TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

THE EPISTLE ix

THE GENERAL ARGUMENT xix

JANUARIE. Ægloga Prima 1

FEBRUARIE. Ægloga Secunda 7

MARCH. Ægloga Tertia 17

APRIL. Ægloga Quarta 23

MAY. Ægloga Quinta 31

JUNE. Ægloga Sexta 43

JULY. Ægloga Septima 51

AUGUST. Ægloga Octava 61

SEPTEMBER. Ægloga Nona 71

OCTOBER. Ægloga Decima 81

NOVEMBER. Ægloga Undecima 89

DECEMBER. Ægloga Duodecima 99

EPILOGUE 107

NOTES 109

GLOSSARY 113

TO THE MOST EXCELLENT AND LEARNED

BOTH ORATOR AND POET,

MAISTER GABRIEL HARVEY,

His very special and singular good friend E. K. commendeth the good

liking of this his good labour, and the patronage of the new Poet.

Uncouth, unkiss'd, said the old famous poet Chaucer: whom for his

excellency and wonderful skill in making, his scholar Lidgate, a worthy

scholar of so excellent a maister, calleth the loadstar of our language:

and whom our Colin Clout in his Æglogue, calleth Tityrus the god of

shepheards, comparing him to the worthiness of the Roman Tityrus,

Virgil. Which proverb, mine own good friend M. Harvey, as in that good

old poet it served well Pandar's purpose for the bolstering of his bawdy

brocage, so very well taketh place in this our new Poet, who for that he

is uncouth (as said Chaucer) is unkiss'd, and unknown to most men, is

regarded but of a few. But I doubt not, so soon as his name shall come

into the knowledge of men, and his worthiness be sounded in the trump of

Fame, but that he shall be not only kiss'd, but also beloved of all,

embraced of the most, and wonder'd at of the best. No less, I think,

deserveth his wittiness in devising, his pithiness in uttering, his

complaints of love so lovely, his discourses of pleasure so pleasantly,

his pastoral rudeness, his moral wiseness, his due observing of decorum

every where, in personages, in seasons, in matter, in speech; and

generally, in all seemly simplicity of handling his matters, and framing

his words: the which of many things which in him be strange, I know will

seem the strangest, and words themselves being so ancient, the knitting

of them so short and intricate, and the whole period and compass of

speech so delightsome for the roundness, and so grave for the

strangeness. And first of the words to speak, I grant they be something

hard, and of most men unused, yet both English, and also used of most

excellent authors, and most famous poets. In whom, when as this our Poet

hath been much travailed and throughly read, how could it be, (as that

worthy orator said) but that walking in the sun, although for other

cause he walked, yet needs he must be sunburnt; and, having the sound of

those ancient poets still ringing in his ears, he must needs, in

singing, hit out some of their tunes. But whether he useth them by such

casualty and custom, or of set purpose and choice, as thinking them

fittest for such rustical rudeness of shepheards, either for that their

rough sound would make his rhymes more ragged and rustical; or else

because such old and obsolete words are most used of country folk, sure

I think, and think I think not amiss, that they bring great grace, and,

as one would say, authority to the verse. For albe, amongst many other

faults, it specially be objected of Valla against Livy, and of other

against Sallust, that with over much study they affect antiquity, as

covering thereby credence and honour of elder years; yet I am of

opinion, and eke the best learned are of the like, that those ancient

solemn words are a great ornament, both in the one, and in the other:

the one labouring to set forth in his work an eternal image of

antiquity, and the other carefully discoursing matters of gravity and

importance. For, if my memory fail not, Tully in that book, wherein he

endeavoureth to set forth the pattern of a perfect orator, saith that

ofttimes an ancient word maketh the style seem grave, and as it were

reverend, no otherwise than we honour and reverence gray hairs for a

certain religious regard, which we have of old age. Yet neither every

where must old words be stuffed in, nor the common dialect and manner of

speaking so corrupted thereby, that, as in old buildings, it seem

disorderly and ruinous. But all as in most exquisite pictures they use

to blaze and pourtray not only the dainty lineaments of beauty, but also

round about it to shadow the rude thickets and craggy clifts, that, by

the baseness of such parts, more excellency may accrue to the

principal: for oftentimes we find ourselves, I know not how, singularly

delighted with the shew of such natural rudeness, and take great

pleasure in that disorderly order. Even so do those rough and harsh

terms enlumine, and make more clearly to appear, the brightness of brave

and glorious words. So oftentimes a discord in music maketh a comely

concordance: so great delight took the worthy poet Alceus to behold a

blemish in the joint of a well-shaped body. But, if any will rashly

blame such his purpose in choice of old and unwonted words, him may I

more justly blame and condemn, or of witless headiness in judging, or of

heedless hardiness in condemning: for, not marking the compass of his

bent, he will judge of the length of his cast: for in my opinion it is

one especial praise of many, which are due to this Poet, that he hath

laboured to restore, as to their rightful heritage, such good and

natural English words, as have been long time out of use, and almost

clean disherited. Which is the only cause, that our mother tongue, which

truly of itself is both full enough for prose, and stately enough for

verse, hath long time been counted most bare and barren of both. Which

default when as some endeavoured to salve and recure, they patched up

the holes with pieces and rags of other languages, borrowing here of

the French, there of the Italian, every where of the Latin; not

weighing how ill those tongues accord with themselves, but much worse

with ours: So now they have made our English tongue a gallimaufrey, or

hodgepodge of all other speeches. Other some not so well seen in the

English tongue, as perhaps in other languages, if they happen to hear an

old word, albeit very natural and significant, cry out straightway, that

we speak no English, but gibberish, or rather such as in old time

Evander's mother spake: whose first shame is, that they are not ashamed,

in their own mother tongue, to be counted strangers and aliens. The

second shame no less than the first, that what so they understand not,

they straightway deem to be senseless, and not at all to be understood.

Much like to the mole in Æsop's fable, that, being blind herself, would

in no wise be persuaded that any beast could see. The last, more

shameful than both, that of their own country and natural speech, which

together with their nurse's milk they sucked, they have so base regard

and bastard judgment, that they will not only themselves not labour to

garnish and beautify it, but also repine, that of other it should be

embellished. Like to the dog in the manger, that himself can eat no hay,

and yet barketh at the hungry bullock, that so fain would feed: whose

currish kind, though it cannot be kept from barking, yet I conne them

thank that they refrain from biting.

Now, for the knitting of sentences, which they call the joints and

members thereof, and for all the compass of the speech, it is round

without roughness, and learned without hardness, such indeed as may be

perceived of the least, understood of the most, but judged only of the

learned. For what in most English writers useth to be loose, and as it

were unright, in this Author is well grounded, finely framed, and

strongly trussed up together. In regard whereof, I scorn and spue out

the rakehelly rout of our ragged rhymers (for so themselves use to hunt

the letter) which without learning boast, without judgment jangle,

without reason rage and foam, as if some instinct of poetical spirit had

newly ravished them above the meanness of common capacity. And being, in

the midst of all their bravery, suddenly, either for want of matter, or

rhyme; or having forgotten their former conceit; they seem to be so

pained and travailed in their remembrance, as it were a woman in

childbirth, or as that same Pythia, when the trance came upon her. "_Os

rabidum fera corda domans_," etc.

Nathless, let them a God's name feed on their own folly, so they seek

not to darken the beams of others' glory. As for Colin, under whose

person the Author's self is shadowed, how far he is from such vaunted

titles and glorious shews, both himself sheweth, where he saith:

"Of Muses, Hobbin, I conne no skill."

And,

"Enough is me to paint out my unrest," etc.

