While Cuba was enjoying the peace and prosperity which had followed its
return to Spain, Louisiana, which by the Treaty of Paris had been ceded
to Spain by Louis XV. of France, to indemnify her for the Floridas and
the government of which was annexed to that of Cuba, was going through a
most harassing period of anxiety. For this agreement, which transferred
the French inhabitants of Louisiana to Spain, was a violation of that
human right which at this very time was beginning to dawn in the
awakening political consciousness of mankind, and was to be a source of
serious conflicts between the French of Louisiana and the authorities
that came to establish upon her soil the rule of the king of Spain.
Bancroft gives an interesting account of the events that occurred. He
writes in his "History of the United States" (Vol. IV, p. 122):
"The Treaty of Paris left two European powers sole sovereigns of the
continent of North America. Spain, accepting Louisiana without
hesitation, lost France as her bulwark, and assumed new expenses and
dangers, to keep the territory from England. Its inhabitants loved the
land of their ancestry; by every law of nature and human freedom, they
had the right to protest against the transfer of their allegiance."
The spirit which found ultimate expression in the formula: "no
government without the consent of the governed" had been awakened in the
people of the North American continent. As soon as the news reached
Louisiana, that the territory was to be transferred under the rule of
the Spanish king, the call for an assembly was issued and every parish
in the colony sent representatives to voice their protest and deliberate
upon measures preventing the execution of that transfer. Under the
leadership of Lafreniere the people unanimously decided to address a
petition to the king of France, entreating him not to abandon them to
foreign rule. The loyalty with which the colony had so far adhered to
the kings of the mother country seemed to call for redress of the wrong
which was about to be inflicted upon them.
The wealthiest merchant of New Orleans, Jean Milhet, went to Paris as
the spokesman of the colony. He met Bienville, the pioneer founder of
the city which enjoyed at that time the reputation of being an American
Paris, and the octogenarian lent his aid in an attempt to appeal to the
French minister, Choiseul. But Choiseul gave them no encouragement. His
answer was, briefly: "It cannot be; France cannot bear the charge of
supporting the colony's precarious existence." On the tenth of July,
1765, the Brigadier D. Antonio de Ulloa, who was appointed by Governor
Buccarelli of Cuba to take possession of the territory ceded to Spain,
sent a letter from Havana to the superior council of the colony at New
Orleans announcing that he had orders to take possession of that city
for the Catholic king. But the French authorities did not remove the
flag of France and Acadian exiles continued to pour into the colony from
the north. Ulloa finally sailed from Havana and on the fifth of March,
1766, he arrived in the bay.
The very elements of nature seem to have conspired to lend gloom to his
arrival. A terrible thunderstorm and violent downpour of rain was a
feature of the landing. He was accompanied by some civil officers, three
Capuchin monks and eighty soldiers. The people, resentful of being
forced to submit to foreign rule, received him coldly and sullenly. He
had brought with him orders to redeem the seven million livres of French
paper money which had been a heavy burden upon a population of not more
than six thousand souls. He saw at once that the population was
unwilling to give up its nationality and to change its allegiance from
France to Spain. He learned that the French garrison peremptorily
refused to serve under Spanish commanders. So he was forced to leave the
government, which he was supposed to administer with the aid of the
Spanish officials that he had brought with him, in the hands of the
former French functionaries.
When in September of that year an ordinance was introduced by Ulloa
forcing French vessels having special permits to accept the paper
currency in payment for their cargoes at an unreasonable tariff, the
merchants of the colony protested vigorously. They declared stoutly:
"The extension and freedom of trade, far from injuring states and
colonies, are their strength and support."
Reports circulating about the disorders caused by this conflict between
the French population and the Spanish authorities frightened the owners
of merchant vessels that had been in the habit of trading at the colony
and its commerce with them was for the time being almost suspended. The
ordinance was rescinded, and Ulloa retired from New Orleans to the
Balise. He had to be contented to establish Spanish rule at that spot
and opposite Natchez at the river Iberville. Perhaps a man of different
disposition would have been able to reconcile the colonists to the
foreign régime. But Ulloa did not possess the amiable qualities that
characterized the Governor of Cuba, Buccarelli. He had to learn, as did
Lord Albemarle during his brief administration of Havana, that it was
not an easy task to conquer the hearts of a people and win them over to
the rule of foreign authorities.
