[208] Hubbard had occupied other and earlier positions of importance; but

it must certainly have been upon the basis of the experience gained in

filling this one that his nomination for commissioner of Indian affairs

was made. Hubbard had been a state senator, a representative in the

twenty-sixth and in the thirty-first United States congresses, and

presidential elector on the Democratic ticket in 1844 and on the

Breckinridge and Lane ticket in 1860 [_Biographical Congressional

Directory_, _1774-1903_, 608].

[209]

The Bureau of Indian Affairs ... has been organized.... So far this

Bureau has found but little to do. The necessity for the extension of

the military arm of the Government toward the frontier, and the

attitude of Arkansas, without the Confederacy, have contributed to

circumscribe its action. But this branch of the public service

doubtless will now grow in importance in consequence of the early

probable accession of Arkansas to the Confederacy; of the friendly

sentiments of the Creeks, Cherokees, Choctaws, and Chickasaws, and

other tribes west of Arkansas toward this Government; of our

difficulties with the tribes on the Texas frontier; of our hostilities

with the United States, and of our probable future relations with the

Territories of Arizona and New Mexico.--Extract from the Report of

Secretary Walker to President Davis, April 27, 1861 [_Official

Records_, fourth ser., vol. i, 248].

[210] Davis would have preferred to have had Toombs for secretary of the

treasury [Rhodes, _History of the United States_, vol. iii, 295, _note_

7].

[211] _Journal_, vol. i, 105.

[212] Both Pike and Toombs reached in time the thirty-second degree, or

Scottish Rite. Note Pike's glowing tribute to Toombs, quoted in

Richardson, _Messages and Papers of the Confederacy_, vol. ii, 142.

[213] _Journal_, vol. i, 205.

[214] --_Ibid._, 225.

[215] Just what particular sets of resolutions those were I have no means

of knowing. The most important set of Chickasaw resolutions, those issued

under date of May 25, 1861 [_Official Records_, first ser., vol. iii,

585-587] had not yet been passed. The Choctaw resolutions presented may

have been and very probably were those of February 7, 1861 [_ibid._].

[216] On the twenty-first of May, President Davis approved "An Act for the

protection of the Indian Tribes" [_Journal_, 263], it having gone through

its various stages of amendment and having passed Congress, May

seventeenth [_ibid._, 244]. Adjutant-general G. W. Andrews reports,

November 4, 1912, that nothing additional concerning the text of this law

is to be found in the Confederate archives.

[217] _Journal_, vol. i, 244.

[218] Governor Clark of Texas, also, at this time displayed great interest

in the matter. On the fifteenth of May, he wrote to President Davis that

he was constituting James E. Harrison, a man thoroughly conversant with

the whole subject, "the duly accredited agent of Texas to convey" the

Report of April 23, 1861 to Richmond [_Official Records_, fourth ser.,

vol. i, 322].

[219] See letter from Pearce to President Davis, May 13, 1861 [_ibid._,

first ser., vol. iii, 576].

[220] _Official Records_, fourth ser., vol. i, 572-574.

[221] Pike was appointed under authority of a resolution passed by

Congress, March 5, 1861. See Message of President Davis, December 12, 1861

[_ibid._, fourth ser., vol. i, 785].

[222] To-day he is, perhaps, best known by his parody on "Dixie" and by

his singularly beautiful and pathetic "Every Year" [_Poems_, Roome's

edition, 31-34].

[223] See _Journal of Proceedings_, no. 273 of Johns Hopkins University

Civil War Pamphlets.

[224] Bishop, _Loyalty on the Frontier_, 148-151.

[225] The poem is printed entire in Bishop's _Loyalty on the Frontier_,

149-150. The first two stanzas are here given:

DISUNION

Ay, shout! 'Tis the day of your pride,

Ye despots and tyrants of earth;

Tell your serfs the American name to deride,

And to rattle their fetters in mirth.

Ay, shout! for the league of the free

Is about to be shivered to dust,

And the rent limbs to fall from the vigorous tree,

Shout! shout! for more firmly established, will be

Your thrones and dominions beyond the blue sea.

Laugh on! for such folly supreme,

The world has yet never beheld;

And ages to come will the history deem,

A tale by antiquity swelled;

For nothing that time has upbuilt

And set in the annals of crime,

So stupid and senseless, so wretched in guilt,

Darkens sober tradition or rhyme.