And also appeareth by the baseness of the name, wherein it seemeth he

chose rather to unfold great matter of argument covertly than,

professing it, not suffice thereto accordingly. Which moved him rather

in Æglogues than otherwise to write, doubting perhaps his ability, which

he little needed, or minding to furnish our tongue with this kind,

wherein it faulteth; or following the example of the best and most

ancient poets, which devised this kind of writing, being both so base

for the matter, and homely for the manner, at the first to try their

abilities; and as young birds, that be newly crept out of the nest, by

little first prove their tender wings, before they make a greater

flight. So flew Theocritus, as you may perceive he was already full

fledged. So flew Virgil, as not yet well feeling his wings. So flew

Mantuane, as not being full somm'd. So Petrarch. So Boccace. So Marot,

Sanazarius, and also divers other excellent both Italian and French

poets, whose footing this author every where followeth: yet so as few,

but they be well scented, can trace him out. So finally flieth this our

new Poet as a bird whose principals be scarce grown out, but yet as one

that in time shall be able to keep wing with the best. Now, as touching

the general drift and purpose of his Æglogues, I mind not to say much,

himself labouring to conceal it. Only this appeareth, that his unstayed

youth had long wander'd in the common labyrinth of love, in which time

to mitigate and allay the heat of his passion, or else to warn (as he

saith) the young shepheards, his equals and companions, of his

unfortunate folly, he compiled these twelve Æglogues, which, for that

they be proportioned to the state of the twelve monethes, he termeth it

the _Shepheard's Calender_, applying an old name to a new work. Hereunto

have I added a certain gloss, or scholion, for the exposition of old

words and harder phrases; which manner of glossing and commenting, well

I wot, will seem strange and rare in our tongue: yet, for so much as I

knew many excellent and proper devices, both in words and matter, would

pass in the speedy course of reading either as unknown, or as not

marked; and that in this kind, as in other, we might be equal to the

learned of other nations; I thought good to take the pains upon me, the

rather for that by means of some familiar acquaintance I was made privy

to his counsel and secret meaning in them, as also in sundry other

works of his. Which albeit I know he nothing so much hateth, as to

promulgate, yet thus much have I adventured upon his friendship, himself

being for long time far estranged; hoping that this will the rather

occasion him to put forth divers other excellent works of his, which

sleep in silence; as his _Dreams_, his _Legends_, his _Court of Cupid_,

and sundry others, whose commendation to set out were very vain, the

things though worthy of many, yet being known to few. These my present

pains, if to any they be pleasurable or profitable, be you judge, mine

own Maister Harvey, to whom I have both in respect of your worthiness

generally, and otherwise upon some particular and special

considerations, vowed this my labour, and the maidenhead of this our

common friend's poetry; himself having already in the beginning

dedicated it to the noble and worthy gentleman, the right worshipful

Maister Philip Sidney, a special favourer and maintainer of all kind of

learning. Whose cause, I pray you, sir, if envy shall stir up any

wrongful accusation, defend with your mighty rhetoric and other your

rathe gifts of learning, as you can, and shield with your good will, as

you ought, against the malice and outrage of so many enemies, as I know

will be set on fire with the sparks of his kindled glory. And thus

recommending the Author unto you, as unto his most special good friend,

and myself unto you both, as one making singular account of two so very

good and so choice friends, I bid you both most heartily farewell, and

commit you and your commendable studies to the tuition of the Greatest.

Your own assuredly to be commanded,

E. K.[1]

P.S.--Now I trust, M. Harvey, that upon sight of your special friend's

and fellow poet's doings, or else for envy of so many unworthy Quidams,

which catch at the garland which to you alone is due, you will be

persuaded to pluck out of the hateful darkness those so many excellent

English poems of yours which lie hid, and bring them forth to eternal

light. Trust me, you do both them great wrong, in depriving them of the

desired sun; and also yourself, in smothering your deserved praises; and

all men generally, in withholding from them so divine pleasures, which

they might conceive of your gallant English verses, as they have already

done of your Latin poems, which, in my opinion, both for invention and

elocution are very delicate and super-excellent. And thus again I take

my leave of my good M. Harvey. From my lodging at London this tenth of

April 1579.

THE

GENERAL ARGUMENT OF

THE WHOLE BOOK.

Little, I hope, needeth me at large to discourse the first original of

Æglogues, having already touched the same. But, for the word Æglogues I

know is unknown to most, and also mistaken of some of the best learned,

(as they think,) I will say somewhat thereof, being not at all

impertinent to my present purpose.

They were first of the Greeks, the inventors of them, called _Aeglogai,

as it were Aegon, or Aeginomon logi_, that is, Goatherds' tales. For

although in Virgil and others the speakers be more shepheards than

goatherds, yet Theocritus, in whom is more ground of authority than in

Virgil, this specially from that deriving, as from the first head and

wellspring, the whole invention of these Æglogues maketh goatherds the

persons and authors of his tales. This being, who seeth not the

grossness of such as by colour of learning would make us believe, that

they are more rightly termed _Eclogai_, as they would say, extraordinary

discourses of unnecessary matter: which definition albe in substance and

meaning it agree with the nature of the thing, yet no whit answereth

with the analysis and interpretation of the word. For they be not termed

_Eclogues_, but _Æglogues_; which sentence this Author very well

observing, upon good judgment, though indeed few goatherds have to do

herein, nevertheless doubteth not to call them by the used and best

known name. Other curious discourses hereof I reserve to greater

occasion.

