FROM CUSTOM TO CONSCIENCE; FROM GROUP MORALITY TO PERSONAL MORALITY
Sec. 1. CONTRAST AND COLLISION
=1. What the Third Level Means.=--Complete morality is reached only when
the individual recognizes the right or chooses the good freely, devotes
himself heartily to its fulfillment, and seeks a progressive social
development in which every member of society shall share. The group
morality with its agencies of custom set up a standard, but one that was
corporate rather than personal. It approved and disapproved, that is it
had an idea of good, but this did not mean a good that was personally
valued. It enlisted its members, but it was by drill, by pleasure and
pain, and by habit, rather than by fully voluntary action. It secured
steadiness by habit and social pressure, rather than by choices built
into character. It maintained community of feeling and action, but of
the unconscious rather than the definitely social type. Finally it was
rather fitted to maintain a fixed order than to promote and safeguard
progress. Advance then must (1) substitute some rational method of
setting up standards and forming values, in place of habitual passive
acceptance; (2) secure voluntary and personal choice and interest,
instead of unconscious identification with the group welfare, or
instinctive and habitual response to group needs; (3) encourage at the
same time individual development and the demand that all shall share in
this development--the worth and happiness of the person and of _every_
person.
=2. Collisions Involved.=--Such an advance brings to consciousness two
collisions. The oppositions were there before, but they were not felt as
oppositions. So long as the man was fully with his group, or satisfied
with the custom, he would make no revolt. When the movement begins the
collisions are felt. These collisions are:
(1) The collision between the authority and interests of the group, and
the independence and private interests of the individual.
(2) The collision between order and progress, between habit and
reconstruction or reformation.
It is evident that there is a close connection between these two
collisions; in fact, the second becomes in practice a form of the first.
For we saw in the last chapter that custom is really backed and enforced
by the group, and its merely habitual parts are as strongly supported as
those parts which have a more rational basis. It would perhaps be
conceivable that a people should move on all together, working out a
higher civilization in which free thought should keep full reverence for
social values, in which political liberty should keep even pace with the
development of government, in which self-interest should be accompanied
by regard for the welfare of others, just as it may be possible for a
child to grow into full morality without a period of "storm and stress."
But this is not usual. Progress has generally cost struggle. And the
first phase of this struggle is opposition between the individual and
the group. The self-assertive instincts and impulses were present in
group life, but they were in part undeveloped because they had not
enough stimulus to call them out. A man could not develop his impulse
for possession to its full extent if there was little or nothing for him
to possess. In part they were not developed because the group held them
back, and the conditions of living and fighting favored those groups
which did keep them back. Nevertheless they were present in some
degree, always contending against the more social forces. Indeed what
makes the opposition between group and individual so strong and so
continuous is that both the social and the individual are rooted in
human nature. They constitute what Kant calls the _unsocial
sociableness_ of man. "Man cannot get on with his fellows and he cannot
do without them."
=Individualism.=--The assertion by the individual of his own opinions
and beliefs, his own independence and interests, as over against group
standards, authority, and interests, is known as individualism. It is
evident that such assertion will always mark a new level of conduct.
Action must now be personal and voluntary. It is also evident that it
may be either better or worse than the level of custom and group life.
The first effect is likely to be, in appearance at least, a change for
the worse. The old restraints are tossed aside; "creeds outworn" no
longer steady or direct; the strong or the crafty individual comes to
the fore and exploits his fellows. Every man does what is "right in his
own eyes." The age of the Sophists in Greece, of the Renaissance in
Italy, of the Enlightenment and Romantic movement in western Europe, and
of the industrial revolution in recent times illustrate different phases
of individualism. A people, as well as an individual, may "go to pieces"
in its reaction against social authority and custom. But such one-sided
individualism is almost certain to call out prophets of a new order;
"organic filaments" of new structures appear; family, industry, the
state, are organized anew and upon more voluntary basis. Those who
accept the new conditions and assume responsibility with their freedom,
who direct their choices by reason instead of passion, who "aim at
justice and kindness" as well as at happiness, become moral persons and
gain thereby new worth and dignity. While, then, the general movement is
on the whole a movement of individualism, it demands just as
necessarily, if there is to be moral progress, a _reconstructed
individual_--a person who is individual in choice, in feeling, in
responsibility, and at the same time social in what he regards as good,
in his sympathies, and in his purposes. Otherwise individualism means
progress toward the immoral.
