nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common
and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to
make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage
and restrain it. It serves always to distract the public
councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the
community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles
the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally
riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence
and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the
government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus
the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the
policy and will of another.
19. There is an opinion that parties in free countries are
useful checks upon the administration of the government, and
serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain
limits, is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical
cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor,
upon the spirit of party. But in those of a popular character,
in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be
encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there
will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose;
and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to
be by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A
fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to
prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it
should consume.
20. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a
free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its
administration, to confine themselves within their respective
constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers
of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of
encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the
departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of
government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of
power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the
human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this
position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of
political power, by dividing and distributing it into different
depositories, and constituting each the guardian of public weal
against invasions by the others, has seen evinced by experiments
ancient and modern, some of them in our country and under our
own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to constitute
them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or
modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular
wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment, in a way which the
Constitution designates; but let there be no change by
usurpation: for though this, in one instance, may be the
instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free
governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly
overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit
which the use can at any time yield.
21. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political
prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In
vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should
labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these
firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere
politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to
cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections
with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where
is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the
sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the
instruments of investigation in courts of justice? and let us
with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be
maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the
influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure,
reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national
morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. 'Tis
substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary
spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with
more or less force to every species of free government. Who that
is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon
attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
22. Promote, then, as an object of primary importance,
institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In
proportion as the structure of a government gives force to
public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be
enlightened. As a very important source of strength and
security, cherish public credit: one method of preserving it is
to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of
expense by cultivating peace; and remembering, also, that timely
disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much
greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the
accumulations of debt, not only by shunning occasions of
expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge
the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not
ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we
ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs
to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion
should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of
their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in
mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue;
to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be
devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant;
and the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection
of the proper object (which is always a choice of difficulties),
ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the
conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of
acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the
public exigencies may at any time dictate.
23. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations;
cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality
enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not
equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and
at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the
magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by
an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the
course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would
richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a
steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not
connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue?
The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment
which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by
its vices?
24. In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential
than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular
nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be
excluded; and that in place of them just and amicable feelings
towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges
towards another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in
some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its
affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from
its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against
another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury,
to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and
intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute
occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and
bloody contests. The nation prompted by ill will and resentment
sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best
calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in
the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason
would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the
nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride,
ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace
often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations, has been the
victim.
25. So likewise a passionate attachment of one nation for
another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite
nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common
interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and
infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former
into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter,
without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to
the concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to
others which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the
concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have
been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a
disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal
privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted,
or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite
nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their
own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity;
gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation,
a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal
for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition,
corruption, or infatuation.
26. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such
attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened
and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford
to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of
seduction, to mislead public opinions, to influence or awe
public councils! Such an attachment of small or weak towards a
great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellites
of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence
(I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens), the jealousy of
a free people ought to be _constantly_ awake, since history and
experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most
baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be
useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the
very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it.
Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive
dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate, to see danger
only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of
influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the
intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and
odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and
confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The
great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is,
in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as
little political connection as possible. So far as we have
already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect
good faith. Here let us stop.
27. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have
none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in
frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially
foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in
us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary
vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and
collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and
distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different
course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government,
the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from
external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will
cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be
scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the
impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly
hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or
war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
28. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why
quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving
our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace
and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship,
interest, humor, or caprice? 'Tis our true policy to steer clear
of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world, so
far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not
be understood as patronizing infidelity to existing engagements.
I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private
affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it,
therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine
sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be
unwise, to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by
suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we
may safely trust to temporary alliances for extra ordinary
emergencies.
29. Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are
recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our
commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand,
neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences;
consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and
diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but
forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order
to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our
merchants, and to enable the government to support them,
conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present
circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and
liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as
experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping
in view that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested
favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its
independence whatever it may accept under that character; that
by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of
having given equivalent for nominal favors, and yet of being
reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no
greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from
nation to nation. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure,
which a just pride ought to discard.
30. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old
and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the
strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will
control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation
from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of
nations: but if I may even flatter myself, that they may be
productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that
they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party
spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigues, and
guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope
will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare,
by which they have been dictated. How far, in the discharge of
my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which
have been delineated, the public records, and other evidences of
my conduct, must witness to you and to the world. To myself the
assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed
myself to be guided by them.
31. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my
proclamation on the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan.
Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your
representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that
measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempt
to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination,
with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well
satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the
case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to
take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far
as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation,
perseverance, and firmness.
32. The consideration which respects the right to hold the
conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will
only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter,
that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent
powers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding
a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from
the obligation which justice and humanity impose upon every
nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain
inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other
nations. The inducements of interest for observing that conduct,
will be best referred to your own reflection and experience.
With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time
to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions,
and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of
strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly
speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
33. Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am
unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible
of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed
many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the
Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend.