_It will be like the fable of Eblis' fall,

A by-word of mockery and horror to all._

[226] _Official Records_, first ser., vol. iii, 580-581.

[227] In a letter to Commissioner D. N. Cooley, under date of February 17,

1866, Pike said that Toombs requested him in May of 1861 to visit the

Indian country as commissioner. I have not been able to find out whether

Toombs made his request in writing or verbally. The correspondence of

Toombs recently edited by U. B. Phillips does not furnish any additional

information on this point.

[228] On one very important occasion, Albert Pike was not strictly fair to

the Indians. That occasion was after the war when the United States Indian

Office was endeavoring to make a settlement with the Cherokees on the

basis of their adherence to the Confederate cause. Pike was appealed to

and threw the weight of his influence against John Ross, but most unjustly

as it would seem. The letter embodying his views is a narrative of the

events of 1861 as they happened in the Indian country under his scrutiny,

and may as well be inserted here in full. It is to be found in the Indian

Office in a bundle labeled, "Loyalty of John Ross, Principal Chief of the

Cherokees: Letter of Albert Pike (original), Feb. 17, 1866--and _Copies_

of several of Ross' letter--relative to his _loyalty_ in 1861 & 1862,

etc."

5. _Albert Pike to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs_

MEMPHIS, TENNESSEE, 17th February 1866.

SIR: I have received, to-day, a copy of the "Memorial" of the

"Southern Cherokees," to the President, Senate and House of

Representatives, in reply to the Memorial of other Cherokees claiming

to be "loyal."

It is not for me to take any part in the controversy between the two

portions of the Cherokee People, nor have I any interest that could

lead me to side with one in preference to the other. Nor am I much

inclined, having none of the rights of a Citizen, to offer to testify

in any matter, when my testimony may not be deemed worthy of credit,

as that of one not yet restored to respectability and creditability by

a pardon.

But, as I know it to be contemptible as well as false, for Mr. John

Ross and the "loyal" Memorialists to pretend that they did not

voluntarily engage themselves by Treaty Stipulations to the

Confederate States, and as you have desired my testimony, I have this

to say, and I think no man will be bold enough to deny any part of it.

In May, 1861, I was requested by Mr. Toombs, Secretary of State of the

Confederate States, to visit the Indian Country as Commissioner, and

assure the Indians of the friendship of those States. The Convention

of the State of Arkansas, anxious to avoid hostilities with the

Cherokees, also applied to me to act as such Commissioner. I

accordingly proceeded to Fort Smith, where some five or six Cherokees

called upon General McCulloch and myself, representing those of the

Cherokees who sympathized with the South, in order to ascertain

whether the Confederate States would protect them against Mr. Ross and

the Pin Indians, if they should organize and take up arms for the

South. We learned that some attempts to raise a Secession flag in the

Cherokee Country on the Arkansas had been frustrated by the menace of

violence; and those who came to meet us represented the Pin

Organization to be a Secret Society, established by Evan Jones, a

Missionary, and at the service of Mr. John Ross, for the purpose of

abolitionizing the Cherokees and putting out of the way all who

sympathized with the Southern States.

The truth was, as I afterwards learned with certainty, the Secret

Organization in question, whose members for a time used as a mark of

their membership a _pin_ in the front of the hunting shirt, was really

established for the purpose of depriving the half-breeds of all

political power, though Mr. Ross, himself a Scotchman and a McDonald

by the father and the mother, was shrewd enough to use it for his own

ends. At any rate, it was organized and in _full_ operation, long

before Secession was thought of.

General McCulloch and myself assured those who met us at Fort Smith,

that they should be protected; and agreed to meet, at an early day

then fixed, at Park Hill, where Mr. Ross resided. Upon that I sent a

messenger with letters to five or six prominent members of the

Anti-Ross party, inviting them to meet me at the Creek Agency, two

days after the day on which General McCulloch and I were to meet at

Park Hill.

I did not expect to effect any arrangement with Mr. Ross, and my

intention was to treat with the heads of the Southern party, Stand

Watie and others.

