obtusangular, nor rectangular,

nor acutangular; but which was at once both none and of all those

together; or should, as Malbranche thinks necessary for this purpose,

comprehend at once, within its finite capacity, all possible triangles

of all possible forms and dimensions, which are infinite in number, is

a question to which it is not easy to give a satisfactory answer.”

He suggests that notions like those of Plato, or Cudworth, or

Malebranche, depend a good deal upon the vague and general language in

which they are expressed. So long as a philosophy is not very distinctly

explained, it “passes easily enough through the indolent imagination

accustomed to substitute words in the room of ideas.” Platonism vanishes

indeed, and is discovered to be altogether incomprehensible upon an

attentive consideration. It did, however, require attentive

consideration, and but for Aristotle “might without examination have

continued to be the current philosophy for a century or two.” This early

and unnoticed composition proves that Smith had thought deeply on

metaphysics though he deliberately avoided them in his masterpieces.

He found time to translate and read part of the essay as a Latin

dissertation; but his engagements in Edinburgh prevented him from taking

up his new work before the autumn. When October came he found his task

doubled. Craigie, the Professor of Ethics, had fallen ill, and had been

ordered to Lisbon for his health. Smith was informed of this by Dr.

Cullen, one of his new colleagues, and was requested to undertake

Craigie’s duties. It was further suggested that he should pay particular

attention to jurisprudence and politics, which were held to fall within

the province of moral philosophy. Smith replies (3rd September 1751)

that he will gladly relieve Craigie of his class, and will willingly

undertake to lecture on natural jurisprudence and politics.

The session began on the 10th of October, and soon afterwards came the

news of Craigie’s death. Smith detested the sophisms of what he called

“the cobweb science” of Ontology, and cared little for the Logic of the

schools. He was anxious, therefore, to be transferred to the chair of

Ethics, and at the same time formed a design with other friends to

procure the appointment of his friend David Hume to the chair of Logic.

But the prejudice against Hume proved too strong. “I should prefer David

Hume to any man for the college,” Smith wrote privately to Cullen, “but

I am afraid the public would not be of my opinion, and the interest of

the society will oblige us to have regard to the opinion of the public.”

This was from Edinburgh, whither Smith had made what was then

(incredible as it may seem) a two-days’ journey from Glasgow, in order

to wait upon Archibald, Duke of Argyll, nicknamed King of Scotland,

because he exercised a sort of royal influence over all Scottish

appointments. At the duke’s levee Smith was duly introduced, and his

application was successful. The transfer was effected, and in April

Smith was appointed to the chair which he was to adorn for twelve years.

It was perhaps the most important event of his life. For a temperament

like his, so prone to study and reflection, so averse to the toil of the

pen, required some constant external stimulus, some congenial inducement

to undertake the task of exposition. His gifts might have remained idle,

his talents buried, had not the warm and sympathetic atmosphere of a

full, eager, and admiring class-room set his tongue and his more

reluctant pen in motion. We need not brood over the

might-not-have-beens; but when we think of the power that fortune

exercises over men’s lives, we may thank her for assigning Adam Smith at

this critical moment to the town and University of Glasgow. By that

propitious act she lent powerful aid to the construction of a science

that must ever be associated with the prosperity and peaceful progress

of mankind.

Smith himself has indicated in a general statement the advantages he

derived from this professorship:—

“To impose upon any man the necessity of teaching, year after year,

any particular branch of science, seems, in reality, to be the most

effectual method for rendering him completely master of it himself. By

being obliged to go every year over the same ground, if he is good for

anything he necessarily becomes, in a few years, well acquainted with

every part of it: and if upon any particular point he should form too

hasty an opinion one year, when he comes in the course of his lectures

to reconsider the same subject the year thereafter, he is very likely

to correct it. As to be a teacher of science is certainly the natural

employment of a mere man of letters, so is it likewise perhaps the

education which is most likely to render him a man of solid learning

and knowledge.”

He regarded the profession of teacher as an education, and for that very

reason he never ceased to be a learner and a discoverer. Instead of

sticking in the muddy ruts of dogma, he drove on gathering facts and

opinions till he reached the goal. To vary a well-known inscription, he

might have written over the door of his class-room, “Deverticulum

philosophi ad veritatem proficiscentis,”—the resting-place of a

philosopher on march to truth. Assuredly a happier appointment was never

made, whether we look at the true interests of the Professor himself or

at those of the University. Smith always thought the years at Glasgow

the happiest and most useful of his life. Besides his strong preference

for Morals over Logic, he had carnal reasons to rejoice in the

transference, for it gave a rather better income. Altogether the chair

of Morals at Glasgow seems to have yielded about £170 a year—a fine

income in Scotland at a time when, as Mr. Rae observes, the largest

stipend in the Presbyterian Church was £138.