Sec. 2. SOCIOLOGICAL AGENCIES IN THE TRANSITION
The agencies which bring about the change from customary and group
morality to conscious and personal morality are varied. Just as
character is developed in the child and young man by various means,
sometimes by success, sometimes by adversity or loss of a parent,
sometimes by slow increase in knowledge, and sometimes by a sudden
right-about-face with a strong emotional basis, so it is with peoples.
Some, like the Japanese at the present, are brought into sudden contact
with the whole set of commercial and military forces from without. Among
others, as with the Greeks, a fermentation starts within, along
intellectual, economic, political, and religious lines. Or again,
national calamities may upset all the old values, as with the Hebrews.
But we may note four typical agencies which are usually more or less
active.
=1. Economic Forces.=--The action of economic forces in breaking up the
early kinship group or joint family may be noticed in the history of
many peoples. The clan flourishes in such conditions of hunting life or
of simple agriculture as were found among Australians and Indians, or
among the Celts in Ireland and the Scottish Highlands. It cannot survive
when a more advanced state of agriculture prevails. A certain amount of
individualism will appear wherever the advantage for the individual lies
in separate industry and private ownership. If buffalo was to be hunted
it was better to pool issues, but for smaller game the skilful or
persistent huntsman or shepherd will think he can gain more by working
for himself. This is intensified when agriculture and commerce take the
place of earlier modes of life. The farmer has to work so hard and long,
his goal is so far in the future, that differences of character show
themselves much more strongly. Hunting and fishing are so exciting, and
the reward is so near, that even a man who is not very industrious will
do his part. But in agriculture only the hard and patient worker gets a
reward and he does not like to share it with the lazy, or even with the
weaker. Commerce, bargaining, likewise puts a great premium on
individual shrewdness. And for a long time commerce was conducted on a
relatively individual basis. Caravans of traders journeyed together for
mutual protection but there was not any such organization as later
obtained, and each individual could display his own cunning or ability.
Moreover commerce leads to the comparison of custom, to interchange of
ideas as well as goods. All this tends to break down the sanctity of
customs peculiar to a given group. The trader as well as the guest may
overstep the barriers set up by kin. The early Greek colonists, among
whom a great individualistic movement began, were the traders of their
day. The parts of Europe where most survives of primitive group life are
those little touched by modern commerce.
But we get a broader view of economic influences if we consider the
methods of organizing industry which have successively prevailed. In
early society, and likewise in the earlier period of modern
civilization, the family was a great economic unit. Many or most of the
industries could be advantageously carried on in the household. As in
the cases cited above (p. 60) the stronger or adventurous member would
be constantly trying to strike out for himself. This process of constant
readjustment is, however, far less thoroughgoing in its effects on mores
than the three great methods of securing a broader organization of
industry. In primitive society large enterprises had to be carried on by
the co-operation of the group. Forced labor as used by the Oriental
civilizations substituted a method by which greater works like the
pyramids or temples could be built, but it brought with it the overthrow
of much of the old group sympathies and mutual aid. In Greece and Rome
slavery did the drudgery and left the citizens free to cultivate art,
letters, and government. It gave opportunity and scope for the few. Men
of power and genius arose, and at the same time all the negative forces
of individualism asserted themselves. In modern times capitalism is the
method for organizing industry and trade. It proves more effective than
forced labor or slavery in securing combination of forces and in
exploiting natural resources. It likewise gives extraordinary
opportunities for the rise of men of organizing genius. The careers of
"captains of industry" are more fascinating than those of old-time
conquerors because they involve more complex situations, and can utilize
the discoveries and labors of more men. But modern capitalism has been
as destructive to the morality of the Middle Ages, or even of a hundred
years ago, as was forced labor or slavery to the group life and mores
which they destroyed.
=2. The Progress of Science and the Arts.=--The effect of the progress
of science and intelligence upon the mores is direct. Comparisons of the
customs of one people with those of another bring out differences, and
arouse questions as to the reasons for such diversity. And we have seen
that there is more or less in the customs for which no reason can be
given. Even if there was one originally it has been forgotten. Or again,
increasing knowledge of weather and seasons, of plants and animals, of
sickness and disease, discredits many of the taboos and ceremonials
which the cruder beliefs had regarded as essential to welfare. Certain
elements of ritual may survive under the protection of "mysteries," but
the more enlightened portion of the community keeps aloof. Instead of
the mores with their large infusion of the accidental, the habitual,
and the impulsive, increasing intelligence demands some rational rule of
life.