When we met Mr. Ross at Park Hill, he refused to enter into any

arrangement with the Confederate States. He said that his intention

was to maintain the neutrality of his people; that they were a small

and weak people, and would be ruined and destroyed if they engaged in

the war; and that it would be a cruel thing if we were to engage them

in our quarrel. But, he said, all his interests and all his feelings

were with us, and he knew that his people must share the fate and

fortunes of Arkansas. We told him that the Cherokees _could_ not be

neutral. We used every argument in our power to change his

determination, but in vain; and finally General McCulloch informed him

that he would respect the neutrality of the Cherokees, and would not

enter their Country with troops, or place troops in it, unless it

should become necessary in order to expel a Federal force, or to

protect the Southern Cherokees.

So we separated. General McCulloch kept his word, and no Confederate

troops ever were stationed in or marched into the Cherokee Country,

until after the Federal troops invaded it.

Before leaving the Nation I addressed Mr. Ross a letter, which I

afterwards printed, and circulated among the Cherokee people. In it I

informed him that the Confederate States would remain content with his

pledge of neutrality, although he would find it impossible to maintain

that neutrality; that I should not again offer to treat with the

Cherokees, and that the Confederate States would not consider

themselves bound by my proposition to pay the Cherokees for the

neutral land, if they should lose it in consequence of the war. I had

no further communication with Mr. Ross until September.

Meanwhile, he had persuaded Opoth le Yahola, the Creek leader, not to

join the Southern States, and had sent delegates to meet the Northern

and other Indians in Council near the Antelope Hills, where they all

agreed to be neutral. The purpose was, to take advantage of the war

between the States, and form a great independent Indian

Confederation--I defeated all that, by treating with the Creeks at the

very time that their delegates were at the Antelope Hills in Council.

When I had treated with them and with the Choctaws and Chickasaws, at

the North Fork of the Canadian, I went to the Seminole Agency and

treated with the Seminoles. Then I went to the Wichita Agency, having

previously invited the Reserve Indians to return there, and invited

the prairie Comanches to meet me. After treating with these, I

returned by Fort Arbuckle, and before reaching there, met a nephew of

Mr. Ross, and a Captain [Keld? _sic_] in the prairie, bearing a letter

to me from Mr. Ross and his Council, with a copy of the resolutions of

Council, and an invitation in pressing terms to repair to the Cherokee

Country and enter into a Treaty.

I consented, fixed a day for meeting the Cherokees, and wrote Mr. Ross

to that effect, requesting him also to send messengers to the Osages,

Quapaws, Shawnees, Senecas, &c. and invite them to meet me at the same

time. He did so, and at the time fixed I went to Park Hill, and there

effected Treaties.

When I first entered the Indian Country, in May, I had as an escort

one company of mounted men. I went in advance of them to Park Hill;

General McCulloch went there without an escort. At the Creek Agency I

sent the Company back: I then remained without escort or guard, until

I had made the Seminole Treaty, camping with my little party and

displaying the Confederate flag. When I went to the Wichita Country, I

took an escort of Creeks and Seminoles. These I discharged at Fort

Arbuckle on my return, and went, accompanied only by four young men,

through the Creek Country to Fort Gibson, refusing an escort of Creeks

offered me on the way.

From Fort Gibson eight or nine companies of Colonel Drew's Regiment of

Cherokees, chiefly full-bloods and Pins, escorted me to Park Hill.

This regiment was raised by order of the National Council, and its

officers appointed by Mr Ross, his nephew William P. Ross, Secretary

of the Nation, being Lieut. Colonel, and Thomas Pegg, President of the

National Committee, being its Major.

I encamped, with my little party near the residence of the Chief,

unprotected even by a guard, and with the Confederate flag flying. The

terms of the Treaty were fully discussed and the Cherokee authorities

dealt with me on equal terms. Mr. John Ross had met me as I was on my

way to Park Hill, escorted by the National Regiment, and had welcomed

me to the Cherokee Nation, in an earnest and enthusiastic speech; and

seemed to me throughout to be acting in perfect good faith. I acted in

the same way with him.

After the treaties were signed, I presented Colonel Drew's Regiment a

flag, and the chief in a speech exhorted them to be true to it: and

afterwards, _at his request, I wrote the Cherokee Declaration of

Independence_ which is printed with the Memorial of the Southern

Cherokees. I no more doubted, then, that Mr. Ross' whole heart was

with the South, than that mine was. _Even in May he said to General

McCulloch and myself, that if Northern troops invaded the Cherokee

Country, he would head the Cherokees and drive them back._ "_I have

borne arms_" he said, "_and though I am old I can do it again_."

