I
"I have no desire to make a speech," Stephen began, "but I have asked
for this privilege of addressing you because we are moving through
critical times and because there are serious decisions to be made this
evening, which it is neither right nor possible for us to make without a
full consideration of the state of affairs. I have devoted much serious
thought to this subject. I have labored to arrive at a just conclusion,
and it is in that spirit that I would speak. I feel, too, that I have an
inalienable right as a free-born citizen to express my views freely and
publicly, as befits a loyal adherent of the principles which we are now
defending with our blood. And first among those principles is that which
guarantees representation in all matters that are of vital concern to
us."
He had not left his chair but continued to talk from his place beside
it, turning, however, somewhat in the direction of his audience. Silence
reigned throughout the room and every face was turned full upon him.
"I, too, had accepted the terms of enlistment on the plea of the
acquisition of our rights, so admirably exposed to us by our good
friend, Mr. Anderson. As I pondered the matter, however, I seriously
questioned whether this were the proper time for the employment of such
methods. What assurance have we,--if indeed assurance be needed,--that
this is not another trick of the enemy? Bear with me, please, while I
unfold to you my thoughts.
"Our leader and our guide in these matters, Mr. Anderson, has made known
to us that this business of recruiting has been a great success. But did
he tell us of the sinister methods which often had been resorted to, of
the many threats which had been exercised over a great number of us, of
the debts which had been relieved, of the intimidation which had been
employed? He declared with manifest satisfaction that the recruiting in
the city of New York had been marvelous in its results, yet he did not
explain to our satisfaction the reason which impelled the leaders of
this revolt to seek members from the neighboring cities to help swell
the ranks; nor did he tell of the means which had been made use of to
secure that marvelous number in the city, of all cities, where such
recruiting would be most successful because of the present British
occupation of the territory. Furthermore, he failed to tell us that he
himself is not a Catholic, or that his true name is not Anderson, or of
his history previous to his appearance in this city. Neither did he tell
us that Lieutenant-Colonel Clifton, while a Philadelphia Catholic, is a
British subject, having accepted British allegiance on the capture of
the city a year ago last September. There were many items of importance
which were not revealed to us. Shall I continue? I have an abundance of
facts to disclose to you, if you give me leave."
So favorable had been the impression produced by the speech of Anderson
that Stephen felt apprehensive lest his own criticism and contradiction
would not be accepted as true. And so he paused to learn if possible the
nature of his reception.
"Yes!... We want to hear them!... Tell us more!..."
There was a wild outburst of approval, followed by a generous
handclapping. In the confusion, Stephen observed Anderson together with
Colonel Clifton leave their places on the platform and take seats on the
side of the room.
"It is quite true that we have no quarrel with the English people. We
have no quarrel with their king or the framers of their laws. It is
equally true that the governments of Great Britain and the United
Colonies have become involved in a military struggle, a struggle to the
death; nevertheless we would be the last to imply that there exists any
essential antagonism of interests or purposes between the two peoples.
We are not engaged in a contest between Englishmen and Americans, but
between two antagonistic principles of government, each of which has its
advocates and its opponents among us who sit here, among those who live
with us in our own country, among those who reside in far-off England.
The contest is a political contest, the ancient contest between the Whig
and the Tory principles of government, the contest of Chatham and North,
and Richmond, Rockingham and Burke transferred to this side of the
Atlantic. The political liberty to which we have dedicated ourselves is
no product of our imaginations; our forefathers of the seventeenth
century brought it to our shores and now we naturally refuse to
surrender it. It is the principle for which we are contending,--the
principles that these United Colonies are and of a right ought to be
free and independent states; and in all matters else we are loyal foster
children of His Majesty the King, as loyal and as interested a people in
the welfare of the mother country as the most devoted subject of the
crown residing in the city of London.
"War was inevitable. This has been known for some time; but there has
been no lack of cordiality between the people of the United Kingdom and
the people of the United Colonies. We are opposed to certain principles
of statecraft, to the principle of taxation without representation, to
the same degree as are the Whigs of our mother country. We cherish the
warmest sentiments of love and admiration for the English people and we
are ready to become their brothers in arms at any future date for the
defense of those very ideals which we are now trying to establish,--the
blessings of democracy; but we abominate autocracy and will have none of
it. In this regard we may be said to have disinfected our anger, but
never to have diluted it."