And science joins with the various industrial and fine arts to create a
new set of interests for the individual. Any good piece of workmanship,
any work of art however simple, is twice blest. It blesses him that
makes and him that uses or enjoys. The division of labor, begun in group
life, is carried further. Craftsmen and artists develop increasing
individuality as they construct temples or palaces, fashion statues or
pottery, or sing of gods and heroes. Their minds grow with what they do.
Side by side with the aspect of art which makes it a bond of society is
the aspect which so frequently makes the skilled workman the critic, and
the artist a law to himself. In the next place note the effect on those
who can use and enjoy the products of the arts. A new world of
satisfaction and happiness is opened which each person can enter for
himself. In cruder conditions there was not much out of which to build
up happiness. Food, labor, rest, the thrill of hunt or contest, the
passion of sex, the pride in children--these made up the interests of
primitive life. Further means of enjoyment were found chiefly in society
of the kin, or in the men's house. But as the arts advanced the
individual could have made for him a fine house and elaborate clothing.
Metal, wood, and clay minister to increasing wants. A permanent and
stately tomb makes the future more definite. The ability to hand down
wealth in durable form places a premium on its acquirement. Ambition has
more stuff to work with. A more definite, assertive self is gradually
built up. "Good" comes to have added meaning with every new want that
awakes. The individual is not satisfied any longer to take the group's
valuation. He wants to get his own good in his own way. And it will
often seem to him that he can get his own good most easily and surely
either by keeping out of the common life or by using his fellow men to
his own advantage. Men of culture have frequently shown their
selfishness in the first way; men of wealth in the second. An
aristocracy of culture, or birth, or wealth may come to regard the whole
process of civilization as properly ministering to the wants of the
select few. Nearly every people which has developed the arts and
sciences has developed also an aristocracy. In the ancient world slavery
was a part of the process. In modern times other forms of exploitation
may serve the purpose better. Individualism, released from the ties
which bound up the good of one with the good of all, tends to become
exclusive and selfish; civilization with all its opportunities for
increasing happiness and increasing life has its moral risks and
indirectly, at least, its moral evils.
These evils may appear as the gratification of sense and appetite and
thus may be opposed to the higher life of the spirit, which needs no
outer objects or luxuries. Or they may appear as rooted in selfishness,
in the desire for gratifying the exclusive self of material interests or
ambition, as over against sympathy, justice, and kindness, which mark a
broadly human and social life. In both cases serious men have sought to
overcome by some form of "self-denial" the evils that attend on
civilization, even if they are not due to it.
=3. Military Forces.=--The kinship group is a protection so long as it
has to contend only with similar groups. The headlong valor and tribal
loyalty of German or Scottish clans may even win conflicts with more
disciplined troops of Rome or England. But permanent success demands
higher organization than the old clans and tribes permitted.
Organization means authority, and a single directing, controlling
commander or king. As Egypt, Assyria, Phoenicia show their strength
the clans of Israel cry, "Nay, but we will have a king over us; that we
may also be like all the nations; and that our king may judge us, and go
out before us, and fight our battles."[43] Wars afford the opportunity
for the strong and unscrupulous leader to assert himself. Like commerce
they may tend also to spread culture and thus break down barriers of
ancient custom. The conquests of Babylon and Alexander, the Crusades and
the French Revolution, are instances of the power of military forces to
destroy old customs and give individualism new scope. In most cases, it
is true, it is only the leader or "tyrant" who gets the advantage. He
uses the whole machinery of society for his own elevation. Nevertheless
custom and group unity are broken for all. Respect for law must be built
new from the foundation.
=4. Religious Forces.=--While in general religion is a conservative
agency, it is also true that a new religion or a new departure in
religion has often exercised a powerful influence on moral development.
The very fact that religion is so intimately bound up with all the group
mores and ideals, makes a change in religion bear directly on old
standards of life. The collision between old and new is likely to be
fundamental and sharp. A conception of God may carry with it a view of
what conduct is pleasing to him. A doctrine as to the future may require
a certain mode of life. A cultus may approve or condemn certain
relations between the sexes. Conflicting religions may then force a
moral attitude in weighing their claims. The contests between Jehovah
and Baal, between Orphic cults and the public Greek religion, between
Judaism and Christianity, Christianity and Roman civilization,
Christianity and Germanic religion, Catholicism and Protestantism, have
brought out moral issues. We shall notice this factor especially in
Chapters VI. and VIII.