At the time of the treaty there were about nine hundred Cherokees of

Colonel Drew's Regiment encamped near, and fed by me, and Colonel

Watie, who had almost abandoned the idea of raising a regiment, had a

small body of men, not more, I think, than eighty or ninety, at

Tahlequah. When the flag was presented, Col. Watie was present, and

after the ceremony the chief shook hands with him and expressed his

warm desire for union and harmony in the Nation.

The gentlemen whom I had invited to meet me in June at the Creek

Agency did not do so. They were afraid of being murdered, they said,

if they openly sided with the South. In October they censured me for

treating with Mr. Ross, and were in an ill humour, saying that the

regiment was raised in order to be used to oppress _them_.

The same day that the Cherokee Treaty was signed, the Osages, Quapaws,

Shawnees and Senecas signed treaties, and the next day they had a talk

with Mr. Ross at his residence, smoked the great pipe and renewed

their alliance, being urged by him to be true to the Confederate

States.

I protest that I believed Mr. John Ross, at this time and for long

after, to be as sincerely devoted to the Confederacy as I myself was.

He was frank, cheerful, earnest, and evidently believed that the

independence of the Confederate States was an accomplished fact. I

should dishonour him if I believed that he then dreamed of abandoning

the Confederacy or turning the arms of the Cherokees against us in

case of a reverse.

Before I left the Cherokee Country, part of the Creeks, under

Opoth-le-Yaholo left their homes, under arms and threatened

hostilities. Mr. Ross, at my request, invited the old Chief to meet

him, and urged him to unite with the Confederate States. Colonel

Drew's regiment was ordered into the Creek Country, and afterwards, on

the eve of the action at Bird Creek, abandoned Colonel Cooper, rather

than fight against their neighbours. But after the action, the

regiment was again reorganized. The men were eager to fight, they

said, against the Yankees; but did not wish to fight their own

brethren, the Creeks.

When General Curtis entered North Western Arkansas, in February 1862,

I sent orders from Fort Smith to Colonel Drew to move towards

Evansville and receive orders from General McCulloch. Colonel Watie's

Regiment was already under General McCulloch's command. Colonel Drew's

men moved in advance of Colonel Watie, with great alacrity, and showed

no want of zeal at Pea Ridge.

I do not _know_ that any one was scalped at that place or in that

action, except from information. None of my officers knew it at the

time. I heard of it afterwards. I cannot say to which regiment those

belonged who did it. But it has been publicly charged on some of the

same men who afterwards abandoned the Confederate cause and enlisting

in the Federal Service were sent into Arkansas to ravage it.

After the actions at Pea Ridge and Elk Horn, the Regiment of Colonel

Drew was moved to the mouth of the Illinois, where I was able, after a

time, to pay them $25 cash, the commutation for six months' clothing,

in Confederate money. Nothing more, owing to the wretched management

of the Confederate government, was ever paid them; and the clothing

procured for them was plundered by the commands of Generals Price and

Van Dorn. The consequence was that when Colonel Weer entered the

Cherokee Country, the Pin Indians joined him _en masse_.

I had procured at Richmond, and paid Mr. Lewis Ross, Treasurer of the

Cherokee Nation, about the first of March 1862, in the Chief's house

and in the Chief's presence, the moneys agreed to be paid them by

Treaty, being about $70,000 (I think) in coin, and among other sums

$150,000 in Confederate Treasury notes, loaned the Nation by way of

advance on the price expected to be paid for the Neutral land. This

sum had been promised in the Treaty at the earnest solicitation of Mr.

John Ross; and it was generally understood that it was desired for the

special purpose of redeeming scrip of the Nation issued long before,

and much of which was held by Mr. Ross and his relatives. That such

_was_ the case, I do not know. I only know that the moneys were paid,

and that I have the receipts for them, which, with others, I shall

file in the Indian Office.

In May, 1862, Lieut. Colonel William P. Ross visited my camp at Fort

McCulloch, near Red River, and said to me that "the Chief" would be

gratified if he were to receive the appointment of Brigadier General

in the Confederate Service. I did not ask him if he was authorized by

the Chief to say so; but I did ask him if he were _sure_ that the

appointment would gratify him; and being so assured, I promised to

urge the appointment. I did so, more than once, but never received a

reply. It was not customary with the Confederate War Department to

exhibit any great wisdom; and in respect to the Indian Country its

conduct was disgraceful. Unpaid, unclothed, uncared for, unthanked

even, and their services unrecognized, it was natural the Cherokees

should abandon the Confederate flag.

