CHAPTER II

THE PRESENT STATUS OF FAMILY LIFE

§ 1. CONTRASTED TYPES

In a beautiful village, in one of the farther western states, two men

were discussing the possible future of the home and of family life.

Sitting in the brilliant moonlight, looking through the leafy shades,

watching the lights of a score of homes, each surrounded by lawn and

shade trees, each with its group on the front porch, where vines trailed

and flowers bloomed, listening to the hum of conversation and the

strains of music in one home and another, it seemed, to at least one of

these men, that this type of living could hardly pass away. The separate

home, each family a complete social integer, each with its own circle of

activities and interests, its own group, and its own table and fireside,

seemed too fine and beautiful, too fair and helpful, to perish under

economic pressure. Indeed, one felt that the village home furnished a

setting for life and a soil for character development far higher and

more efficient than could be afforded by any other domestic

arrangement--that it approached the ideal.

But two weeks later two men sat in an upper room, in the second largest

city in America, discussing again the future of the family. Instead of

the quiet music of the village, the clang of street cars filled the

ears, trains rushed by, children shouted from the paved highway,

families were seated by open windows in crowded apartments, seeking cool

air; the total impression was that of being placed in a pigeonhole in a

huge, heated, filing-case, where each separate space was occupied by a

family. One felt the pressure of heated, crowded kitchens, suffocating

little dining-rooms; one knew that the babies lay crying in their beds

at night, gasping their very lives away, and that the young folks were

wandering off to amusement parks and moving-picture shows. Here was an

entirely different picture. How long could family life persist under

these conditions where privacy was almost gone and comfort almost

unknown?

In the village separate home integers appear ideal; in the city they are

possible only to the few. The many, at present, find them a crushing

burden. Desirable as privacy is, it can be purchased at too high a

price. It costs too much to maintain separate kitchens and dining-rooms

under city conditions.

§ 2. COMMUNAL TENDENCIES

Present conditions spell waste, inefficiency, discomfort. The woman

lives all day in stifling rooms, poorly lighted, with the nerve-racking

life of neighbors pouring itself through walls and windows. The men

come from crowded shops and the children from crowded schoolrooms to

crowd themselves into these rooms, to snatch a meal, or to sleep. How

can there be real family life? What joy can there be or what ideals

created in daily discomfort and distress? Little wonder that such homes

are sleeping-places only, that there is no sense of family intercourse

and unity. Little wonder that restaurant life has succeeded family life.

Many hold that we are ready for a movement into community living, that

just as the social life of the separate house porches in the villages

has become communized into the amusement parks in the cities, so all the

activities of the family will move in the same direction. How long could

the family as a unit continue under these conditions?

The village life will persist for a long time; it may be that, when we

apply scientific methods to the transportation of human beings in the

same measure as we have to the moving of pig iron, we can develop large

belts of real village life all around our industrial centers. But more

and more the village tends to become like the city; in other words,

highly organized communal life is the dominant trend today. Just as

business tends to do on a large scale all that can be more economically

done in larger units, so does the home. We must look for the increasing

prevalence of the city type of life for men and women and for families.

§ 3. THE ECONOMICAL DEVELOPMENT

It is worth while to note, in some brief detail, just what changes are

involved in the tendency toward communal living. At the beginning of the

industrial revolution which ushered in the factory period, each family

was a fairly complete unit in itself. The village was little more than a

nucleus of farmhouses, with a few differing types of units, such as

workers in wood, in wearing apparel, and in tools. The home furnished

nearly all its own food, spun and made its clothes, trained its own

children, and knew scarcely any community endeavor or any syndication of

effort except in the church.

The industrial revolution took labor largely out of the home into the

factory. Except for farm life, the husband became an outside worker and

the older boys followed him to the distant shop or factory. Earning a

living ceased to be a family act and became a social act in a larger

sphere. But in this change it ceased to be a part of the family

educational process. Boys who, from childhood up, had gradually learned

their father's trade in the shop or workroom, which was part of the

house, where they played as children in the shavings, or watched the

glowing sparks in the smithy, now missed the process of a father's

discipline and guidance as their hands acquired facility for their

tasks. The home lost the male adults for from nine to twelve hours of

each day, more than two-thirds of the waking period, and thus it lost a

large share of disciplinary guidance. In the rise of the factory system,

to a large extent the family lost the father.