Sec. 3. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL AGENCIES
The psychological forces which tend toward individualism have been
already stated to be the self-assertive instincts and impulses. They are
all variations of the effort of the living being first to preserve
itself and then to rise to more complicated life by entering into more
complex relations and mastering its environment. Spinoza's "_sui esse
conservare_," Schopenhauer's "will to live," Nietzsche's "will to
power," the Hebrew's passionate ideal of "life", and Tennyson's "More
life, and fuller" express in varying degree the meaning of this
elemental bent and process. Growing intelligence adds to its strength by
giving greater capacity to control. Starting with organic needs, this
developing life process may find satisfactions in the physical world in
the increasing power and mastery over nature gained by the explorer or
the hunter, the discoverer, the craftsman, or the artist. It is when it
enters the world of persons that it displays a peculiar intensity that
marks the passions of individualism _par excellence_. We note four of
these tendencies toward self-assertion.
=1. Sex.=--The sex instinct and emotion occupies a peculiar position in
this respect. On the one hand it is a powerful socializing agency. It
brings the sexes together and is thus fundamental to the family. But on
the other hand it is constantly rebelling against the limits and
conventions established by the social group for its regulation. The
statutes against illicit relations, from the codes of Hammurabi and
Moses to the latest efforts for stricter divorce, attest the collision
between the individual's inclination and the will of the group.
Repeatedly some passion of sex has broken over all social, legal, and
religious sanctions. It has thus been a favorite theme of tragedy from
the Greeks to Ibsen. It finds another fitting medium in the romance. It
has called into existence and maintains in every large city an outcast
colony of wretched creatures, and the evils which attend are not limited
in their results to those who knowingly take the risks. It has worked
repeated changes in the structure of the family authorized by society.
Its value and proper regulation were points at issue in that
wide-reaching change of mores attendant upon the Reformation, and
apparently equilibrium has not yet been reached.
=2. The Demand for Possession and Private Property.=--In the primitive
group we have seen that there might be private property in tools or
weapons, in cattle or slaves. There was little private property in land
under the maternal clan; and indeed in any case, so long as the arts
were undeveloped, private property had necessary limits. The demand for
private property is a natural attendant upon individual modes of
industry. As we have said, it was a common principle that what the group
produced was owned by the group, and what the individual made or
captured was treated as his. When individual industry came to count for
more, the individual claimed more and more as private possession.
The change from the maternal clan to the paternal family or household
was a reenforcement to the individual control of property. The father
could hand down his cattle or his house to his son. The joint family of
India is indeed a type of a paternal system. Nevertheless the tendency
is much stronger to insist on individual property where the father's
goods pass to his son than where they go to his sister's children.
The chiefs or rulers were likely to gain the right of private property
first. Among certain families of the South Slavs to-day, the head has
his individual eating utensils, the rest share. Among many people the
chiefs have cattle which they can dispose of as they will; the rest have
simply their share of the kin's goods. The old Brehon laws of Ireland
show this stage.
But however it comes about, the very meaning of property is, in the
first place, exclusion of others from some thing which I have. It is
therefore in so far necessarily opposed to group unity, opposed to any
such simple solidarity of life as we find in group morality. As the
American Indian accepts land in severalty, the old group life, the
tribal restraints and supports, the group custom and moral unity that
went with it, are gone. He must find a new basis or go to pieces.
=3. Struggles for Mastery or Liberty.=--In most cases these cannot be
separated from economic struggles. Masters and slaves were in economic
as well as personal relations, and nearly all class contests on a large
scale have had at least one economic root, whatever their other sources.
But the economic is not their only root. There have been wars for glory
or for liberty as well as for territory or booty or slaves. As the
struggle for existence has bred into the race the instinct of
self-defense with its emotion of anger, the instinct to rivalry and
mastery, and the corresponding aversion to being ruled, so the progress
of society shows trials of strength between man and man, kin and kin,
tribe and tribe. And while, as stated in the preceding chapter, the
cooperation made necessary in war or feud is a uniting force, there is
another side to the story. Contests between individuals show who is
master; contests between groups tend to bring forward leaders. And while
such masterful men may serve the group they are quite as likely to find
an interest in opposing group customs. They assert an independence of
the group, or a mastery over it, quite incompatible with the solidarity
of the kinship clan, although the patriarchal type of household under a
strong head may be quite possible. There comes to be one code for rich
and another for poor, one for Patricians and another for Plebs, one for
baron and another for peasant, one for gentry and another for the common
folk. For a time this may be accepted patiently. But when once the rich
become arrogant, the feudal lord insolent, the bitter truth is faced
that the customs have become mere conventions. They no longer hold. All
the old ties are cast off. The demand for freedom and equality rises,
and the collision between authority and liberty is on.