According to Bancroft this irritating state of things continued for more
than two years. He writes (p. 123):
"But the arbitrary and passionate conduct of Ulloa, the depreciation of
the currency with the prospect of its becoming an almost total loss, the
disputes respecting the expenses incurred since the cession of 1762, the
interruption of commerce, a captious ordinance which made a private
monopoly of the traffic with the Indians, uncertainty of jurisdiction
and allegiance, agitated the colony from one end to the other. It was
proposed to make of New Orleans a republic, like Amsterdam or Venice,
with a legislative body of forty men, and a single executive. The people
of the country parishes crowded in a mass into the city; joined those of
New Orleans; and formed a numerous assembly, in which Lafreniere, John
Milhet, Joseph Milhet, and the lawyer Doucet were conspicuous. 'Why,'
said they, 'should the two sovereigns form agreements which can have no
result but our misery, without advantage to either?' On the twenty-fifth
of October, they adopted an address to the superior council, written by
Lafreniere and Caresse, rehearsing their griefs; and in their petition
of rights, they claimed freedom of commerce with the ports of France and
America, and the expulsion of Ulloa from the colony."
This address was signed by upwards of five hundred persons and at the
meeting of the council on the very next day it was, contrary to the
warnings of Aubry, accepted. The excitement of the people, when they
heard this good news, was indescribable. The French colors appeared in
the public square and veteran pioneers of the colony, women and children
crowded around to kiss the cherished flag of the much beloved mother
country. Nine hundred men pressed around the flag pole when it was
about to be raised, eager to lend a hand in what was to them a sacred
function, and men, women and children began to cry: "Vive le roi de
France! Nul autre que lui pour nous!" This clamorous demonstration
manifested to Ulloa the will of the people; and when they proceeded to
elect their town officials, he abandoned the attempt of establishing
Spanish rule in Louisiana. He set sail for Havana, and through his
representatives sent the news of these events to Spain. That incident
was so significant of the spirit of the times that Du Chatelet wrote to
Choiseul:
"The success of the people of New Orleans in driving away the Spaniards
is a good example for the English colonies; may they set about following
it."
For at this very time the British colonies of America were entering upon
their struggle for deliverance from restrictions upon trade as
symbolized in the stamp act and the atmosphere upon the continent was
rife with revolution. While the statesmen of France and even some of
England were inclined to grant greater freedom of commerce, Spain still
lagged behind. She had been the champion of the protective system for
centuries, and though it had not added to her wealth, on the contrary,
had helped to impoverish her, she was unwilling to depart from the
time-honored policy. Grimaldi, the Spanish minister, thus set forth the
stand which Spain was to take in this question:
"Besides, the position and strength of the countries occupied by the
Americans excite a just alarm for the rich Spanish possessions on their
borders. Their interlopers have already introduced their grain and rice
into our colonies. If this should be legalized and extended to other
objects, it would increase the prosperity of a neighbor already too
formidable. Moreover, this neighbor, if it should separate from the
metropolis, would assume the republican form of government; and a
republic is a government dangerous from the wisdom, the consistency, and
the solidity of the measures which it would adopt for executing such
projects of conquests as it would naturally form."
This fear of a republic in Louisiana haunted the king of Spain and his
cabinet and after discussing the question of returning it to France, it
was almost unanimously agreed that Louisiana was needed "as a granary
for Havana and Puerto Rico, a precaution against French contraband trade
and a barrier to keep off the English encroachments." The Duke of Alva
said, in a spirit true to his namesake of two centuries before:
"The world, and especially America, must see that the king can and will
crush even an intention of disrespect."
Masones de Lima expressed himself briefly:
"If France should recover Louisiana, she would annex it to the English
colonies or would establish its independence."
Minister de Aranda began cautiously:
"A republic in Louisiana would be independent of the European powers,
who would all cultivate her friendship and support her existence. She
would increase her population, enlarge her limits, and grow into a rich,
flourishing and free state, contrasting with our exhausted provinces."
He continued in this vein, dwelling at length upon the consequences such
an example might bring in its wake, and advised to keep New Orleans in
such insignificance as to tempt no attack.
The deliberations in the French cabinet were of quite a different
nature. Du Chatelet, as quoted by Bancroft (p. 151), declared:
"Spain can never derive benefit from Louisiana. She neither will nor
can take effective measures for its colonization and culture. She has
not inhabitants enough to furnish emigrants; and the religious and
political principles of her government will always keep away foreigners,
and even Frenchmen. Under Spanish dominion, the vast extent of territory
ceded by France to Spain on the banks of the Mississippi will soon
become a desert.
"The expense of colonies is required only by commerce; and the commerce
of Louisiana, under the rigor of the Spanish prohibitive laws, will
every day become more and more a nullity. Spain then will make an
excellent bargain, if she accords liberty to the inhabitants of
Louisiana, and permits them to form themselves into a republic. Nothing
can so surely keep them from falling under English rule as making them
cherish the protection of Spain and the sweetness of independence."