The Tory element moved about in their seats, and Stephen suspected for a
moment that he was being treated with an air of disdain. He shifted his
point of view suddenly.
"To say that the Catholic people of this country are dissatisfied with
the conduct of the war is begging the question, and brands them with a
stigma which they wholly undeserve. We admit for the sake of argument
that our early cousins may have proved themselves somewhat intolerant,
and, perhaps, rendered conditions of life disagreeable to us; still gold
must be tried by the fire. We grow vigorous under storms of persecution.
And while it is true that the American Congress of 1774 protested
against the legislature of Great Britain establishing a 'religion
fraught with impious tenets,' yet it is equally true that the Congress
of 1776 resolved to protect 'all foreigners in the free exercise of
their respective religions.' The past has been buried by this; the
future lies before us.
"We do not grieve on that account. Rather are we proud of our adhesion
to the cause of independence, and you, yourselves, are no less proud of
your own efforts in this regard. The Commander-in-chief is warmly
disposed towards the Catholic element, not alone in the army, but among
the citizenry. His own bodyguard is composed of men, more than thirty of
whom bear Catholic names. One of his aides, Colonel Fitzgerald, is a
Catholic. His Captain and Commander of the Navy, nominated and appointed
by himself, is a Catholic, John Barry. We are appreciative of the
services of our General, and we are ready to render ourselves worthy of
the esteem and the respect in which we are held by him, as was evidenced
by his abolition of the celebration of Guy Fawkes Day, so detestable to
us.
"I repeat this to impress upon you that this is not the time for
religious controversy or for nicely calculating the scope and the extent
of our service. The temper of the times requires unity of action and
definition of purpose. Our people respect us. Whatever restrictions were
lodged against us in the past have been broken down now before the
battering ram of public opinion. The guarantees for the future given by
our own brethren, that we shall be permitted the free and unrestricted
exercise of our religious observances as well as the right to worship
God according to the dictates of our own consciences, are of more
endurable texture than the flimsy promises of the enemy. Our noble and
generous ally, France, already has procured for us that respect and
recognition so indispensable to our safety and, contrary to the opinion
already expressed here tonight, has sent us six thousand men, the first
installment of an army of at least twelve thousand trained soldiers,
destined to be put directly under General Washington's command. Together
with these she has already furnished Congress with large sums of money
to enable us to carry on the war. The dawn of a brighter day is now
breaking over the horizon and in the east the sun of justice and of
toleration and of liberty may be seen breaking through the low-hung
clouds of oppression, prejudice and tyranny which have so long obscured
it. In our history there has been no coward, no Tory, no traitor of our
faith. We are still Loyalists; but of different type. That precious and
historic document of July 4, 1776, definitely and for all time absolved
us from all allegiance to the British Crown. By nature, then, we have
become citizens of a new government, a government instituted by and
subject to the peoples of these free and independent states. Henceforth,
Loyalty assumes a newer and most lasting significance;--it has suddenly
become for us synonymous with the best and dearest interests of our
country."
He paused.
II
The sigh throughout the room was distinctly audible as he ended his
paragraph with a rhetorical pause. He caught the sound on the instant
and understood its meaning as the orator, holding his audience in
breathless intensity, allows them to drop suddenly that he may
appreciate his control of their feelings. Their pent-up energies give
way to an abrupt relaxation followed by a slight scuffling of the body
or an intermittent cough. From these unconscious indications, Stephen
knew that he had held their interest and he did not intend that they
should be allowed to compose themselves quite, until he had finished. He
began at once on the evidence of the plot.
"The members of this proposed company before whom I have the privilege
of speaking, have been the victims of a gigantic plot, a plot that found
its origin in the headquarters of the British army at New York City. It
was to advance the plan that John Anderson came to Philadelphia. He had
carried on communication with the enemy almost without interruption.
Because the work of recruiting in the city of the enemy was a failure,
it was decreed that the city of Philadelphia, as the most Tory of the
American cities, be called upon for the requisite number. Of the
progress here, you already know. Of the multifarious means employed, you
yourselves can bear excellent witness. Of the ultimate success of the
venture you are now about to decide.