When the workshop left the home its most efficient school was taken from

it. The lessons may have been limited, crude, and deadly practical, but

the method approximated to the ideals which modern pedagogy seeks to

realize. Among the shavings children learned by doing; schooling was

perfectly natural; it involved all the powers; it had the incalculable

value of informality and reality. The father gone and the mother still

fully occupied with her tasks, the children lost that practical training

for life which home industry had afforded. On the one hand, the young

became the victims of idleness and, on the other, the prey of the

voracious factory system.

This condition gave rise to the public-school system. It appealed to

Robert Raikes and others. The school appeared and took over the child.

Of course schools had existed, here and there, long before this, but now

they had an enlarged responsibility; they must act almost in the place

of the parents for the formal training of children. Having lost the

father and older males for the greater portion of the day, the home now

loses the children of from seven to the "'teen" years for five or six

hours of the day. The mother is left at home with the babies. The

family, once living under one roof, now is found scattered; it has

reached out into factory and school. Its hours of unified life have been

markedly reduced.

But the factory system soon had a reflex influence on the home. That

which was made in the factory came back into the home, not only in the

form of the articles formerly made by the men, but in those made by the

women. Clothes, candles, butter, cheese, preserves, and meat--all

formerly home products for the use of the family producing them--now

were prepared in larger quantities, by mechanical processes, and were

brought back into the home. Woman's labor was lightened; the older girls

were liberated from the loom and they began to seek occupation,

education, and diversion according to their opportunities in life.

That last step made it possible for people to think of the communization

of home industry, to think of eating food cooked in other ovens than

their own, to think of one oven large enough for a whole village. Many

interesting experiments in co-operative living immediately sprang up.

But the next step came slowly and, even now, is only firmly established

in the cities, in the actual abandonment of the family kitchen for the

community kitchen in the form of the restaurant. In such families we

have unity only in the hours of sleep and recreation.

Along with abandonment of the separate kitchen there has proceeded

the abandonment of the parlor in the homes of the middle classes.

To lose the old, mournful front room may be no subject for tears,

but the loss of the evening family group, about the fireside or

the reading-lamp, is a real and sad loss. The commercialized amusements

have offered greater attractions to vigorous youth. The theater and

its lesser satellites, amusements, entertainments, lectures, the

lyceum, and recreation-by-proxy in ball games and matches have taken

the place of united family recreation. Of course this has been a

natural development of the older village play-life and has been by

no means an unmixed ill.

Now, behold, what has become of the old-time home life! The family that

spent nearly twenty-four hours together now spends a scarce seven or

eight, and these are occupied in sleeping! Little wonder that the next

step is taken--the abandonment of this remainder, the sleep period,

under a domestic roof, as the family moves into a hotel!

Along with the tendency toward communal working and eating we see the

tendency to communal living by the development of the apartment

building. Since roof-trees are so expensive, and since in a practical

age, few of us can afford to pay for sentiment, why not put a dozen

families under one roof-tree? True we sacrifice lawns, gardens, natural

places for children to play; we lose birds and flowers and the charm of

evening hours on porches, or galleries, but think of what we gain in

bricks and mortar, in labor saved from splitting wood and shoveling

coal, in janitor service! The transition is now complete; the home is

simply that item in the economic machinery which will best furnish us

storage for our sleeping bodies and our clothes!

We are undoubtedly in a period of great changes in family life, and no

family can count on escaping the influence of the change. The one single

outstanding and most potent change, so far as the character of family

life is concerned, is, in the United States, the rapid polarization of

population in the cities. The United States Census Bureau counts all

residents in cities of over 8,000 population as "urban." In 1800 the

"urban" population was 4 per cent of the total population; in 1850 it

was 12.5 per cent; in 1870, 20.9 per cent; in 1890, 29.2 per cent; in

1900, 33.1 per cent; in 1910 it was estimated at 40 per cent.[2] Here

is a trend so clearly marked that we cannot deny its reality, while its

significance is familiar to everyone today.