When Colonel Weer invaded the Cherokee Country, Mr. Ross refused to

have an interview with him, declaring that the Cherokees would remain

faithful to their engagements with the Confederate States. There was

not then a Confederate soldier in the Cherokee Nation, to overawe Mr.

Ross or Major Pegg or any other "loyal" Cherokee. Mr. Ross sent me a

copy of his letter to Colonel Weer, and I had it printed and sent over

Texas, to show the people there that the Cherokee Chief was "loyal" to

the Confederate States.

Afterwards, when Stand Watie's Regiment and the Choctaws were sent

over the Arkansas into the Cherokee Country, and Mr. Ross considered

his life in danger from his own people, in consequence of their

ancient feud, he allowed himself to be taken prisoner by the Federal

troops. At the time, I believed that if white troops had been sent to

Park Hill, who would have protected him against Watie's men, he would

have remained at home and adhered to the Confederacy: for either he

was true to his obligations to the Confederate States, voluntarily

entered into,--true at heart and in his inmost soul,--or else he is

falser and more treacherous than I can believe him to be.

The simple truth is, Mr. Commissioner, that the "loyal" Cherokees

hated Stand Watie and the half-breeds and were hated by them. They

were perfectly willing to kill and scalp Yankees, and when they were

hired to change sides, and twenty two hundred of them were organized

into regiments in the _Federal_ Service, they were just as ready to

kill and scalp when employed against us in Arkansas. _We_ did _not_

pay and clothe them, and the United States _did_. They scalped for

those who paid for and clothed them. As to "loyalty" they had none at

all.

I entered the Indian Country in May, and left it in October. For five

months I travelled and encamped in it, unprotected by white troops,

alone with the four young men, treating with the different tribes. If

there had been any "loyalty" among the Indians, I could not have gone

a mile in safety. Opoth-le-Yaholo was not "loyal." He feared the

McIntoshes, who had raised troops, and who, he thought, meant to kill

him for killing their father long years before. He told me that he did

not wish to fight against the Southern States, but only that the

Indians should all act together. If Mr. Ross had treated with us at

first, _all_ the Creeks would have done the same. If Stand Watie and

his party took _one_ side, John Ross and his party were sure, in the

end, to take the other, _especially when that other proved itself the

stronger_.

So far from the Watie party overawing the party which upheld Mr. Ross,

I _know_ it to be true that they were _afraid_ to actively cooperate

with the Confederate States, to organize, to raise Secession flags, or

even to meet me and consult with me. They feared that Colonel Drew's

Regiment would be used to harrass them, and they never dreamed of

_forcing_ the authorities into a Treaty.

After the action at Elkhorn, murders were continually complained of by

Colonels Watie and Drew, and the Chief solicited me to place part of

Colonel Drew's Regiment at or near Park Hill, to protect the

government and its records. I did so. There never a time when the

"loyal" Cherokees had not the power to destroy the Southern ones.

As to myself, I dealt fairly and openly with all the Indians. I used

no threats of force or compulsion, with any of them. The "loyal"

Cherokees joined us because they believed we should succeed, and left

us when they thought we should not. At their request I wrote their

declaration of Independence and acceptance of the issues of war; and

if any men voluntarily, and with their eyes open, and of their own

motion acceded to the Secession movement, it was John Ross and the

people whom he controlled. I am, Sir, Very res{py}, Your obt Svt

ALBERT PIKE

D. N. Cooley Esq, Commissioner of Ind. Aff.

[229] In writing this letter, Pike most certainly addressed himself to

Toombs officially and with the idea in mind that he was holding his

commission under the Confederate State Department. That he was serving

under that department and that he did not get his appointment until May

seem scarcely to admit of a doubt, notwithstanding the fact that Judah P.

Benjamin, Secretary of War later in the year, December [14?], 1861, in

reporting to President Davis, could make the following statement:

The American Indian as Slaveholder and Seccessionist An Omitted Chapter in the Diplomatic History of the Southern Confederacy · 第 27 / 35 段