These twelve Æglogues, every where answering to the seasons of the

twelve monethes, may be well divided into three forms or ranks. For

either they be plaintive, as the first, the sixth, the eleventh, and the

twelfth; or recreative, such as all those be, which contain matter of

love, or commendation of special personages; or moral, which for the

most part be mixed with some satyrical bitterness; namely, the second,

of reverence due to old age; the fifth, of coloured deceit; the seventh

and ninth, of dissolute shepheards and pastors; the tenth, of contempt

of Poetry and pleasant Wits. And to this division may every thing herein

be reasonably applied; a few only except, whose special purpose and

meaning I am not privy to. And thus much generally of these twelve

Æglogues. Now will we speak particularly of all, and first of the first,

which he calleth by the first moneth's name, Januarie: wherein to some

he may seem foully to have faulted, in that he erroneously beginneth

with that moneth, which beginneth not the year. For it is well known,

and stoutly maintained with strong reasons of the learned, that the year

beginneth in March; for then the sun reneweth his finished course, and

the seasonable spring refresheth the earth, and the pleasance thereof,

being buried in the sadness of the dead winter now worn away, reliveth.

This opinion maintain the old Astrologers and Philosophers, namely, the

reverend Andalo, and Macrobius in his _Holy Days of Saturn_; which

account also was generally observed both of Grecians and Romans. But,

saving the leave of such learned heads, we maintain a custom of counting

the seasons from the moneth Januarie, upon a more special cause than the

heathen Philosophers ever could conceive, that is, for the Incarnation

of our mighty Saviour, and Eternal Redeemer the Lord Christ, who as then

renewing the state of the decayed world, and returning the compass of

expired years to their former date and first commencement, left to us

his heirs a memorial of his birth in the end of the last year and

beginning of the next. Which reckoning, beside that eternal monument of

our salvation, leaneth also upon good proof of special judgment.

For albeit that in elder times, when as yet the count of the year was

not perfected, as afterward it was by Julius Cæsar, they began to tell

the monethes from March's beginning, and according to the same, God (as

is said in Scripture) commanded the people of the Jews, to count the

moneth _Abib_, that which we call March, for the first moneth, in

remembrance that in that moneth he brought them out of the land of

Egypt: yet, according to tradition of latter times it hath been

otherwise observed, both in government of the Church and rule of

mightiest realms. For from Julius Cæsar who first observed the leap

year, which he called _Bissextilem Annum_, and brought into a more

certain course the odd wand'ring days which of the Greeks were called

_Hyperbainontes_, of the Romans _Intercalares_, (for in such matter of

learning I am forced to use the terms of the learned,) the monethes have

been numbered twelve, which in the first ordinance of Romulus were but

ten, counting but 304 days in every year, and beginning with March. But

Numa Pompilius, who was the father of all the Roman ceremonies and

religion, seeing that reckoning to agree neither with the course of the

sun nor the moon, thereunto added two monethes, Januarie and Februarie;

wherein it seemeth, that wise king minded upon good reason to begin the

year at Januarie, of him therefore so called _tanquam janua anni_, the

gate and entrance of the year; or of the name of the god _Janus_, to

which god for that the old Paynims attributed the birth and beginning of

all creatures new coming into the world, it seemeth that he _therefore_

to him assigned the beginning and first entrance of the year. Which

account for the most part hath hitherto continued: notwithstanding that

the Egyptians begin their year at September; for that, according to the

opinion of the best Rabbins and very purpose of the Scripture itself,

God made the world in that moneth, that is called of them _Tisri_. And

therefore he commanded them to keep the feast of Pavilions in the end of

the year, in the xv. day of the seventh moneth, which before that time

was the first.

But our author, respecting neither the subtilty of the one part, nor the

antiquity of the other, thinketh it fittest, according to the simplicity

of common understanding, to begin with Januarie; weening it perhaps no

_decorum_ that shepheards should be seen in matter of so deep insight,

or canvass a case of so doubtful judgment. So therefore beginneth he,

and so continueth he throughout.

[Illustration: JANUARIE

AEGLOGA

PRIMA

The Shepheard's Calender: Twelve Aeglogues Proportionable to the Twelve Monethes · 第 3 / 43 题