In addition to salary and fees, Smith was allotted a good house in the

Professors’ Court, which he shared with his mother and cousin (Miss Jane

Douglas), who came from Kirkcaldy to live with him. The manses in the

old Professors’ Court were held by the professors in order of seniority,

and Smith removed three times in order to take full advantage of his

privileges, obtaining the best in 1762, when Leechman, Hutcheson’s

biographer, was appointed Principal. In 1761, when a second edition of

the _Moral Sentiments_ appeared, with a newly inserted passage

describing the view from his study window, he was in the house

previously occupied by Dr. Dick, Professor of Natural Philosophy. To

this house nature seems to have been especially kind,—though in reading

Smith’s description of his view we must recollect that Glasgow, the

garden city, was then famous for the clearness of its atmosphere and the

beauty of its surroundings. “In my present situation,” that is to say,

looking from the window of his study, he sees “an immense landscape of

lawns and woods and distant mountains.” The landscape illustrates the

philosophy of the mind: it “seems to do no more than cover the little

window which I write by and to be out of all proportion less than the

chamber in which I am sitting.” He can form a just comparison between

the great objects of the remote scene and the little objects in the room

only by transporting himself to a different station from whence both

could be surveyed at nearly equal distances. The image, it will be seen,

is introduced by Adam Smith to illustrate his theory of “the impartial

spectator,” the judge within the breast, whom we must consult if we are

to see the things that concern ourselves and others in their true shape

and proportions. Just as a man must in some measure be acquainted with

the philosophy of vision before he can be thoroughly convinced how small

is his own room compared with the mountains he sees from his window, so

to the selfish and original passions of human nature, unschooled by

experience, unassisted by scale or measure, “the loss or gain of a very

small interest of our own appears to be of vastly more importance,

excites a much more passionate joy or sorrow than the greatest concern

of another with whom we have no particular connection.”[9]

With the failure of Hume’s candidature for the Logic chair was lost a

golden opportunity of associating two of the first philosophers of that

age on the staff of a small provincial college in one of the poorest,

rudest, and least frequented kingdoms of Western Europe. The legend that

Burke (four years before he published his _Treatise on the Sublime and

Beautiful_) was another candidate has been adjudged apocryphal, though

it was formerly accepted by good authorities. Many of the Glasgow

students were Irish Presbyterians, and an Irishman might well have been

encouraged to seek a chair in the University of Hutcheson.

George Jardine, a student in 1760 and Professor of Logic from 1774,

dated the first radical reform in the teaching of philosophy at Glasgow,

from a royal visitation of 1727, after which each professor was

restricted to a particular department instead of being required to

lecture for three successive years in logic, ethics, and physics. He

adds that the improvements thus introduced were greatly promoted by

fortunate appointments. First came Dr. Francis Hutcheson, whose “copious

and splendid eloquence” illustrated an amiable system of morality, and

at the same time popularised the use of English as the medium of

instruction. Hutcheson’s reforms were not suspended by his death. But

the Logic class continued to be conducted in Latin until Adam Smith,

being rather unexpectedly called to the office in 1750, “found it

necessary to read in the English language a course of lectures in

Rhetoric and Belles Lettres which he had formerly delivered in

Edinburgh.” The last department in the University to abandon Latin was

Law, and the innovator was Smith’s pupil and friend, John Millar.

After Smith’s brief tenure of the chair, Logic fell back for a time to

its old subject-matter, but the Latin medium could not be revived. “From

the time that the lectures began to be delivered in English the eyes of

men were opened,” writes Jardine. It was felt that the old logic of the

schools, even when perfectly understood, had little or no connection

with modern thought, and none with the active business of life. The

local situation, too, of the University in a great commercial city,

where men had a quick perception of utility, and looked for a clear

adaptation of means to ends, helped to promote reform. But dislike of

Logic and Ontology was not peculiar to Smith or to Glasgow. They were

discountenanced by the most popular philosopher of that age. “Had the

craftiest men,” wrote Shaftesbury in his _Characteristics_, “for many

ages together been employed in finding out a method to confound reason

and to degrade the understandings of men, they could not perhaps have

succeeded better than by the establishing of this mock science.”

Hutcheson had ignored logic and avoided metaphysical problems. In his

_Theory of Moral Sentiments_, Smith renounced “the abstruse syllogisms

of a quibbling dialectic”; but he never made the mistake of confounding

Aristotle with the Aristotelians.