Or the contest may be for intellectual liberty--for free thought and
free speech. It is sometimes considered that such liberty meets its
strongest opponent in the religious or ecclesiastical organization.
There is no doubt a conservative tendency in religion. As we have
pointed out, religion is the great conservator of group values and group
standards. Its ritual is most elaborate, its taboos most sacred.
Intellectual criticism tends to undermine what is outgrown or merely
habitual here as elsewhere. Rationalism or free thought has set itself
in frequent opposition likewise to what has been claimed to be "above
reason." Nevertheless it would be absurd to attribute all the
individualism to science and all the conservatism to religion.
Scientific dogmas and "idols" are hard to displace. Schools are about as
conservative as churches. And on the other hand the struggle for
religious liberty has usually been carried on not by the irreligious but
by the religious. The prophet Amos found himself opposed by the
religious organization of his day when he urged social righteousness,
and the history of the noble army of martyrs is a record of appeal to
individual conscience, or to an immediate personal relation to God, as
over against the formal, the traditional, the organized religious
customs and doctrines of their age. The struggle for religious
toleration and religious liberty takes its place side by side with the
struggles for intellectual and political liberty in the chapters of
individualism.
=4. The Desire for Honor, or Social Esteem.=--James, in his psychology
of the self, calls the recognition which a man gets from his mates his
"social self." "We are not only gregarious animals, liking to be in
sight of our fellows, but we have an innate propensity to get ourselves
noticed, and noticed favorably by our kind. No more fiendish punishment
could be devised, were such a thing physically possible, than that one
should be turned loose in society and remain absolutely unnoticed by all
the members thereof."[44] From such a punishment "the cruelest bodily
tortures would be a relief; for this would make us feel that however bad
might be our plight, we had not sunk to such depth as to be unworthy of
attention at all."[45] Honor or fame is a name for one of the various
"social selves" which a man may build up. It stands for what those of a
given group may think or say of him. It has a place and a large place in
group life. Precedence, salutations, decorations in costume and bodily
ornament, praises in song for the brave, the strong, the cunning, the
powerful, with ridicule for the coward or the weakling are all at work.
But with the primitive group the difference between men of the group is
kept within bounds. When more definite organization of groups for
military or civil purposes begins, when the feudal chief gathers his
retainers and begins to rise above the rest of the community in
strength, finally when the progress of the arts gives greater means for
display, the desire for recognition has immensely greater scope. It is
increased by the instinct of emulation; it often results in envy and
jealousies. It becomes then a powerful factor in stimulating
individualism.
But while desires for honor and fame provoke individualism, they carry
with them, like desires for property and power, elements that make for
reconstruction of the social on a higher level. For honor implies some
common sentiment to which the individual can make appeal. Group members
praise or blame what accords with their feeling or desire, but they do
not act as individuals merely, praising what pleases them as
individuals. They react more or less completely from the group point of
view; they honor the man who embodies the group-ideal of courage, or
other admirable and respected qualities. And here comes the motive which
operates to force a better ideal than mere desire of praise. No group
honors the man who is definitely seeking merely its applause rather
than its approval--at least not after it has found him out. The force of
public opinion is therefore calculated to elicit a desire to be _worthy_
of honor, as well as to be honored. This means a desire to act as a true
social individual, for it is only the true member of the group,--true
clansman,--true patriot,--true martyr,--who appeals to the other members
when they judge as members, and not selfishly. When now the group whose
approval is sought is small, we have class standards, with all the
provincialism, narrowness, and prejudice that belong to them. As the
honor-seeker is merely after the opinion of his class, he is bound to be
only partly social. So long as he is with his kin, or his set, or his
"gang," or his "party," or his "union," or his "country"--regardless of
any wider appeal--he is bound to be imperfectly rational and social in
his conduct. The great possibilities of the desire for honor, and of the
desire to be worthy of honor, lie then in the constant extension of the
range. The martyr, the seeker for truth, the reformer, the neglected
artist, looks for honor from posterity; if misjudged or neglected, he
appeals to mankind. He is thus forming for himself an ideal standard.