However, the village type remains; there are still many homes where a

measure of family unity persists, where at least in one meal daily and,

for purposes of sleeping and, occasionally, for the evening hours of

recreation, there is a consciousness of home life. Yet the most remote

village feels the pressure of change. The few homes conforming to the

older ideals are recognized as exceptional. The city draws the village

and rural family to itself, and the contagion of its customs and ideals

spreads through the villages and affects the forms of living there.

Youths become city dwellers and do not cease to scoff at the village

unless later years give them wisdom to appreciate its higher values. The

standard of domestic organization is established by the city; that type

of living is the ideal toward which nearly all are striving.

The important question for all persons is whether the changes now taking

place in family life are good or ill. It is impossible to say whether

the whole trend is for the better; the many elements are too diverse and

often apparently conflicting. Faith in the orderly development of

society gives ground for belief that these changes ultimately work for a

higher type of family life. The city may be regarded as only a

transition stage in social evolution--the compacting of masses of

persons together that out of the new fusing and welding may arise new

methods of social living. The larger numbers point to more highly

developed forms of social organization. When these larger units discover

their greater purposes, above factory and mill and store, and realize

them in personal values, the city life will be a more highly developed

mechanism for the higher life of man. The home life will develop along

with that city life.

§ 4. PURPOSEFUL ORGANIZATION

At present the home is suffering, just as the city is suffering, from a

lack of that purposeful organization which will order the parts aright

and subject the processes to the most important and ultimate purposes.

The city is simply an aggregation of persons, scarcely having any

conscious organization, thrown together for purposes of industry. It

will before very long organize itself for purposes of personal welfare

and education. The family is usually a group bound in ties of struggle

for shelter, food, and pleasure. Such consciousness as it possesses is

that of being helplessly at the mercy of conflicting economic forces.

The adjustment of those forces, their subjection to man's higher

interests, must come in the future and will help the family to freedom

to discover its true purpose.

It is easy to insist on the responsibility of parents for the

character-training of their children, but it is difficult to see how

that responsibility can be properly discharged under industrial

conditions that take both father and mother out of the home the whole

day and leave them too weary to stay awake in the evening, too poor to

furnish decent conditions of living, and too apathetic under the dull

monotony of labor to care for life's finer interests. The welfare of the

family is tied up with the welfare of the race; if progress can be

secured in one part progress in the whole ensues.

There are those who raise the question whether family life is a

permanent form of social organization for which we may wisely contend,

or is but a phase from which the race is now emerging. Some see signs

that the ties of marriage will be but temporary, that children will be

born, not into families but into the life of the state, bearing only

their mothers' names and knowing no brothers and sisters save in the

brotherhood of the state. Whether the permanent elements in family life

furnish a sufficiently worthy basis for its preservation is a subject

for careful consideration.

§ 5. THE HOME AND THE FAMILY

The family is more important than the home, just as the man is more than

his clothing. The form of the home changes; the life of the family

continues unchanged in its essential characteristics. The family causes

the home to be. Professor Arthur J. Todd insists that the family is the

basis of marriage, rather than marriage the cause of the family.[3]

Small groups for protection and social living would precede formal

arrangements of monogamy. Westermarck concludes that it was "for the

benefit of the young that male and female continued to live

together."[4] The importance of this consideration for us lies in the

thought of the overshadowing importance of this social group which we

now call the family. The family is the primary cell of society, the

first unit in social organization. Our thought must balance itself

between the importance of this social group, to be preserved in its

integrity, and the value of the home, with its varied forms of activity

and ministry, as a means of preserving and developing this group, the

family.

One hears today many pessimistic utterances regarding the modern home.

Some even tell us that it is doomed to become extinct. Without doubt

great economic changes in society are producing profound changes in the

organization and character of the home. But the home has always been

subject to such changes; the factor which we need to watch with greater

care is the family; the former is but the shell of the latter.

The character of each home will depend largely on the economic condition

of those who dwell in it. The homes of every age will reflect the social

conditions of that age. The picture in historical romances of the home

of the mediaeval period, where the factory, or shop, joined the

dining-room, where the apprentices ate and roomed in the home, where one

might be compelled to furnish and provision his home literally as his

castle for defense, presents a marked difference to the home of this

century tending to syndicate all its labors with all the other homes of

the community. Since the home is simply the organization and mechanism

of the family life, it is most susceptible to material and social

changes. It varies as do the fashions of men.