"The Military Governor, General Arnold, was early initiated into the
scheme. For a long time he has borne a fierce grudge against Congress,
and he hoped that the several Catholic members of the body might be
induced to forsake the American cause. They sought Father Farmer, our
good pastor, as chaplain of the regiment, but he refused with mingled
delicacy and tact. Indeed, were it not for the hostile state of the
public mind, a campaign of violence would have been resorted to; but
Arnold felt the pulse of dislike throbbing in the heart of the community
and very wisely refrained from increasing its fervor. All possible aid
was furnished by him, however, in a secret manner. His counsel was
generously given. Many of your names were supplied by him together with
an estimate of your financial standing, your worth in the community,
your political tendencies, the strength of your religious convictions.
And what a comparatively simple matter it was for one thus equipped to
accomplish so marvelous and so satisfactory results!
"I repeat, then, General Arnold is strongly prejudiced against us. It is
an open secret that Catholic soldiers have fared ill at his hands.
Tories and Jews compose his retinue, but no Catholics. I am not critical
in this respect for I observe that he is enjoying but a personal
privilege. But I allude to this fact at this moment to assure you that
this scheme of forming a regiment of Roman Catholic Volunteers is
directed solely to subvert the good relations already existing between
us and our brethren in arms. The promises made bore no hope of
fulfillment. The guarantees of immunity deserve no consideration. The
Quebec Act, and for this I might say in passing that we are duly
grateful, was never to be extended. In view of these observations, I ask
you: are you willing to continue with this nefarious business? Are you?"
"No!" was the interruption. The outburst was riotous. "Arrest the
traitor!... I move we adjourn!..."
Stephen held out his hands in supplication to beseech them to hear him
further.
"Please, gentlemen! Just one more word," he pleaded.
They stood still and listened.
"Has it occurred to you, let me ask, that the vessel which has been
engaged to transport you to the city of New York is named the _Isis_, a
sloop well known to sea-faring men of this city? She is owned by
Philadelphia citizens and manned by a local crew. Does not this strike
you as remarkably strange and significant,--that a vessel of this
character should clear this port and enter the port of the enemy without
flying the enemy's flag? Think of it, gentlemen! An American vessel with
an American crew employed by the enemy, and chartered to aid and abet
the enemy's cause!"
They resumed their seats to give their undivided attention to this new
topic of interest. Some sat alert, only partly on the chair; some sat
forward with their chins resting in the palms of their hands. So
absorbed were all in astonishment and amazement, that no other thought
gave them any concern save that of the vessel. The side door had opened
and closed, yet no one seemed to notice the occurrence. Even Stephen had
failed to observe it.
"As a matter of fact," he continued, "the ship has not been chartered by
the enemy. She is about to clear this port and enter the port of the
enemy by virtue of a pass issued through General Arnold.... Please, just
a moment, until I conclude," he exclaimed, holding out his hand with a
restraining gesture. "This matter has heretofore been a close secret,
but it is necessary now that the truth should be known. To issue a pass
for such an errand is a violation of the American Articles of War and
for this offense I now formally charge Major-General Benedict Arnold
with treason."
"The traitor!... Court-martial him!..." shouted several voices.
"I charge him with being unfaithful to his trust. He had made use of our
wagons to transport the property of the enemy at a time when the lines
of communication of the enemy were no farther distant than Egg Harbor.
He has allowed many of our people to enter and leave the lines of the
enemy. He has illegally concerned himself over the profits of a
privateer. He has imposed, or at any rate has given his sanction to the
imposition of menial offices upon the sons of freedom who are now
serving in the militia, as was the case with young Matlack, which you
will remember. And he has of late improperly granted a pass for a vessel
to clear for the port of the enemy. I desire to make these charges
publicly in order that you may know that my criticisms are not without
foundation. I have in view your welfare alone."
"Aye!... We believe you!... Let us adjourn!"
"Let me ask Mr. Anderson one or two questions. If they can be answered
to your satisfaction we shall accept his overtures. On the other hand
let us dispense once and for all with this nefarious business and
frustrate this insidious conspiracy so that we may renew our energies
for the task before us which alone matters--the task of overcoming the
enemy.
"First! Who has financed the organization, equipment, transportation of
this regiment of Roman Catholic Volunteers?
"Second: From what source or sources originated the various methods of
blackmail?
"Third: Who first suggested the cooperation of General Arnold?
"Fourth: What pressure was brought to bear in the obtaining of the
passport for the vessel to clear port?"
