Political History of Yucatan—The Rochelanos—A Civil Revolution—A
Tumultuary Movement in the Interior—Santiago Iman—Attack on
Espita—Retreat to San Fernando—Quiet Restored for a Time—Colonel
Roqueña—Attack on Tizimin—Return of the Troops—Attack on
Valladolid—Capitulation—Succession of Events—A New Constitution—The
New Congress—New Party—Opinions—Physical Incapacity for
Independence—The Press of Yucatan.
It might be well enough for me to adopt the example of Fielding, so far
as to precede this chapter with a stage direction of this kind: “To be
skipped by those who are not fond of politics.” The political history of
Yucatan necessarily possesses but little interest to any class of
foreign readers, and yet I could not but think that some notice of that
kind might add symmetry to a work which relies so much for its value
upon its record of institutions and customs, which are indebted for
their shape and character to the political condition of the people to
whom they belong. For that reason I present the substance of my own
observations and inquiries, without pretending, however, that the
following remarks will answer half of the questions pertaining to this
subject, which a student of political science would be disposed to ask.
Yucatan, since its conquest by the Spaniards, and until the year 1839,
was a province of the great Mexican Confederacy, and formed one of the
United Provinces of Mexico. For several years, however, previous to
1839, the tranquillity of Mexico had been disturbed by a party called
Rochelanos, who insisted upon the independence of Yucatan, or else a
more liberal central government. Their agitations finally placed their
party at the head of the government. In the year 1837 this party was
overthrown and removed from power, having lost the elections by an
overwhelming majority; indeed, so decided was the triumph of their
opponents, that they dared not resist, and a civil revolution was
effected, for the first time since the independence of the country. They
immediately commenced agitating and plotting, but with no decided
success until the year 1839.
With a view of overturning the then existing government, and ousting the
incumbents of office from their places, the Rochelanos favored covertly
a design on the part of those styling themselves Federalists, to regain
the power they had lost in 1834. The 29th of May, 1839, witnessed a
tumultuary movement in the village of Tizimin, a small town of the
interior, where a militia captain, one Santiago Iman, at the head of a
handful of deserters from the third battalion of local militia, counting
on the co-operation of several leading personages, set up the standard
of revolt, under the specious pretext of proclaiming the Federal
constitution of 1824. A feigned attack was immediately made on the
neighboring village of Espita, a place of some importance, containing
about three thousand inhabitants, and distant from Tizimin six leagues.
The military commander at Espita had engaged himself to act in concert,
but at the critical moment he played false, and deceived the hopes of
the leaders in the plot. He received an intimation from Iman to
surrender, as had been previously agreed upon, but retained the
messengers, and made preparations for defence. Iman marched to the
attack in the night, and, much to his surprise, met with resistance. A
very hot firing (as it was styled in the bulletins) was kept up for
nearly four hours; but, strange to say, only one was killed, a negro,
from the window of one of the houses behind which he had posted himself.
Before daylight the firing ceased, and Iman returned unmolested to
Tizimin. Those who had instigated him to take the step having failed in
their engagements to him, his situation now became very critical, and he
was left entirely to his own resources. A retreat to San Fernando was
determined on and executed. This is a small village seven leagues from
Tizimin, to the northward, inhabited by a colony of negroes from St.
Domingo, numbering about seventy males. Here he remained, and threw up
some fortifications, composed chiefly of stone barricades across the
roads at the entrance of the village, and for the purpose of obstructing
their advance, cut down the trees lining the roads by which the troops
were to pass. Nearly two months elapsed before he was attacked—then by
about four hundred men, chiefly militia, under the orders of the
commander of Espita, already named. As might have been anticipated from
the character of this person, nothing of importance was effected; but
after a great deal of noise and smoke, the defenders ran away, and the
attacking party entered, without killing one or taking a single
prisoner. This was afterwards trumpeted as a signal victory, and the
“hero,” as he was styled, greatly eulogized. The revolution was
officially declared to be terminated; but notwithstanding, as no pursuit
was ever made, a sufficiency of time was allowed to the insurgents to
reunite their scattered numbers.
A long time was spent in inactivity on the part of the government
troops, until at last, after some slight brushes, Tizimin was evacuated
by its garrison, and again occupied by Iman, who, finding himself with
no other resource, bethought himself of enlisting the sympathies of the
Indians, by offering them a discharge for the future from the religious
contributions paid by them. This leader, who was destitute himself of
talent and instruction, and in every respect a very common man, could
not foresee the influence this would have on the contest; but the most
well informed men in the country knew its importance, and feared
ultimately a re-enactment of the bloody scenes of St. Domingo. Numbers
of Indians flocked to Tizimin, and contributed, with their persons and
such small means as they possessed, to the maintenance of the struggle.
Supplies of cattle, turkeys, fowls, corn, &c., were carried by them to
the general, as they styled Iman, and the means thus furnished him of
sustaining himself. The government, at last aware of the real importance
of quelling in time this movement, made every exertion, and a division
of about six hundred men marched for Tizimin, under the command of
Colonel Roquena. This officer, who is said to possess talent and
bravery, but who exhibited neither on this occasion, attacked the place
on the 12th of December, in solid column, marching directly to the
point, without an effort to outflank, select a weak point, or cut off
the retreat of the enemy. The whole column was held in check in a narrow
road before a common stone barricade for nearly six hours. After losing
about fifty men, one of the companies carried the place at the point of
the bayonet, and the rest of the division then marched into the place.
The defenders retreated, almost without loss or pursuit, just as at San
Fernando, and a pompous description was given of the brilliant victory.
The troops were afterwards stationed at different points, and the
colonel returned to Campeachy, believing nothing more remained to be
done! The garrison of Tizimin was finally withdrawn, and the place
re-occupied by the insurgents. Things remained in this state of
indecision; the resources of the government were absorbed uselessly in
the maintenance of troops and officers, who took no interest in the
cause, until the 11th of February, 1840, an attack was made on the city
of Valladolid, then garrisoned by three hundred men, commanded by
Lieutenant Colonel Arans. This brave officer determined to discharge his
duty, and knowing his subordinates to have been tampered with, marched
in person at the head of some guerrilla parties, to attack the
insurgents, who had obtained an entrance in the “barrio” of Sisal. He
was killed, and some two or three others, by shots from the houses.
Nothing was thought of after his fall but capitulating. That night the
troops yielded up their arms to a motley looking band of Indians, led on
by some of the outcasts of society, deserters, assassins, &c. A meeting
was held at the town hall, and the _pronunciamiento_ of Valladolid given
to the world, seconding the plan of Iman, and re-announcing the
Constitution of 1824. From the importance of the place, its example was
followed by the surrounding villages and towns, and in the course of a
week, Merida, the capital of the State, declared for the new order of
things; several of the military taking a part in the proceedings.
Nothing was left but Campeachy, the head-quarters of the Commanding
General Rivas, with a garrison of about one thousand men. Marches and
countermarches were effected, until the siege of the place, which
finally capitulated in June, leaving the whole State in the hands of the
so styled Federalists.
An effort had been made before the taking of Valladolid to vary the plan
of the revolution, providing for the removal of the Commanding General
Rivas, who was particularly obnoxious, and changing the _personale_ of
the administration; but Iman, who had been abandoned to his own
resources, was then obstinate and could not be managed. At Merida
likewise, on the occasion of their _pronunciamiento_, the Rochelanos
endeavored to usurp the direction of the movement, which had now become
popular; for many of the most influential and talented men, perceiving
the inability of the government to weather the storm, owing to the bad
faith and cowardice of its supporters, had resolved upon taking an
active part, and endeavoring to guide and direct the mind of the
automaton Iman; who, possessing none of his own, was pleased and glad to
make use of the judgment of others, as thus he was enabled to figure in
high sounding proclamations, to which he could scarcely affix his
signature. Several of the higher clergy or curates came forward in
opposition to these revolutionary movements, actuated by various
motives; one of which we would fain believe was a disinterested
patriotism. They were well aware of the danger that menaced the white
race in Yucatan, surrounded by an Indian population four times their
number, should the revolution be any longer protracted. Another strong
motive was the desire to save their incomes and benefices, directly
attacked by the plan of Iman. This they succeeded in doing in part, as
the males still pay the usual religious contribution; the females only
being exempted by a decree of the Legislature of 1840. The attempt of
the Rochelanos was a complete failure, and only served to sink them
still lower in public opinion, and to justify the estimation in which
they had always been held—of artful and designing intriguers.
The work of the revolution was now completed, as far as the original
design went; namely, that of a change of _men_, for of _principles_ but
few were involved. The ball did not however stop here, as a number of
political schemers, with a view of grafting themselves on, and
identifying themselves with the revolution, brought forward a number of
new projects, which in the first session of the legislature were carried
out. The clergy and the military were directly attacked, deprived of
their exclusive privileges, and many of the latter dismissed. A new
constitution for the State was decreed on the thirty-first of March,
1841, not essentially different from its predecessors, except in the
fact of its religious toleration. The governor of the State is
restricted to certain limited powers in the constitution, but these
restrictions in the end are nominal. From some pretext or other, he is
almost always invested with extraordinary authority; enabling him to
punish without trial; not only the guilty, but even such as he may
choose to consider _suspicious_.