Much that we assume to be detrimental to the life of the home is simply

due to the fact that in the evolution of society the family, as it were,

puts on a new suit of clothes, adopts new forms of organization to meet

the changing external conditions.

§ 6. THE HOME CHANGING; THE FAMILY ABIDING

The home is of importance only as a tool, a means to the final ends of

the family life; the test of its efficiency is not whether it maintains

traditional forms but whether it best serves the highest aims of family

life. We may abandon all the older customs; our regret for them, as we

look back on the days of home cooking, cannot be any greater than the

regrets of our parents or grandparents looking back on the

spinning-wheel and the hand loom that cumbered the kitchen of their

childhood. Surely no one contends that family life has deteriorated,

that human character is one whit the poorer, because we have discarded

the family spinning-wheel. Through the changes of a developing

civilization, as man has moved from the time when each one built his own

house, worked with his own tools to make all his supplies, to these days

of specialized service in community living, the home has changed with

each step of industrial progress, but the family has remained

practically unchanged.

The family stands a practically unchanging factor of personal qualities

at the center of our civilization; the family rather than the home

determines the character of the coming days. In its social relationships

are rooted the things that are best in all our lives. In its social

training lie the solutions of more problems in social adjustment and

development than we are willing to admit. The family is the soil of

society, central to all its problems and possibilities.

Before church or school the family stands potent for character. We are

what we are, not by the ideals held before us for thirty minutes a week

or once a month in a church, nor by the instructions given in the

classroom; we are what parents, kin, and all the circumstances that have

touched us daily and hourly for years have determined we should be.

The sweetest memories of our lives cluster about the scenes of family

life. The rose-embowered cottage of the poet is not the only spot that

claims affectionate gratitude; many look back to a city house wedged

into its monotonous row. But, wherever it might be, if it sheltered love

and held a shrine where the altar fires of family sacrifice burned,

earth has no fairer or more sacred spot. The people rather than the

place made it potent.

Stronger even than the memories that remain are the marks of habits,

tendencies, tastes, and dispositions there acquired. Many a man who has

left no fortune worth recording to his sons has left them something

better, the aptitude for things good and honorable, the memory of a good

name, and the heritage of a life that was worthy of honor. The personal

life has been always the enduring thing. Our concern for the future

should be not whether we can pass on intact the forms of home

organization, but whether we can give to the next day the force of ideal

family life. Perhaps like Mary we would do well to turn our eyes from

the much serving, the mechanisms of the home, to set our minds on the

better part, the personal values in the association of lives in the

family.

I. References for Study

W.F. Lofthouse, _Ethics and the Family_, chaps. ii, xi, xii. Hodder

& Stoughton, $2.50.

Charles R. Henderson, _Social Duties from the Christian Point of

View_, chaps. ii, iii. The University of Chicago Press, $1.25.

C.W. Votaw, _Progress of Moral and Religious Education in the

American Home_. Religious Education Association, $0.25.

II. Further Reading

Jacob A. Riis, _Peril and Preservation of the Home_. Jacobs,

Philadelphia, Pa., $1.00.

Charles R. Henderson, _Social Elements_. Scribner, $1.50.

Charles F. Thwing, _The Recovery of the Home_. American Baptist

Publication Society, $0.15.

III. Topics for Discussion

1. The tendency toward community life illustrated in the schools,

amusement parks, and hotel life. Remembering the ultimate purpose

of the family, how far is communal life desirable?

2. Does the apartment or tenement building furnish a suitable

condition for the higher purposes of the family?

3. Is it possible to restore to the home some of the benefits lost

by present factory consolidation of industry?

4. What can take the place of the old household arts and of those

which are now passing?

5. What steps should be taken to secure to the family a larger

measure of the time in terms of occupation of the parents?

6. What are the important things to contend for in this

institution? Why should we expect change in the form of the home

and what are the features which should not be changed?

FOOTNOTES:

[2] Figures taken from C.W. Votaw, _Progress of Moral and Religious

Education in the American Home_, 1911.

[3] A.J. Todd, _Primitive Family and Education_, p. 21. A most valuable

and suggestive book.

[4] Cited by Todd, p. 21.

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