III
But there was no Anderson to give answer. It was found that he, together
with Colonel Clifton and several members of the party, had disappeared
from the room. No one had remembered seeing them take their departure,
yet it was observed that they had left the platform in the course of
Stephen's speech to take seats on the further side of the hall, near to
the door. This might have opened and closed several times during
Stephen's speech, and, more especially, at the time when they had
crowded the aisles near the close of the address, and little or no
attention would have been paid to it. Very likely Anderson had taken
advantage of such an opportunity to make an escape.
It was a very different room now. What had been a state of remarkable
quiet with every man in his seat, with the conversation hardly above the
tone of a whisper, with the uniform tranquillity disturbed solely by the
remarks of the two speakers, was now giving way to a precipitous uproar
which approached a riot. Men surged about one another and about Stephen
in an endeavor to learn the details of the plot. Groups separated
themselves from other equally detached groups, all absorbed, however, in
the same topic. Voices, formerly hushed, now became vociferous. The
walls reverberated with the tumultuous confusion.
"What dupes!" one was remarking to his neighbor. "How easily were we led
by his smooth talk!"
"We were misguided in our motives of allegiance. We might have sensed a
trick of the enemy," was the reply.
"Let us win the war, first," shouted a third.
"Aye! Freedom first; then religious liberty."
"Who is he?" another asked. "It cannot be Cadwalader."
"No," answered the neighbor. "This was prearranged. He borrowed
Cadwalader's card to come here."
"I always told you Arnold was no good," sounded a great voice. "He'd
sell us to the devil if he could get paid for it. I suppose he'll go to
New York sure."
"Let him. Wish he was out of here."
"Say!" one asked Stephen rather abruptly. "How did you get all this
straight?"
"I interested myself the moment the scheme took root. I assured myself
that all was not as it should be and I took pains to verify my
suspicions," was the grave reply.
"I know, but how did ye get 'em?"
"By following every move this Anderson made. I tracked him even to Mount
Pleasant."
"And got beforehand with Arnold?"
"I overheard the major portion of the conversation."
"Pardon me," asked another individual, neater in appearance than the
majority, and evidently of more education, "but have I not seen you
before?"
"Perhaps you have," laughed Stephen.
"Where?"
"I could not begin to imagine."
"Where do you live? In town?"
"For the present, yes."
"Who are you?"
"Can't you see? Just one of you?"
"Never saw you in those clothes before. If I am not greatly mistaken you
are the one who came to the Coffee House one day with Matt. Allison."
"Yes," admitted Stephen, "I am the same."
"How did you come by those clothes?"
"Borrowed them."
"In disguise, eh?"
"It was necessary to simulate a disguise. Otherwise I could never have
gained admission here. I learned that Jim Cadwalader had been impressed
into the company and I arranged to come in his place."
"Oh!"
"You took a mighty big risk."
"It was required. But I knew that there was but one way of playing this
game and that was to defeat them openly by their own tactics. I had to
depend, of course, upon the temper of the proposed members. All might be
lost or won at one throw of the dice. I worded my remarks to that
effect, and I won."
"What did you say your name was?"
"I did not say what it was," Stephen exchanged in good-natured repartee,
"but since you ask, it is Meagher."
"Captain Meagher?"
Stephen smiled.
It must have been fully half-past nine when the meeting broke up; and
that was at the departure of Stephen. He had lingered long enough to
assure himself that the company was of a mind far different from that
which had engaged them upon their arrival. They were now to go forth
wiser men. But they knew that the people of the city could be moved
quickly to indignation--as quickly, indeed, as they could be moved to
favor. And how were they to explain their conduct? They resolved to lay
the story with all its details before the very table of public opinion
and allow that tribunal to discriminate between the shades of guilt.
Anderson, of course, had fled. That in itself was a confession and a
point in their favor. It was plain to their minds that they had been
victimized by the clever machinations of this man. If there had been any
lack of unity of opinion concerning the righteousness of the project
before, there was no divided opinion now. They knew what they were about
to do, and they made all possible haste to put their thought into
execution.
The ancient antipathy against the Military Governor was only intensified
the more. Rumor would confirm the charges that would be published
against him, of that they would take proper care. It was enough that
they had been deluded by Anderson, but to be mere pawns in the hands of
Arnold was more than they could stand. Too long had he been tolerated
with his Tory wife and her manner of living, and now was an opportunity.
Their path of duty was outlined before them.
Thoroughly satisfied with his evening's work, Stephen turned down the
street whistling softly to himself.