And if he embodies this ideal standard in a personal, highest possible
judging companion, his desire to be worthy of approval takes a religious
form. He seeks "the honor that is from God." Though "the innermost of
the empirical selves of a man is a self of the _social_ sort, it yet can
find its only adequate _socius_ in an ideal world."[46]
The moral value of these three forces of individualism was finely stated
by Kant:
"The means which nature uses to bring about the development of all
the capacities she has given man is their _antagonism_ in society,
in so far as this antagonism becomes in the end a cause of social
order. Men have an inclination to _associate_ themselves, for in a
social state they feel themselves more completely men: i.e., they
are conscious of the development of their natural capacities. But
they have also a great propensity to _isolate_ themselves, for
they find in themselves at the same time this unsocial
characteristic: each wishes to direct everything solely according
to his own notion, and hence expects resistance, just as he knows
that he is inclined to resist others. It is just this resistance
which awakens all man's powers; this brings him to overcome his
propensity to indolence, and drives him through the lust for
honor, power, or wealth to win for himself a rank among his
fellowmen. Man's will is for concord, but nature knows better what
is good for the species, and she wills discord. He would like a
life of comfort and pleasure; nature wills that he be dragged out
of idleness and inactive content, and plunged into labor and
trouble in order that he may find out the means of extricating
himself from his difficulties. The natural impulses which prompt
this effort, the sources of unsociableness and of the mutual
conflict from which so many evils spring, are then spurs to a more
complete development of man's powers."[47]
We have spoken of the "forces" which tend to break down the old unity of
the group and bring about new organization. But of course these forces
are not impersonal. Sometimes they seem to act like the ocean tide,
pushing silently in, and only now and then sending a wave a little
higher than its fellows. Frequently, however, some great personality
stands out preeminent, either as critic of the old or builder of the
new. The prophets were stoned because they condemned the present; the
next generation was ready to build their sepulchers. Socrates is the
classic example of the great man who perishes in seeking to find a
rational basis to replace that of custom. Indeed, this conflict--on the
one hand, the rigid system of tradition and corporate union hallowed by
all the sanctions of religion and public opinion; upon the other, the
individual making appeal to reason, or to his conscience, or to a
"higher law"--is the tragedy of history.
Sec. 4. POSITIVE RECONSTRUCTION
It must not be supposed that the moral process stops at the points
indicated under the several divisions of this last section. As already
stated, if the people really works out a higher type of conscious and
personal morality, it means not only a more powerful individual, but a
reconstructed individual and a reconstructed society. It means not only
the disintegration of the old kinship or family group, which is an
economic, political, and religious unity as well. It means the
construction of a new basis for the family; new moral principles for
business; a distinct political state with new means for government, new
conceptions of authority and liberty; finally, a national or universal
religion. And the individual must on this higher level choose all these
voluntarily. More than this: as he chooses in the presence of the new
conflicting ends presented by individualism, he sets up or adopts a
standard for himself. He thinks definitely of what is "good" and
"right." As he recognizes its claim, he is responsible as well as free.
As he identifies himself heartily with it, he becomes sincerely and
genuinely moral. Reverence, duty, and love for what is good become the
quickening emotions. Thoughtfulness, self-control, aspiration toward an
ideal, courageous venturing in its achievement, kindness and justice,
become the dominant temper, or at least are recognized as the temper
that should be dominant. The conception of moral character and moral
personality is brought to consciousness. The development of the Hebrews
and Greeks will show how these positive values emerge.
LITERATURE
_Kant's Principles of Politics_, tr. by Hastie, 1891, especially the
essay _The Idea of a Universal Cosmopolitical History_; Hegel,
_Philosophy of History_, tr. by Sibree, 1881; Darwin, _The Descent of
Man_, 1871, 1882-87; Schurman, _The Ethical Import of Darwinism_, 1888;
Seth, _The Evolution of Morality_, Mind, XIV., 1889, pp. 27-49;
Williams, _A Review of Systems of Ethics founded on the Theory of
Evolution_, 1893; Harris, _Moral Evolution_, 1895; Tufts, _On Moral
Evolution_, in Studies in Philosophy and Psychology (_Garman
Commemorative Volume_), 1906; Ihering, _Der Kampf ums Recht_; Simcox,
_Natural Law_, 1877; Sorley, _Ethics of Naturalism_, 1885.
FOOTNOTES:
[43] 1 Sam. 8:19, 20.
[44] _Psychology_, Vol. I., ch. x.
[45] _Ibid._, p. 293 f.
[46] James, _Psychology_, I., 316.
[47] _Idea of a Universal Cosmopolitical History._