The Congress or Legislature was not elected for the purpose of forming a
new constitution, _but it declared itself_ to be invested with the
necessary powers, and proceeded to exercise them. It also passed a
tariff, greatly reducing the former scale of duties; although the
Federal Constitution of 1824, proclaimed in the State, makes this
entirely and exclusively to lie within the prerogatives of the general
Congress under the new government. A thousand such infractions have been
committed, without exciting remark or surprise. The tariff was altered
and reduced, with a view of discouraging smuggling, and thereby
increasing the revenue. It had this effect for a short time; but the
clandestine traffic is carried on as briskly as ever, and the country
having been overstocked with goods, the amount of duties collected has
greatly fallen off. The whole income of the State does not exceed at
present seven hundred thousand dollars per annum.
For the past year and a half, a new party, if such it may be called, has
attracted attention. The object in view is to continue the separation
from the rest of the Mexican Republic. It is called the independent
party, and is composed of a few young enthusiasts, and a number of older
politicians, who, for the purpose of gratifying their own ends and
interests, and from their connexion with some of the lawless men engaged
in the late revolution, contrive to make it appear that there is a great
deal of enthusiasm prevailing among the people; and that public opinion
is decidedly in favor of the independence of the peninsula. To enter
into arguments for the purpose of disproving this, is perfectly
unnecessary. Such a thing as public opinion is unknown; the masses are
too ignorant, and have been too long accustomed to dictation and
pupilage, to have any opinion. This is demonstrated by the mere fact of
every revolutionary movement having triumphed since their emancipation
from the Spanish yoke; which clearly proves, that either there is
nothing deserving the name of people, or else that they take no interest
in public affairs, but allow themselves to be the playthings of every
ambitious demagogue or military leader.
The country is not destined ever to be of any considerable importance in
the political scale. Its resources are very limited; its capital small;
its soil by no means fertile; it possesses neither good roads to any
extent, nor a single navigable river; manufactures are almost unknown,
and agriculture is in the most neglected state. How then can Yucatan
sustain itself alone, or ever figure as an independent nation? The idea
is absurd, and could only be entertained by an enthusiast, and one
totally ignorant of the elements required to constitute national
greatness and prosperity.
Another circumstance worthy of consideration is the existence of a large
colored population, far outnumbering the whites. Should Yucatan be left
to itself, an insurrection among the Indians would be productive of the
most awful calamities; and in that case, being entirely isolated, no
foreign aid could be looked for to subdue the danger. The glimpse the
Indians have just caught of what they may do, and their exertions in the
last revolution being rewarded by a diminution in the amount of their
onerous religious contributions, may probably stimulate them to make an
effort to free themselves from the bondage of the whites. Many
intelligent and well-informed men, residents and natives of the country,
fear this may ultimately be the result; and it is on this account
chiefly they regret the employment of Indians in the late contest. The
chord touched by Iman has vibrated, the way has been shown to designing
and unprincipled men, of causing an excitement and making themselves
fearful; they have only to hold out promises, however fallacious, to
this race, and ensure themselves a certain measure of importance and
notoriety. Ere long some “Tecumseh” or “Black Hawk” may rise up, and the
most disastrous, heart-rending, and bloody scenes will be re-enacted.
This is the distinguishing feature in the last revolution; it is
certainly fraught with danger to the white race, yet in reward of his
services the disinterested patriot, the new Washington, as he is styled
by his sycophants, the leader and associate of deserters and assassins,
Santiago Iman, is now created Brigadier General. The sphere is however
too elevated for him to hope to maintain his position; and the slightest
change will be sufficient to consign him to his native insignificance.
The state of affairs is now very critical: General Santa Ana, possessed,
to say the least, of considerable energy, is at the head of affairs in
Mexico: he menaces Yucatan with an invasion; and we know enough of the
state of the country, and the feelings of its inhabitants, to say, that
should he verify his intentions by sending an expedition, however small,
he would meet with co-operation, and such aid as would enable him
quickly and with certainty to subjugate the country.
In attempting to present a politico-historical sketch of the province of
Yucatan, my duty would be but imperfectly discharged if I failed to
notice its newspaper press, an engine which in all civilized countries
at the present day has come to exercise tremendous political influence.
It is almost unnecessary for me to say that the direct action of the
press upon public opinion here is quite inconsiderable, for there is but
little public opinion to work upon, and but few papers competent to
exercise any influence upon it.
There are only two or three small papers published at Merida. These are
mostly filled with stories, local news, and markets, an incomplete
marine list, and a collection of advertisements, that too plainly
indicate the fallen condition of trade. At Campeachy there is a single
small periodical, devoted to literature, and very poorly patronised.
These represent the whole editorial strength of Yucatan. These papers
never pretend to differ in opinion with the government upon any question
of public policy. They do not aspire to control public opinion, except
that opinion may be at variance with the wishes of the “powers that be.”
There is no freedom of discussion about the policy of the government or
the religious establishments of the country, allowed or ever asked. What
of interest these papers possess, therefore, arises from the stories
which they occasionally publish, and the local news. It is obvious that
the full force and efficacy of the newspaper have never been realized in
any part of Mexico.
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