There is in the _Wealth of Nations_ a highly interesting digression upon

the Universities, to explain how Greek conceptions of philosophy were

debased in the Middle Ages, and how its ancient division into three

parts was altered for another into five in most of the academies of

Europe. In the ancient philosophy, whatever was taught concerning the

nature either of the human mind or the deity made a part of the system

of physics. Whatever reason could conclude or conjecture upon the human

and the divine mind, made two chapters of “the science which pretended

to give an account of the origin and revolutions of the great system of

the universe.” But in the universities of Europe, “where philosophy was

taught only as subservient to theology,” it was natural to dwell upon

these two chapters and to make them distinct sciences. And so

Metaphysics or Pneumatics were set up in opposition to Physics.

The result was, in Adam Smith’s view, disastrous. While on the one hand,

subjects requiring experiment and observation, and capable of yielding

many useful discoveries, were almost entirely neglected; on the other a

subject, in which “after a few very simple and obvious truths the most

careful attention can discover nothing but obscurity and uncertainty,

and can consequently produce nothing but subtleties and sophisms, was

greatly cultivated.” Metaphysics having thus been set up in opposition

to physics, the comparison between them naturally gave birth to a third,

called ontology, or the science which treated of the qualities and

attributes common to both. “But if subtleties and sophisms composed the

greater part of the Metaphysics or Pneumatics of the schools, they

composed the whole of this cobweb science of Ontology.” Holding these

views, it is not surprising that Smith welcomed an escape from this

chair to one which proposed as its object an inquiry of a very different

nature: wherein consists the happiness and perfection of a man,

considered not only as an individual, but as the member of a family, of

a state, and of the great society of mankind. Here was a stepping-stone

to the _Wealth of Nations_. Meanwhile he did what he could to unsettle

the cobweb sciences.

Of Smith as a logician, John Millar, a member of his class in 1751-2,

wrote that he “saw the necessity of departing widely from the plan that

had been followed by his predecessors, and of directing the attention of

his pupils to studies of a more interesting and useful nature than the

logic and the metaphysics of the schools.” Accordingly, says Millar,

“after exhibiting a general view of the powers of the mind, and

explaining so much of the ancient logic as was requisite to gratify

curiosity with respect to an artificial method of reasoning which had

once occupied the universal attention of the learned, he dedicated all

the rest of his time to the delivery of a system of rhetoric and belles

lettres.” Another of those who attended his classes at Glasgow says that

even after he became Professor of Moral Philosophy he would from time to

time give lectures on taste and literature, and it must have been one of

these that Boswell heard in 1759. Art, the drama, and music were always

favourite objects of his speculations, and doubtless the substance of

his essay on the _Imitative Arts_ was delivered from time to time in the

University. Millar says Smith never appeared to greater advantage than

as a lecturer:—

“His manner, though not graceful, was plain and unaffected, and as he

seemed to be always interested in the subject, he never failed to

interest his hearers. Each discourse consisted commonly of several

distinct propositions, which he successively endeavoured to prove and

illustrate. These propositions when announced in general terms had,

from their extent, not unfrequently something of the air of a paradox.

In his attempts to explain them, he often appeared at first not to be

sufficiently possessed of the subject, and spoke with some hesitation.

As he advanced, however, the matter seemed to crowd upon him, his

manner became warm and animated, and his expression easy and fluent.

In points susceptible of controversy you could easily discern that he

secretly conceived an opposition to his opinions, and that he was led

upon this account to support them with greater energy and vehemence.

By the fulness and variety of his illustrations the subject gradually

swelled in his hands and acquired a dimension which, without a tedious

repetition of the same views, was calculated to seize the attention of

his audience, and to afford them pleasure as well as instruction in

following the same subject through all the diversity of shades and

aspects in which it was presented, and afterwards in tracing it

backwards to that original proposition or general truth from which

this beautiful train of speculation had proceeded.”

Another old pupil dwelt upon his “animated and extemporaneous

eloquence,” especially when he was drawn into digressions in the course

of question and answer. Smith himself attributed his success very

largely to the vigilant care with which he watched his audience; for he

depended very much upon their sympathy. “During one whole session,” he

is reported to have said, “a certain student with a plain but expressive

countenance was of great use to me in judging of my success. He sat

conspicuously in front of a pillar: I had him constantly under my eye.

If he leant forward to listen all was right, and I knew that I had the

ear of my class; but if he leant back in an attitude of listlessness I

felt at once that all was wrong, and that I must change either the

subject or the style of my address.”

Adam Smith · 第 2 / 11 章