But the king of Spain had no thought save that of upholding the Spanish
traditions, and, accepting the advice of the Duke de Alva, decided to
crush the rebellion of Louisiana. He chose as his instrument the Conde
Alexandre O'Reilly, who had gone to Cuba with de Ricla and had
reorganized the army and militia of the island. Buccarelli was informed
of the royal decision and assisted O'Reilly in fitting out an expedition
which was to enable him to enforce Spanish rule and eradicate all traces
of republican leanings in the French colony. The people of New Orleans
had in the meantime once more sent a petition to France in the attempt
to enlist the sympathy and aid of the mother country in their endeavor
to remain French citizens. They also sent an appeal to the British at
Pensacola but the governor was not inclined to offend any powers with
which his king was at peace. So great was the dread of the Louisianans
of being forced to bow to Spanish rule, that they spoke seriously of
burning New Orleans rather than giving it up to the hated foreign
authorities.
O'Reilly set sail from Havana with a squadron of twenty-four vessels,
with three thousand well-trained troops on board. He arrived at the
Balise at the end of July. For a time panic reigned in the city. Aubry
tried to quiet the people, and advised them to submit and trust in the
clemency of the king of Spain. A committee of three, Lafreniere, as
representative of the council, Marquis of the colonists, and Milhet of
the merchants, presented themselves at the Balise to pay their respects
to the Spanish general and to appeal to his mercy. O'Reilly entertained
them at dinner and they left assured of perfect amnesty. On the eighth
of August the Spanish squadron anchored before the city itself, and the
authorities took possession in the name of his Majesty, Carlos III. of
Spain. The Spanish colors replaced those of France and it seemed as if
with this ceremony and the installment of Spanish officials in the
different departments of the colony's government the mission of O'Reilly
was ended. But there was still the punishment to be meted out to the
rebels who had dared to defy the authority of the Spanish king and had
sworn unchanging allegiance to the sovereign of France. After having
received from Aubry, who seemed to play traitor to his compatriots, a
list of those who had taken part in the recent insurrection and had
prepared the foundation of a republic with a protector and an elective
council of forty, O'Reilly on the twenty-first of August invited to his
home the most prominent citizens and asked the representatives of the
people's council to pass, one by one, into his private apartment. In
their unsuspecting innocence, they accepted this invitation as a mark of
distinction, but they were sadly disillusioned, when O'Reilly entered
with Aubry and three Spanish officers, and arrested them in the name of
his Majesty the King of Spain.
According to Bancroft two months were spent in collecting evidence
against the men. The defense asserted that they could not be tried and
condemned by Spanish officials for acts done before the proper
establishment of Spanish rule in the colony. The citizens begged for
time to send a petition to the Spanish sovereign. But all attempts to
divert O'Reilly from his purpose summarily to punish the men who had
dared to defy Ulloa, as the representative of Spain, were futile. Twelve
of the richest men of the colony had to see their estates confiscated;
from the proceeds were paid the officers employed in the trial. Six
others were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment, from six years
to life. The five who had been most conspicuous in the revolt,
Lafreniere, Marquis, Milhet, Caresse and Noyau, were sentenced to death.
According to Bancroft they were shot in presence of the troops and the
people on the twenty-fifth of October, 1769. According to Spanish
historians they were hanged.
Whatever the fate of these French champions of the newly awakened desire
for liberty may have been, the effects of O'Reilly's cruelty were felt
far beyond the still ill defined boundaries of the colony. Though the
king of Spain was reported to have expressed his approval of O'Reilly's
summary procedure, even in Spain voices rose to condemn it. A pall
spread over Louisiana. Business life was for a time paralyzed. Commerce
came to an absolute standstill. In the country parishes of the colony,
the Spanish authority was accepted with sullen silence. Many of the
wealthy families, long identified with the history of the colony,
abandoned their homes and emigrated to other parts of the continent. The
government of the colony was reorganized on the pattern of all Spanish
colonies. The restrictions which were placed upon commerce robbed the
people of whatever initiative and enterprise they had possessed. A
period of stagnation set in, contrasting sharply with the activity and
the animation that had previously reigned in the city which claimed and
was reported by travelers of that time to have been fairly well started
on the road of becoming the Paris of America. It was an inauspicious
beginning for the Spanish régime in Louisiana. But the successor of
O'Reilly, D. Luis de Uznaga, made up for his predecessor's mistake by
showing so much discretion and exercising his authority with such
mildness, that he gradually succeeded in reconciling a part of the
population to the Spanish rule. Only the families of the victims that
had paid for their loyalty to France with their lives remained the
implacable enemies of Spain, as long as the colony remained under her
rule. Aubry, who immediately after the tragedy of the twenty-fifth of
October had set sail for France, suffered shipwreck on his voyage and
perished. The six men who had been committed to the dungeons of Havana
were, according to Bancroft, later set free by the aid of France.
This tragic prelude to the Spanish rule in Louisiana, little as it has
to do with Cuba, with which colony it was but loosely connected in an
administrative way, was the herald of a new epoch dawning upon the
horizon of the New World. The establishment of the little republic at
the mouth of the Mississippi had been frustrated. But the establishment
of the greater republic on the continent, under the protection of which
Cuba was to come some centuries later, was even at this time approaching
consummation.