I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never
cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five
years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal,
the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to
oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated
by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who
views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for
several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation
that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without
alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my
fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free
government--the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy
reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
On closing his presidential career, March 4, 1797, Washington retired to
Mount Vernon, to spend the remnant of his days in retirement. It was not
long, however, before the prospect of a war with France prompted the
nation to ask him to take command of its armies, to which he consented,
although he declared that there would be no war--a conclusion which
subsequent events fully justified. John Adams was president, and he
wrote to Washington:
"We must have your name, if you will in any case permit us to use it.
There will be more efficacy in it than in many an army."
Having said nothing particularly concerning Washington as a
slave-holder, we may add, in closing this chapter, that he believed,
with Jefferson, that slavery was a cruel wrong, and ought to be
abolished. He said to Jefferson, before he was president:
"I never mean, unless some particular circumstances should compel me to
it, to possess another slave by purchase; it being among my first wishes
to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be
abolished by law." In another letter he says, "I can only say there is
not a man living who wishes more sincerely than I do to see a plan
adopted for the abolition of it; but there is only one proper and
effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by
legislative authority, and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall
never be wanting."
During his presidency in New York, Mrs. Washington's favorite maid Ovey
ran away, and she besought her husband to take measures to find her.
Laughing, Washington replied:
"I, who have been fighting for liberty, would appear finely in pursuit
of a runaway slave!"
He freely expressed his abhorrence of slavery to Lafayette during the
war; and when the latter purchased an estate in Cayenne, with the
intention of freeing the slaves upon it, Washington wrote to him:
"Your late purchase is a generous and noble proof of your humanity.
Would to God a like spirit might diffuse itself generally in the minds
of the people of this country!"
His will provided for the emancipation of his slaves, so far as
possible. "Under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held he could
not manumit them." But the will ran thus:
"Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the
slaves whom I hold _in my own right_ shall receive their freedom."
After his death, Mrs. Washington proceeded to emancipate the slaves,
agreeable to his wishes, at expressed in his last "will and testament."
XXIV.
DEATH, AND FUNERAL CEREMONIES.
In December, 1799, there came a cold, bleak morning, with drizzling rain
and sleet.
"I would not go out this uncomfortable day," Mrs. Washington said to her
husband, observing that he was preparing to go out to his daily task.
"It is not much of a storm," Washington replied. "Besides, I have a
piece of work under way that I must superintend."
"I fear that you will take cold," continued Mrs. Washington. "Sitting at
the fire is more fitting for a man of your age than exposing yourself in
such a storm."
He went, however, nor returned until almost time for dinner. His locks
were covered with snow and sleet, and he was quite wet.
Mrs. Washington advised him to change his apparel, but he declined,
saying:
"The wet is of little consequence. I shall soon be dry."
In the evening he read aloud to his family as usual although he was
somewhat hoarse. The next day, the storm was still more severe, and he
remained within doors, complaining of a slight cold. Again he read aloud
to his family in the evening. This was on Friday, the thirteenth day of
December.
On retiring, Mr. Lear, his private secretary, said to him:
"General, you had better take something for your cold."
"No," replied Washington; "you know that I never take anything for a
cold. Let it go as it came."
About three o'clock in the morning he awoke with a chill, feeling very
unwell. Still, he would not allow his wife to get up, fearing that she
might take cold. A servant came in to build a fire, when he sent for Mr.
Rawlins, an overseer, to bleed him, which, at that time, was a method
of treatment universally adopted. The overseer was accustomed to bleed
negroes, but he hesitated to practise on Washington.
"I would not be bled; you need more strength instead of less,"
interposed his wife, but Washington had confidence in the method. "Don't
be afraid," he said to the overseer; "make the orifice large enough."
But he grew worse rapidly, and early in the morning Dr. Craik was sent
for. Washington said to Mr. Lear, his private secretary:
"I cannot last long. I feel that I am going. I believed from the first
that the attack would prove fatal."
"I hope not," answered Mr. Lear, rather surprised by these words. "The
doctor will give you relief, I trust, when he arrives."
"Do you arrange and record all my military letters and papers; arrange
my accounts and settle my books, as you know more about them than any
one else," Washington continued.
"That I will do," replied Mr. Lear; "but I hope you will live many years
yet."
"Do you think of anything else it is essential for me to do? for I am
confident that I shall continue but a very short time with you,"
continued Washington.
"I can think of nothing," answered Mr. Lear, and then repeated his
opinion that he was not so near the end.
Smiling, the great man responded:
"I am certainly near the end, and I look forward to the hour of
dissolution with perfect resignation."
Turning to Mrs. Washington, he said, "Go to my desk, and in the private
drawer you will find two papers; bring them to me."
The papers were brought, when he added, taking one paper in each hand:
"These are my wills. Preserve this one, and burn the other."
Dr. Craik arrived about ten o'clock, and remained with him until his
death. Drs. Brown and Dick were sent for, and every effort possible made
to save his life.
"I am much obliged for all your care and attention," he said to the
physicians; "but do not trouble yourselves any more about me. Let me
pass away quietly. I cannot last long."
Later he said to Dr. Craik:
"Doctor, I die hard, but I am not afraid to go." He was then struggling
for breath.
At eight o'clock in the evening he appeared unable to speak. Mr. Lear
says: