The night was one of horror. Every minute the men were under heavy

bombardment. At dawn on March 11th the dauntless British infantry rushed

from the trenches in an effort to carry Aubers, but the enemy artillery

now greatly reinforced made that task an impossible one. The trenches

occupied by the British forces were consolidated and the salient made by

the push was held by the British with bulldog tenacity.

The number of men employed in the action on the British side was

forty-eight thousand. During the early surprise of the action the loss

was slight. Had the wire in front of the Twenty-third Brigade been cut

by the artillery assigned to such action, and had the telephone system

not been destroyed the success of the thrust would have been complete.

The delay of four and a half hours between the first and second phases

of the attack caused virtually all the losses sustained by the attacking

force. The total casualties were 12,811 men of the British forces. Of

these 1,751 officers and privates were taken prisoners and 10,000

officers and men were killed and wounded.

The action continued throughout Thursday, March 11th, with little change

in the general situation. The British still held Neuve Chapelle and

their intrenchments threatened Aubers. On Friday morning, March 12th,

the Crown Prince of Bavaria made a desperate attempt under cover of a

heavy fog to recapture the village. The effort was made in

characteristic German dense formations. The Westphalian and Bavarian

troops came out of Biez Wood in waves of gray-green, only to be blown to

pieces by British guns already loaded and laid on the mark. Elsewhere

the British waited until the Germans were scarcely more than fifty paces

away when they opened with deadly rapid fire before which the German

waves melted like snow before steam. It was such slaughter as the

British had experienced when held up before Aubers. Slaughter that

staggered Germany.

So ended Neuve Chapelle, a battle in which the decision rested with the

British, a victory for which a fearful price had been paid but out of

which came a confidence that was to hearten the British nation and to

put sinews of steel into the British army for the dread days to come.

The story of Neuve Chapelle was repeated in large and in miniature many

times during the deadlock of trench warfare on the western front until

victory finally came to the Allies. During those years the western

battle front lay like a wounded snake across France and Belgium. It

writhed and twisted, now this way, now that, as one side or the other

gambled with men and shells and airplanes for some brief advantage. It

bent back in a great bulge when von Hindenburg made his famous retreat

in the winter of 1916 after the Allies had pressed heavily against the

Teutonic front upon the ghastly field of the Somme. The record is one of

great value to military strategists, to the layman it is only a

succession of artillery barrages, of gas attacks, of aerial

reconnaissances and combats.

One day grew to be very much like another in that deadlock of pythons. A

play for position here was met by a counter-thrust in another place.

German inventions were out-matched and outnumbered by those coming from

the Allied side.

Trench warfare became the daily life of the men. They learned to fight

and live in the open. The power of human adaptation to abnormal

conditions was never better exemplified than in those weary, dreary

years on the western front.

The fighting-lines consisted generally of one, two, or three lines of

shelter-trenches lying parallel, measuring twenty or twenty-five inches

in width, and varying in length according to the number they hold; the

trenches were joined together by zigzag approaches and by a line of

reinforced trenches (armed with machine guns), which were almost

completely proof against rifle, machine gun, or gun fire. The ordinary

German trenches were almost invisible from 350 yards away, a distance

which permitted a very deadly fire. It is easy to realize that if the

enemy occupied three successive lines and a line of reinforced

intrenchments, the attacking line was likely, at the lowest estimate, to

be decimated during an advance of 350 yards--by rifle fire at a range of

350 yards' distance, and by the extremely quick fire of the machine

guns, each of which delivered from 300 to 600 bullets a minute with

absolute precision. In the field-trench, a soldier enjoyed far greater

security than he would if merely prone behind his knapsack in an

excavation barely fifteen inches deep. He had merely to stoop down a

little to disappear below the level of the ground and be immune from

infantry fire; moreover, his machine guns fired without endangering him.

In addition, this stooping position brought the man's knapsack on a

level with his helmet, thus forming some protection against shrapnel and

shell-splinters.

At the back of the German trenches shelters were dug for

non-commissioned officers and for the commander of the unit.

[Illustration: Painting: Several planes flying over troops in a

demolished town.]

THE STRUGGLE FOR ARMENTIERES

Allied forces holding up a German attack on the Lys Canal. Airplanes

flying low peppered the Germans with machine guns and broke up their

concentrations, aiding greatly in the severe repulse of the attacking

Huns.

[Illustration: Painting]

AFTER A DRIVE ON THE SOMME

British advancing over the captured German trenches, after heavy

artillery fire had reduced them to tangled ruins and crushed their

powers of resistance.

Ever since the outbreak of the war, the French troops in Lorraine, after

severe experiences, realized rapidly the advantages of the German

trenches, and began to study those they had taken gloriously. Officers,

non-commissioned officers, and men of the engineers were straightway

detached in every unit to teach the infantry how to construct similar

shelters. The education was quick, and very soon they had completed the

work necessary for the protection of all. The tools of the enemy

"casualties," the spades and picks left behind in deserted villages,

were all gladly piled on to the French soldiers' knapsacks, to be

carried willingly by the very men who used to grumble at being loaded

with even the smallest regulation tool. As soon as night had set in on

the occasion of a lull in the fighting, the digging of the trenches was

begun. Sometimes, in the darkness, the men of each fighting nation--less

than 500 yards away from their enemy--would hear the noise of the

workers of the foe: the sounds of picks and axes; the officers' words of

encouragement; and tacitly they would agree to an armistice during which

to dig shelters from which, in the morning, they would dash out, to

fight once more.

Commodious, indeed, were some of the trench barracks. One French soldier

wrote:

"In really up-to-date intrenchments you may find kitchens, dining-rooms,

bedrooms, and even stables. One regiment has first class cow-sheds. One

day a whimsical 'piou-piou,' finding a cow wandering about in the

danger zone, had the bright idea of finding shelter for it in the

trenches. The example was quickly followed, and at this moment the

----th Infantry possess an underground farm, in which fat kine, well

cared for, give such quantities of milk that regular distributions of

butter are being made--and very good butter, too."

But this is not all. An officer writes home a tale of yet another one of

the comforts of home added to the equipment of the trenches:

"We are clean people here. Thanks to the ingenuity of ----, we are able

to take a warm bath every day from ten to twelve. We call this teasing

the 'bosches,' for this bathing-establishment of the latest type is

fitted up--would you believe it?--in the trenches!"

CHAPTER XVIII

STEADFAST SOUTH AFRICA

When Germany struck at the heart of France through Belgium simultaneous

action was undertaken by the German Command in Southwest Africa through

propaganda and mobilization of the available German troops. Insidiously

and by the use of money systematic propaganda was instituted to corrupt

the Boers against their allegiance to the Union of South Africa. One

great character stood like a rock against all their efforts. It was the

character of General Louis Botha, formerly arrayed in battle against the

British during the Boer uprising.

With characteristic determination he formulated plans for the invasion

of German Southwest Africa without asking permission of the citizens of

the South African Union or of the British Foreign Office. His vision

comprehended an invasion that would have as its culmination a

British-Boer colony where the German colony had been, and that from

Cable Bay to the source of the Nile there would be one mighty union,

with a great trunk railway feeding Egypt, the Soudan, Rhodesia, Uganda,

and the Union of South Africa. An able lieutenant to Botha was General

Smuts. He co-operated with his chief in a campaign of education. They

pointed out the absolute necessity for deafness to the German tempters,

and succeeded in obtaining full co-operation for the Botha plan of

invasion from the British Imperial Government and the South African

Union. Concerning this agreement General Botha said:

"To forget their loyalty to the empire in this hour of trial would be

scandalous and shameful, and would blacken South Africa in the eyes of

the whole world. Of this South Africans were incapable. They had endured

some of the greatest sacrifices that could be demanded of a people, but

they had always kept before them ideals, founded on Christianity, and

never in their darkest days had they sought to gain their ends by

treasonable means. The path of treason was an unknown path to Dutch and

English alike.

"Their duty and their conscience alike bade them be faithful and true to

the Imperial Government in all respects in this hour of darkness and

trouble. That was the attitude of the Union Government; that was the

attitude of the people of South Africa. The government had cabled to the

Imperial Government at the outbreak of war, offering to undertake the

defense of South Africa, thereby releasing the Imperial troops for

service elsewhere. This was accepted, and the Union Defense Force was

mobilized."

Preliminary to the invasion of German Southwest Africa, General Botha

proclaimed martial law throughout the Union. The first act in

consequence of this proclamation was the arrest of a number of

conspirators who were planning sedition throughout the Union. The head

of this conspiracy was Lieutenant-Colonel S. G. Maritz. General Beyers

and General De Wet, both Boer officers of high standing, co-operated

with Maritz in an abortive rebellion. The situation was most trying for

the native Boers and, to their credit be it recorded, the great majority

of them stood out strongly against the Germans. Vigorous action by Botha

and Smuts smashed the rebellion in the fall of 1914. A force acting

under General Botha in person attacked the troops under General Beyers

at Rustemburg on October 27th, and on the next day General Beyers sought

refuge in flight. A smaller force acting under General Kemp was also

routed on November 5th.

General De Wet opened his campaign of rebellion on November 7th in an

action at Wimburg, where he defeated a smaller force of Loyalists under

General Cronje. The decisive battle at Marquard occurred on November

12th, Botha commanding the Loyalists forces in person and De Wet the

rebels. The victory of Botha in this fierce engagement was complete. De

Wet was routed and was captured on December 1st with a rear-guard of

fifty-two men. General Beyers was drowned on December 9th while

attempting to escape from the Vall into the Transvaal. This virtually

ended all opposition to General Botha. The invasion of German Southwest

Africa began on January 5, 1915, and was one uninterrupted chapter of

successes. Through jungle and swamp, swept by torrential rains and

encountering obstacles that would have disheartened any but the stoutest

heart, the little force of invasion swept forward. Most of the

engagements by the enemy were in the nature of guerrilla and rear-guard

actions. The backbone of the German command was broken and the remaining

forces capitulated in July, 1915.

With the capitulation came the story of the German mismanagement in

Southwest Africa, and particularly their horrible treatment of the

Hereros and Hottentots in the country misgoverned by them. An official

report fully authenticated was made and none of its essential details

were refuted.

The report told the story of how the German authorities exterminated the

native Hereros. When Germany annexed the country in 1890 they were

believed to possess well over 150,000 head of cattle. After the

rinderpest scourge of 1897 they still owned something like 90,000 head.

By 1902, less than ten years after the arrival of the first German

settlers, the Hereros had only 45,898 head of cattle, while the 1,051

German traders and farmers then in the country owned 44,487. The policy

of robbing and killing the natives had by that time received the

sanction of Berlin. By the end of 1905 the surviving Hereros had been

reduced to pauperism and possessed nothing at all. In 1907 the Imperial

German Government by ordinance prohibited the natives of Southwest

Africa from possessing live stock.

The wholesale theft of the natives' cattle, their only wealth, with the

direct connivance and approval of the Berlin Government, was one of the

primary causes of the Herero rebellion of 1904. The revolt was

suppressed with characteristic German ruthlessness. But the Germans were

not content with a mere suppression of the rising; they had decided upon

the practical extinction of the whole tribe. For this purpose Leutwein,

who was apparently regarded as too lenient, was superseded by von

Trotha, noted for his merciless severity. He had played a notorious part

in the Chinese Boxer rebellion, and had just suppressed the Arab rising

in German East Africa by the wholesale massacre of men, women, and

children. As a preliminary von Trotha invited the Herero chiefs to come

in and make peace, "as the war was now over," and promptly shot them in

cold blood. Then he issued his notorious "extermination order," in terms

of which no Herero--man, woman, child, or babe--was to receive mercy or

quarter. "Kill every one of them," he said, "and take no prisoners."

The hanging of natives was a common occurrence. A German officer had the

right to order a native to be hanged. No trial or court was necessary.

Many were hanged merely on suspicion.

The Hereros were far more humane in the field than the Germans. They

were once a fine race. Now there is only a miserable remnant left.

This is amply proved by official German statistics. Out of between

80,000 and 90,000 souls, only about 15,000 starving and fugitive Hereros

were alive at the end of 1905, when von Trotha relinquished his task. In

1911, after all rebellions had been suppressed and tranquillity

restored, the government had a census taken. The figures, reproduced

below, speak for themselves:

Estimate Official Census

1904 1911

Decrease

Hereros 80,000 15,130 64,870

Hottentots 20,000 9,781 10,219

Berg-Damaras 30,000 12,831 17,169

------- ------ ------

130,000 37,742 92,258

In other words, eighty per cent of the Herero people disappeared, and

more than half of the Hottentot and Berg-Damara races shared the same

fate. Dr. Paul Rohrbach's dictum, "It is applicable to a nation in the

same way as to the individual that the right of existence is primarily

justified in the degree that such existence is useful for progress and

general development," comes forcible to mind. These natives of Southwest

Africa had been, weighed in the German balance and had been found

wanting.

Germany lost more than a million square miles of territory in Africa as

a direct consequence of General Botha's bold action. These are divided

in four great regions, Southwest Africa, Kamerun, Togo and East Africa.

Togoland as this region is popularly known extends from the north shore

of the Gulf of Guinea into the interior and is bounded by French and

British colonies. By a joint attack of French and British forces,

beginning the second week in August, 1914, the German power in this rich

domain was completely broken, and the conquest of Togoland was complete

on August 26, 1914. The military operation was of a desultory nature,

and the losses negligible in view of the area of 33,000 square miles of

highly productive land passed from German control.

The fighting in the great region of Kamerun was somewhat more stubborn

than that in Togoland. The villages of Bonaberi and Duala were

particularly well defended. The British and French fought through swamps

and jungle under the handicap of terrific heat, and always with victory

at the end of the engagement. The conquest of the Kamerun was complete

by the end of June, 1915. In addition to the operations by the British

and French a combined Belgian and French force captured Molundu and

Ngaundera in the German Congo.

The raids by General Botha on German Southwest Africa, commenced on

September 27, 1914. A series of brilliant strategic actions resulted in

the conquest of a region once and a half the size of the German Empire

at the time the Great War began. A British description of the operation

states:

The occupation of Windhoek was effected by General Botha's North

Damaraland forces working along the railway from Swakopmund. At the

former place General Vanderventer joined up with General Botha's forces.

The force from Swakopmund met with considerable opposition, first at

Tretskopje, a small township in the great Namib Desert fifty miles to

the northeast of Swakopmund, and secondly at Otjimbingwe, on the Swakop

River, sixty miles northwest of Windhoek. Apart from these two

determined stands, however, little other opposition was encountered, and

Karibib was occupied on May 5th and Okahandja and Windhoek on May 12th.

With the fall of the latter place, 3,000 Europeans and 12,000 natives

became prisoners.

The wireless station--one of Germany's most valuable high-power

stations, which was able to communicate with one relay only, with

Berlin--was captured almost intact, and much rolling stock also fell

into the hands of the Union forces.

The advance from the south along the Luderitzbucht-Seeheim-Keetmanshoop

Railway, approximately 500 miles in length, was made by two forces which

joined hands at Keetmanshoop. The advance from Aus (captured on April

10th) was made by General Smuts's forces. Colonel (afterward General)

Vanderventer, moving up from the direction of Warmbad and Kalkfontein,

around the flanks of Karas Mountain, pushed on after reaching

Keetmanshoop in the direction of Gibeon. Bethany had previously been

occupied during the advance to Seeheim. At Kabus, twenty miles to the

north of Keetmanshoop, and at Gibeon pitched battles were fought between

General Vanderventer's forces and the enemy. No other opposition of

importance was encountered, and the operations were brought to a

successful conclusion.

The stiffest fighting in all Africa came in German East Africa. It began

in late September, 1914, and continued until mid-June, 1915. The

Germans, curiously enough, commenced the offensive here with an attack

upon Monbasa, the terminus of the Uganda railway and the capital of

British East Africa. The attack was planned as a joint naval and

military operation, the German cruiser Koenigsburg being assigned to

move into the harbor and bombard the town simultaneously with the

assault by land. The plan went awry when the presence of British

warships frightened off the Koenigsburg. The land attack was easily

checked by a detachment of the King's African Rifles and native Arabian

troops until the detachments of Indian Regulars arrived upon the scene.

The enemy thereupon retreated to his original plans.

British reprisals came early in November, when the towns of Tanga and

Gassin were attacked by British troops. The troops selected for this

adventure numbered 6,000 and carried only food, water, guns and

munitions. No protection of any kind nor any other equipment was taken

by the soldiers. Reinforcements to the German forces delayed the capture

of Gassin until January. A garrison of three hundred men was left there

and this in turn was besieged by three thousand Germans. After a

stubborn defense the Germans recaptured the town. A union of two British

forces was accomplished early in June, 1915. One of these cut through

German East Africa along the Kagera River and the other advanced on

steamers from Kisumu. They met the enemy on June 22d and defeated it

with heavy casualties. Later General Tighe, commanding the combined

British forces, was congratulated on the completeness of his victory on

June 28th, by General Kitchener.

The territory acquired by the British as a consequence of the invasion

of Germany's African possessions, possesses formidable natural barriers,

but once these are past the traveller finds lands of wonderful fertility

and great natural resources. Approaching German Southwest Africa from

the east access is across the Kalahari Desert. This in its trackless

desolation, its frequent sandstorms and torrid heat through which only

the hardiest and best provisioned caravans may penetrate is worse than

the worst that Sahara can show. There is not a sign of life. Approached

from the sea the principal port is Walfish Bay, a fair harbor that was

improved by the British when they occupied it. Near Walfish some of the

largest diamonds in the history of the world have been found and gold

fields of considerable richness have been worked. The climate of German

Southwest Africa, after the torrential storms of the seacoast and the

terrific heat of the desert have been passed, is one of the most

salubrious in the world. It is unique among African regions in the

opportunities it affords for colonization by white men. Great Britain

possessed large holdings of this land before Germany came into

possession, but abandoned them under the belief that the region was

comparatively worthless. There was no misapprehension on this score when

all of the lands came into the possession of England as the result of

the war.

CHAPTER XIX

ITALY DECLARES WAR ON AUSTRIA

For many years before the great war began the great powers of Europe

were divided into two great alliances, the Triple Entente, composed of

Russia, France and England, and the Triple Alliance, composed of

Germany, Austria and Italy. When the war began Italy refused to join

with Germany and Austria. Why? The answer to this question throws a

vivid light on the origin of the war.

Italy was a member of the Triple Alliance; she knew the facts, not only

what was given to the public, but the inside facts. According to the

terms of the alliance each member was bound to stand by each other only

in case of attack. Italy refused to join with Austria and Germany

because they were the aggressors. The constant assertions of the German

statesmen, and of the Kaiser himself, that war had been forced upon them

were declared untrue by their associate Italy in the very beginning, and

the verdict of Italy was the verdict of the world. Not much was said in

the beginning about Italy's abstention from war. The Germans, indeed,

sneered a little and hinted that some day Italy would be made to regret

her course, but now that the Teuton snake is scotched the importance of

Italy's action has been perceived and appraised at its true value.

The Germans from the very beginning understood the real danger that

might come to the Central Powers through Italian action. Every effort

was made by the foreign office to keep her neutral. First threats were

used, later promises were held out of addition to Italian territory if

she would send her troops to Germany's assistance. When this failed the

most strenuous efforts were made to keep Italy neutral, and a former

German premier, Prince von Bulow, was sent to Italy for this purpose.

Socialist leaders, too, were sent from Germany to urge the Italian

Socialists to insist upon neutrality.

In July, 1914, the Italian Government was not taken by surprise. They

had observed the increase year by year of the German army and of the

German fleet. At the end of the Balkan wars they had been asked whether

they would agree to an Austrian attack upon Serbia. They had

consequently long been deliberating as to what their course should be in

case of war, and they had made up their minds that under no

circumstances would they aid Germany against England.

Quite independently of her long-standing friendship with England it

would be suicide to Italy in her geographical position to enter a war

which should permit her coast to be attacked by the English and French

navies, and her participation in the Triple Alliance always carried the

proviso that it did not bind her to fight England. This was well known

in the German foreign office, and, indeed, in France where the writers

upon war were reckoning confidently on the withdrawing of Italy from the

Triple Alliance, and planning to use the entire forces of France against

Germany.

A better understanding of the Italian position will result from a

consideration of the origin of the Triple Alliance.

After the war of 1870, Bismarck, perceiving the quick recovery of

France, considered the advisability of attacking her again, and, to use

his own words, "bleeding her white." He found, however, that if this

were attempted France would be joined by Russia and England and he gave

up this plan. In order, however, to render France powerless he planned

an alliance which should be able to control Europe. A league between

Germany, Austria and Russia was his desire, and for some time every

opportunity was taken to develop friendship with the Czar. Russia,

however, remained cool. Her Pan-Slavonic sympathies were opposed to the

interests of Germany. Bismarck, therefore, determined, without losing

the friendship of Russia, to persuade Italy to join in the continental

combination. Italy, at the time, was the least formidable of the six

great powers, but Bismarck foresaw that she could be made good use of in

such a combination.

At that time Italy, just after the completion of Italian unity, found

herself in great perplexity. Her treatment of the Pope had brought about

the hostility of Roman Catholics throughout the world. She feared both

France and Austria, who were strong Catholic countries, and hardly knew

where to look for friends. The great Italian leader at the time was

Francesco Crispi, who, beginning as a Radical and a conspirator, had

become a constitutional statesman. Bismarck professed the greatest

friendship for Crispi, and gave Crispi to understand that he approved of

Italy's aspirations on the Adriatic and in Tunis.

The next year, however, at the Berlin Congress, Italy's interests were

ignored, and finally, in 1882, France seized Tunis, to the great

indignation of the Italians. It has been shown in more recent times that

the French seizure of Tunis was directly due to Bismarck's instigation.

The Italians having been roused to wrath, Bismarck proceeded to offer

them a place in the councils of the Triple Alliance. It was an easy

argument that such an alliance would protect them against France, and no

doubt it was promised that it would free them from the danger of attack

by Austria. England, at the time, was isolated, and Italy continued on

the best understanding with her.

The immediate result of the alliance was a growth of Italian hostility

toward France, which led, in 1889, to a tariff war on France. Meanwhile

German commercial and financial enterprises were pushed throughout the

Italian peninsula. What did Italy gain by this? Her commerce was

weakened, and Austria permitted herself every possible unfriendly act

except open war.

As time went on Germany and Austria became more and more arrogant.

Italy's ambitions on the Balkan peninsula were absolutely ignored. In

1908 Austria appropriated Bosnia and Herzegovina, another blow to Italy.

By this time Italy understood the situation well, and that same year,

seeing no future for herself in Europe, she swooped down on Tripoli. In

doing this she forestalled Germany herself, for Germany had determined

to seize Tripoli.

Both Germany and Austria were opposed to this action of Italy, but

Italy's eyes were now open. Thirty years of political alliance had

created no sympathy among the Italians for the Germans. Moreover, it was

not entirely a question of policy. The lordly arrogance of the Prussians

caused sharp antagonism. The Italians were lovers of liberty; the

Germans pledged toward autocracy. They found greater sympathy in England

and in France.

"I am a son of liberty," said Cavour, "to her I owe all that I am."

That, too, is Italy's motto. When the war broke out popular sympathy in

Italy was therefore strongly in favor of the Allies. The party in power,

the Liberals, adopted the policy of neutrality for the time being, but

thousands of Italians volunteered for the French and British service,

and the anti-German feeling grew greater as time went on.

Finally, on the 23rd of May, 1915, the Italian Government withdrew its

ambassador to Austria and declared war. A complete statement of the

negotiations between Italy and Austria-Hungary, which led to this

declaration, was delivered to the Government of the United States by the

Italian Ambassador on May 25th. This statement, of which the following

is an extract, lucidly presented the Italian position:

"The Triple Alliance was essentially defensive, and designed solely to

preserve the status quo, or in other words equilibrium, in Europe. That

these were its only objects and purposes is established by the letter

and spirit of the treaty, as well as by the intentions clearly described

and set forth in official acts of the ministers who created the alliance

and confirmed and renewed it in the interests of peace, which always has

inspired Italian policy. The treaty, as long as its intents and purposes

had been loyally interpreted and regarded, and as long as it had not

been used as a pretext for aggression against others, greatly

contributed to the elimination and settlement of causes of conflict, and

for many years assured to Europe the inestimable benefits of peace. But

Austria-Hungary severed the treaty by her own hands. She rejected the

response of Serbia which gave to her all the satisfaction she could

legitimately claim. She refused to listen to the conciliatory proposals

presented by Italy in conjunction with other powers in the effort to

spare Europe from a vast conflict, certain to drench the Continent with

blood and to reduce it to ruin beyond the conception of human

imagination, and finally she provoked that conflict.

"Article first of the treaty embodied the usual and necessary obligation

of such pacts--the pledge to exchange views upon any fact and economic

questions of a general nature that might arise pursuant to its terms.

None of the contracting parties had the right to undertake without a

previous agreement any step the consequence of which might impose a duty

upon the other signatories arising under the alliance, or which would in

any way whatsoever encroach upon their vital interests. This article was

violated by Austria-Hungary, when she sent to Serbia her note dated July

23, 1914, an action taken without the previous assent of Italy. Thus,

Austria-Hungary violated beyond doubt one of the fundamental provisions

of the treaty. The obligation of Austria-Hungary to come to a previous

understanding with Italy was the greater because her obstinate policy

against Serbia gave rise to a situation which directly tended toward the

provocation of a European war.

"As far back as the beginning of July, 1914, the Italian Government,

preoccupied by the prevailing feeling in Vienna, caused to be laid

before the Austro-Hungarian Government a number of suggestions advising

moderation, and warning it of the impending danger of a European

outbreak. The course adopted by Austria-Hungary against Serbia

constituted, moreover, a direct encroachment upon the general interests

of Italy both political and economical in the Balkan peninsula.

Austria-Hungary could not for a moment imagine that Italy could remain

indifferent while Serbian independence was being trodden upon. On a

number of occasions theretofore, Italy gave Austria to understand, in

friendly but clear terms, that the independence of Serbia was considered

by Italy as essential to the Balkan equilibrium. Austria-Hungary was

further advised that Italy could never permit that equilibrium to be

disturbed through a prejudice. This warning had been conveyed not only

by her diplomats in private conversations with responsible

Austro-Hungarian officials, but was proclaimed publicly by Italian

statesmen on the floors of Parliament.

"Therefore, when Austria-Hungary ignored the usual practices and menaced

Serbia by sending her an ultimatum, without in any way notifying the

Italian Government of what she proposed to do, indeed leaving that

government to learn of her action through the press, rather than through

the usual channels of diplomacy, when Austria-Hungary took this

unprecedented course she not only severed her alliance with Italy but

committed an act inimical to Italy's interests....

"After the European war broke out Italy sought to come to an

understanding with Austria-Hungary with a view to a settlement

satisfactory to both parties which might avert existing and future

trouble. Her efforts were in vain, notwithstanding the efforts of

Germany, which for months endeavored to induce Austria-Hungary to comply

with Italy's suggestion thereby recognizing the propriety and legitimacy

of the Italian attitude. Therefore Italy found herself compelled by the

force of events to seek other solutions.

"Inasmuch as the treaty of alliance with Austria-Hungary had ceased

virtually to exist and served only to prolong a state of continual

friction and mutual suspicion, the Italian Ambassador at Vienna was

instructed to declare to the Austro-Hungarian Government that the

Italian Government considered itself free from the ties arising out of

the treaty of the Triple Alliance in so far as Austria-Hungary was

concerned. This communication was delivered in Vienna on May 4th.

"Subsequently to this declaration, and after we had been obliged to take

steps for the protection of our interests, the Austro-Hungarian

Government submitted new concessions, which, however, were deemed

insufficient and by no means met our minimum demands. These offers could

not be considered under the circumstances. The Italian Government taking

into consideration what has been stated above, and supported by the vote

of Parliament and the solemn manifestation of the country came to the

decision that any further delay would be inadvisable. Therefore, on May

23d, it was declared, in the name of the King, to the Austro-Hungarian

Ambassador at Rome, that, beginning the following day, May 24th, it

would consider itself in a state of war with Austria-Hungary."

It was a closely reasoned argument that the Italian statesmen presented,

but there was something more than reasoned argument in Italy's course.

She had been waiting for years for the opportunity to bring under her

flag the men of her own race still held in subjection by hated Austria.

Now was the time or never. Her people had become roused. Mobs filled the

streets. Great orators, even the great poet, D'Annunzio, proclaimed a

holy war. The sinking of the Lusitania poured oil on the flames, and the

treatment of Belgium and eastern France added to the fury.

Italian statesmen, even if they had so desired, could not have withstood

the pressure. It was a crusade for Italia Irredenta, for civilization,

for humanity. The country had been flooded by representatives of German

propaganda, papers had been hired and, by all report, money in large

amounts distributed. But every German effort was swept away in the flood

of feeling. It was the people's war.

Amid tremendous enthusiasm the Chamber of Deputies adopted by vote of

407 to 74 the bill conferring upon the government full power to make

war. All members of the Cabinet maintained absolute silence regarding

what step should follow the action of the chamber. When the chamber

reassembled on May 20th, after its long recess, there were present 482

Deputies out of 500, the absentees remaining away on account of illness.

The Deputies especially applauded were those who wore military uniforms

and who had asked permission for leave from their military duties to be

present at the sitting. All the tribunes were filled to overflowing. No

representatives of Germany, Austria or Turkey were to be seen in the

diplomatic tribune. The first envoy to arrive was Thomas Nelson Page,

the American Ambassador, who was accompanied by his staff. M. Barrere,

Sir J. Bennell Rodd, and Michel de Giers, the French, British and

Russian Ambassadors, respectively, appeared a few minutes later and all

were greeted with applause, which was shared by the Belgian, Greek and

Roumanian ministers. George B. McClellan, one-time mayor of New York,

occupied a seat in the President's tribune.

A few minutes before the session began the poet, Gabrielle D'Annunzio,

one of the strongest advocates of war, appeared in the rear of the

public tribune which was so crowded that it seemed impossible to squeeze

in anybody else. But the moment the people saw him they lifted him

shoulder high and passed him over their heads to the first row.

The entire chamber, and all those occupying the other tribunes, rose and

applauded for five minutes, crying "Viva D'Annunzio!" Later thousands

sent him their cards and in return received his autograph bearing the

date of this eventful day. Senor Marcora, President of the Chamber, took

his place at three o'clock. All the members of the House, and everybody

in the galleries, stood up to acclaim the old follower of Garibaldi.

Premier Salandra, followed by all the members of the Cabinet, entered

shortly afterward. It was a solemn moment. Then a delirium of cries

broke out.

"Viva Salandra!" roared the Deputies, and the cheering lasted for a long

time. After the formalities of the opening, Premier Salandra, deeply

moved by the demonstration, arose and said:

"Gentlemen, I have the honor to present to you a bill to meet the

eventual expenditures of a national war."

The announcement was greeted by further prolonged applause. The

Premier's speech was continually interrupted by enthusiasm, and at times

he could hardly continue on account of the wild cheering. The climax was

reached when he made a reference to the army and navy. Then the cries

seemed interminable, and those on the floor of the House and in the

galleries turned to the military tribune from which the officers

answered by waving their hands and handkerchiefs.

At the end of the Premier's speech there were deafening vivas for the

King, war and Italy. Thirty-four Socialists refused to join the cheers,

even in the cry "Viva Italia!" and they were hooted and hissed.

The action of the Italian Government created intense feeling. A

newspaper man in Vienna, describing the Austrian indignation, said:

"The exasperation and contempt which Italy's treacherous surprise attack

and her hypocritical justification aroused here, are quite

indescribable. Neither Serbia nor Russia, despite a long and costly war,

is hated. Italy, however, or rather those Italian would-be politicians

and business men who offer violence to the majority of peaceful Italian

people, are unutterably hated." On the other hand German papers spoke

with much more moderation and recognized that Italy was acting in an

entirely natural manner.

On the very day on which war was declared active operations were begun.

Both sides had been making elaborate preparations. Austria had prepared

herself by building strong fortifications in which were employed the

latest technical improvements in defensive warfare. Upon the Carso and

around Gorizia the Austrians had placed innumerable batteries of

powerful guns mounted on rails and protected by armor plates. They also

had a great number of medium and smaller guns. A net of trenches had

been excavated and constructed in cement all along the edge of the hills

which dominated the course of the Isonzo River.

[Illustration: Painting: Hundreds of soldiers using ropes to drag a

large gun up a mountain slope.]

ITALY'S TITANIC LABOR TO CONQUER THE ALPS

When the Italians were making their first mighty advance against

Austria descriptions came through of the almost unbelievable natural

obstacles they were conquering. Getting one of the monster guns into

position in the mountains, as shown above, over the track that had to

be built for every foot of its progress, was one such handicap.

[Illustration: Painting: Soldiers debarking from a transport under heavy

gun fire.]

THE HISTORIC LANDING FROM THE "RIVER CLYDE" AT SEDDUL BARR

An incident of the Dardanelles Expedition. Horrible losses were

sustained by the Allied troops from the concentrated fire of the

Turkish machine guns on shore.

These trenches, occupying a position nearly impregnable because so

mountainous, were defended by every modern device. They were protected

with numerous machine guns, surrounded by wire entanglements through

which ran a strong electric current. These lines of trenches followed

without interruption from the banks of the Isonzo to the summit of the

mountains which dominate it; they formed a kind of formidable staircase

which had to be conquered step by step with enormous sacrifice.

During this same period General Cadorna, then head of the Italian army,

had been bringing that army up to date, working for high efficiency and

piling up munitions.

The Army of Italy was a formidable one. Every man in Italy is liable to

military service for a period of nineteen years from the age of twenty

to thirty-nine.

At the time of the war the approximate war strength of the army was as

follows: Officers, 41,692; active army with the colors, 289,910;

reserve, 638,979; mobile militia, 299,956; territorial militia,

1,889,659; total strength, 3,159,836. The above number of total men

available included upward of 1,200,000 fully trained soldiers, with

perhaps another 800,000 partially trained men, the remaining million

being completely untrained men. This army was splendidly armed, its

officers well educated, and the men brave and disciplined.

The Italian plan of campaign apparently consisted first, in neutralizing

the Trentino by capturing or covering the defenses and cutting the two

lines of communication with Austria proper, the railway which ran south

from Insbruck, and that which ran southwest from Vienna and joined the

former at Fransensfets; and second, in a movement in force on the

eastern frontier, with Trieste captured or covered on the right flank in

the direction of the Austrian fortress at Klagenfurt and Vienna.

The first blow was struck by Austria on the day that war was declared.

On that day bombs were dropped on Venice, and five other Adriatic ports

were shelled from air, and some from sea. The Italian armies invaded

Austria on the east with great rapidity, and by May 27th a part of the

Italian forces had moved across the Isonzo River to Monfalcone, sixteen

miles northwest of Trieste. Another force penetrated further to the

north in the Crown land of Gorizia, and Gradisca. Reports from Italy

were that encounters with the enemy had thus far been merely outpost

skirmishes, but had allowed Italy to occupy advantageous positions on

Austrian territory By June 1st, the Italians had occupied the greater

part of the west bank of the Isonzo, with little opposition. The left

wing was beyond the Isonzo, at Caporetto, fighting among the boulders of

Monte Nero, where the Austrian artillery had strong positions.

Monfalcone was kept under constant bombardment.

A general Italian advance took place on June 7th across the Isonzo River

from Caporetto to the sea, a distance of about forty miles. Monfalcone

was taken by the Italians on June the 10th, the first serious blow

against Trieste, as Monfalcone was a railway junction, and its

electrical works operated the light and power of Trieste.

Next day the center made a great blow against Gradisca and Sagrado, but

the river line proved too strong. The only success was won that night at

Plava, north of Borrigia, which was carried by a surprise attack. The

Isonzo was in flood, and presented a serious obstacle to the onrush of

the Italians. By June 14th the Italian eastern army had pushed forward

along the gulf of Trieste toward the town of Nebrosina, nine miles from

Trieste.

Meanwhile, the Austrian armies were being constantly strengthened. The

initial weakness of the Austrian defensive was due to the fact that the

armies normally assigned to the invaded region had been sent to defend

the Austrian line in Galicia against the Russians. When Italy began her

invasion the defenses of the country were chiefly in the hands of

hastily mobilized youths below the military age of nineteen, and men

above the military age of forty-two. From now on Austrian troops began

to arrive from the Galician front, some of these representing the finest

fighting material in the Austrian ranks. The chance of an easy victory

was slipping from Italy's hands. The Italian advance was checked.

On the 15th of June the Italians carried an important position on Monte

Nero, climbing the rocks by night and attacking by dawn. But this

conquest did not help much. No guns of great caliber could be carried on

the mountain, and Tolmino, which had been heavily fortified, and

contained a garrison of some thirty thousand men, was entirely safe. The

following week there were repeated counter-attacks at Plava and on Monte

Nero, but the Italians held what they had won.

[Illustration: Map]

AREA OF GENERAL CADORNA'S SUCCESSFUL OPERATIONS AGAINST GORIZIA

The Isonzo valley forms the eastern line for the defense of Italy and

its possession was essential to the realization of Italian ideals.

Gorizia, its main strategic position, first fell to the Italians

August 9, 1916.

The position was now that Cadorna's left wing was in a strong position,

but could not do much against Tolmino. His center was facing the great

camp of Gorizia, while his right was on the edge of the Carso, and had

advanced as far as Dueno, on the Monfalcone-Trieste Railroad. The army

was in position to make an attack upon Gorizia. On the 2d of July an

attack on a broad front was aimed directly at Gorizia. The left was to

swing around against the defenses of Gorizia to the north; the center

was directed against the Gorizia bridge head, and the right was to swing

around to the northeast through the Doberdo plateau. If it succeeded the

Trieste railway would be cut and Gorizia must fall.

Long and confused fighting followed. The center and the right of the

Italian army slowly advanced their line, taking over one thousand

prisoners. For days there was continuous bombardment and

counter-bombardment. The fighting on the left was terrific. In the

neighborhood of Plava the Italian forces found themselves opposed by

Hungarian troops, unaccustomed to mountain warfare, who at first fell

back. Austrian reserves came to their aid, and flung back three times

the Italian charge.

Three new Italian brigades were brought up, and King Victor Emanuel

himself came to encourage his troops. The final assault carried the

heights. On the 22d of July the Italian right captured the crest of San

Michele, which dominates the Doberdo plateau.

Meanwhile the Austrian armies were being heavily reinforced, and General

Cadorna found himself unable to make progress. Much ground had been won

but Gorizia was still unredeemed. Many important vantage points were in

Italian hands, but it was difficult to advance. The result of the three

months' campaign was a stalemate. In the high mountains to the north

Italy's campaign was a war of defense. To undertake her offensive on the

Isonzo it was necessary that she guard her flanks and rear. The Tyrolese

battle-ground contained three distinct points where it was necessary to

operate; the Trentino Salient, the passes of the Dolomites, and the

passes of the Carnic Alps.

Early in June Italy had won control of the ridges of the mountains in

the two latter points, but the problem in the Trentino was more

difficult. It was necessary, because of the converging valleys, to push

her front well inland. On the Carnic Alps the fighting consisted of

unimportant skirmishes. The main struggle centered around the pass of

Monte Croce Carnico.

In two weeks the Alpini had seized dominating positions to the west of

the pass, but the Austrians clung to the farther slopes. A great deal of

picturesque fighting went on, but not much progress was made. Further

west in the Dolomite region there was more fighting. On the 30th of May

Cartina had been captured, and the Italians moved north toward the

Pusterthal Railway. Progress was slow, as the main routes to the railway

were difficult.

By the middle of August they were only a few miles from the railway, but

all the routes led through defiles, and the neighboring heights were in

the possession of the Austrians. To capture these heights was a most

difficult feat, which the Italians performed in the most brilliant way;

but even after they had passed these defiles success was not yet won.

Each Italian column was in its own grove, with no lateral communication.

The Austrians could mass themselves where they pleased. As a result the

Italian forces were compelled to halt.

In the Trentino campaign the Italians soon captured the passes, and

moved against Trente and Roverito. These towns were heavily fortified,

as were their surrounding heights. The campaign became a series of small

fights on mountain peaks and mountain ridges. Only small bodies of

troops could maneuver, and the raising of guns up steep precipices was

extremely difficult. The Italians slowly succeeded in gaining ground,

and established a chain of posts around the heights so that often one

would see guns and barbed wire intrenchments at a height of more than

ten thousand feet among the crevasses of the glaciers. The Alpini

performed wonderful feats of physical endurance, but the plains of

Lombardy were still safe.

CHAPTER XX

GLORIOUS GALLIPOLI

If ever the true mettle and temper of a people were tried and

exemplified in the crucible of battle, that battle was the naval and

land engagement embracing Gallipoli and the Dardanelles and the people

so tested, the British race. Separated in point of time but united in

its general plan, the engagements present a picture of heroism founded

upon strategic mistakes; of such perseverance and dogged determination

against overwhelming natural and artificial odds as even the pages of

supreme British bravery cannot parallel. The immortal charge of the

Light Brigade was of a piece with Gallipoli, but it was merely a battle

fragment and its glorious record was written in blood within the scope

of a comparatively few inspired minutes. In the mine-strewn Dardanelles

and upon the sun-baked, blood-drenched rocky slopes of Gallipoli, death

always partnered every sailor and soldier. As at Balaklava, virtually

everyone knew that some one had blundered, but the army and the navy as

one man fought to the bitter end to make the best of a bad bargain, to

tear triumph out of impossibilities.

France co-operated with the British in the naval engagement, but the

greater sacrifice, the supreme charnel house of the war, the British

race reserved for itself. There, the yeomanry of England, the unsung

county regiments whose sacrifices and achievements have been neglected

in England's generous desire to honor the men from "down under," the

Australians and New Zealanders grouped under the imperishable title of

the Anzacs--there the Scotch, Welsh and Irish knit in one devoted

British Army with the great fighters from the self-governing colonies

waged a battle so hopeless and so gallant that the word Gallipoli shall

always remind the world how man may triumph over the fear of death; how

with nothing but defeat and disaster before them, men may go to their

deaths as unconcernedly as in other days they go to their nightly sleep.

On November 5, 1914, Great Britain declared war upon Turkey.

Hostilities, however, had preceded the declaration. On November 3d the

combined French and British squadrons had bombarded the entrance forts.

This was merely intended to draw the fire of the forts and make an

estimate of their power. From that time on a blockade was maintained,

and on the 13th of December a submarine, commanded by Lieutenant

Holbrook, entered the straits and torpedoed the Turkish warship

Messoudieh, which was guarding the mine fields.

By the end of January the blockading fleet, through constant

reinforcement, had become very strong, and had seized the Island of

Tenedos and taken possession of Lemnos, which nominally belonged to

Greece, as bases for naval operations. On the 19th of February began the

great attack upon the forts at the entrance to the Dardanelles, which

attracted the attention of the world for nearly a year.

The expedition against the Dardanelles had been considered with the

greatest care, and approved by the naval authorities. That their

judgment was correct, however, is another question. The history of naval

warfare seems to make very plain that a ship, however powerful, is at a

tremendous disadvantage when attacking forts on land. The badly served

cannon of Alexandria fell, indeed, before a British fleet, but Gallipoli

had been fortified by German engineers, and its guns were the Krupp

cannon. The British fleet found itself opposed by unsurmountable

obstacles. Looking backward it seems possible, that if at the very start

Lord Kitchener had permitted a detachment of troops to accompany the

fleet, success might have been attained, but without the army the navy

was powerless.

The Peninsula of Gallipoli is a tongue of land about fifty miles long,

varying in width from twelve to two or three miles. It is a mass of

rocky hills so steep that in many places it is a matter of difficulty to

reach their tops. On it are a few villages, but there are no decent

roads and little cultivated land. On the southern shore of the

Dardanelles conditions are nearly the same. Here, the entrance is a flat

and marshy plain, but east of this plain are hills three thousand feet

high. The high ground overhangs the sea passage on both sides, and with

the exception of narrow bits of beach at their base, presents almost no

opportunity for landing.

[Illustration: Map: Gallipoli and surroundings]

MAP OF THE GALLIPOLI PENINSULA Showing the various landing places,

with inset of the Sari-Bair Region.

A strong current continually sifts down the straits from the Sea of

Marmora.

Forts were placed at the entrance on both the north and south side, but

they were not heavily armed and were merely outposts. Fourteen miles

from the mouth the straits become quite narrow, making a sharp turn

directly north and then resuming their original direction. The channel

thus makes a sharp double bend. At the entrance to the strait, known as

the Narrows, were powerful fortresses, and the slopes were studded with

batteries. Along both sides of the channel the low ground was lined with

batteries. It was possible to attack the forts at fairly long range, but

there was no room to bring any large number of ships into action at the

same time.

At the time of the Gallipoli adventure there were probably nearly half a

million of men available for a defense of the straits, men well armed

and well trained under German leadership. The first step was

comparatively easy. The operations against the other forts began at 8

A.M. on Friday, the 19th of February. The ships engaged were the

Inflexible, the Agamemnon, the Cornwallis, the Vengeance and the Triumph

from the British fleet, and the Bouvet, Suffren, and the Gaulois from

the French, all under the command of Vice-Admiral Sackville Carden. The

French squadron was under Rear-Admiral Gueprette. A flotilla of

destroyers accompanied the fleet, and airplanes were sent up to guide

the fire of the battleships.

At first the fleet was arranged in a semicircle some miles out to sea

from the entrance to the strait. It afforded an inspiring spectacle as

the ships came along and took up position, and the picture became most

awe-inspiring when the guns began to boom. The bombardment at first was

slow. Shells from the various ships screaming through the air at the

rate of about one every two minutes.

The Turkish batteries, however, were not to be drawn, and, seeing this,

the British Admiral sent one British ship and one French ship close in

shore toward the Sedd-el-Bahr forts. As they went in they sped right

under the guns of the shore batteries, which could no longer resist the

temptation to see what they could do. Puffs of white smoke dotted the

landscape on the far shore, and dull booms echoed over the placid water.

Around the ships fountains of water sprang up into the air. The enemy

had been drawn, but his marksmanship was obviously very bad. Not a

single shot directed against the ships went within a hundred yards of

either.

At sundown on account of the failing light Admiral Carden withdrew the

fleet. On account of the bad weather the attack was not renewed until

February 25th. It appeared that the outer forts had not been seriously

damaged on the 19th, and that what injury had been done had been

repaired. In an hour and a half the Cape Helles fort was silenced. The

Agamemnon was hit by a shell fired at a range of six miles, which killed

three men and wounded five. Early in the afternoon Sedd-el-Bahr was

attacked at close range, but not silenced till after 5 P.M. At this time

British trawlers began sweeping the entrance for mines, and during the

next day the mine field was cleared for a distance of four miles up the

straits.

As soon as this clearance was made the Albion, Vengeance and Majestic

steamed into the strait and attacked Fort Dardanos, a fortification some

distance below the Narrows. The Turks replied vigorously, not only from

Dardanos but from batteries scattered along the shore. Believing that

the Turks had abandoned the forts at the entrance, landing parties of

marines were sent to shore. In a short time, however, they met a

detachment of the enemy and were compelled to retreat to their boats.

The outer forts, however, were destroyed, and their destruction was

extremely encouraging to the Allies.

For a time a series of minor operations was carried on, meeting with

much success. Besides attacks on forts inside of the strait, Smyrna was

bombarded on March the 5th, and on March the 6th the Queen Elizabeth,

the Agamemnon and the Ocean bombarded the forts at Chanak on the Asiatic

side of the Narrows, from a position in the gulf of Saros on the outer

side of the Gallipoli Peninsula. To all of these attacks the Turks

replied vigorously and the attacking ships were repeatedly struck, but

with no loss of life. On the 7th of March Fort Dardanos was silenced,

and Fort Chanak ceased firing, but, as it turned out, only temporarily.

Preparations were now being made for a serious effort against the

Narrows. The date of the attack was fixed for March 17th, weather

permitting. On the 16th Admiral Carden was stricken down with illness

and was invalided by medical authority. Admiral de Roebeck, second in

command, who had been very active in the operations, was appointed to

succeed him. Admiral de Roebeck was in cordial sympathy with the

purposes of the expedition and determined to attack on the 18th of

March. At a quarter to eleven that morning, the Queen Elizabeth,

Inflexible, Agamemnon, Lord Nelson, the Triumph and Prince George

steamed up the straits towards the Narrows, and bombarded the forts of

Chanak. At 12.22 the French squadron, consisting of the Suffren,

Gaulois, Charlemagne, and Bouvet, advanced up the Dardanelles to aid

their English associates.

Under the combined fire of the two squadrons the Turkish forts, which at

first replied strongly, were finally silenced. All of the ships,

however, were hit several times during this part of the action. A third

squadron, including the Vengeance, Irresistible, Albion, Ocean,

Swiftshore and Majestic, then advanced to relieve the six old

battleships inside the strait.

As the French squadron, which had engaged the forts in a most brilliant

fashion, was passing out the Bouvet was blown up by a drifting mine and

sank in less than three minutes, carrying with her most of her crew. At

2.36 P.M. the relief battleships renewed the attack on the forts, which

again opened fire. The Turks were now sending mines down with the

current. At 4.09 the Irresistible quitted the line, listing heavily, and

at 5.50 she sank, having probably struck a drifting mine. At 6.05 the

Ocean, also having struck a mine, sank in deep water. Practically the

whole of the crews were removed safely. The Gaulois was damaged by

gunfire; the Inflexible had her forward control position hit by a heavy

shell, which killed and wounded the majority of the men and officers at

that station and set her on fire. At sunset the forts were still in

action, and during the twilight the Allied fleet slipped out of the

Dardanelles.

Meantime, an expeditionary force was being gathered. The largest portion

of this force came from Great Britain, but France also provided a

considerable number from her marines and from her Colonial army. Both

nations avoided, as far as possible, drawing upon the armies destined

for service in France.

In the English army there were divisions from Australia and New Zealand

and there were a number of Indian troops and Territorials. The whole

force was put under the command of General Sir Ian Hamilton. The

commander-in-chief on the Turkish side was the German General Liman von

Sanders, the former chief of the military mission at Constantinople. The

bulk of the expeditionary force, which numbered altogether about a

hundred and twenty thousand men, were, therefore, men whose presence in

the east did not weaken the Allied strength in the west.

The great difficulty of the new plan was that it was impossible to

surprise the enemy. The whole Gallipoli Peninsula was so small that a

landing at any point would be promptly observed, and the nature of the

ground was of such a character that progress from any point must

necessarily be slow. The problem was therefore a simple one.

The expeditionary force gathered in Egypt during the first half of

April, and about the middle of the month was being sent to Lemnos.

Germany was well aware of the English plans, and was doing all that it

could to provide a defense.

On April 23d the movement began, and about five o'clock in the afternoon

the first of the transports slowly made its way through the maze of

shipping toward the entrance of Mudros Bay.

Immediately the patent apathy, which had gradually overwhelmed everyone,

changed to the utmost enthusiasm, and as the liners steamed through the

fleet, their decks yellow with khaki, the crews of the warships cheered

them on to victory while the bands played them out with an unending

variety of popular airs. The soldiers in the transports answered this

last salutation from the navy with deafening cheers, and no more

inspiring spectacle has ever been seen than this great expedition.

The whole of the fleet from the transports had been divided up into five

divisions and there were three main landings. The 29th Division

disembarked off the point of the Gallipoli Peninsula near Sedd-el-Bahr,

where its operations were covered both from the gulf of Saros and from

the Dardanelles by the fire of the covering warships. The Australian and

New Zealand contingent disembarked north of Gaba Tepe. Further north a

naval division made a demonstration.

Awaiting the Australians was a party of Turks who had been intrenched

almost on the shore and had opened up a terrific fusillade. The

Australian volunteers rose, as a man, to the occasion. They waited

neither for orders nor for the boats to reach the beach, but springing

out into the sea they went in to the shore, and forming some sort of a

rough line rushed straight on the flashes of the enemy's rifles. In less

than a quarter of an hour the Turks were in full flight.

While the Australians and New Zealanders, or Anzacs as they are now

generally known from the initials of the words Australian-New Zealand

Army Corps, were fighting so gallantly at Gaba Tepe, the British troops

were landing at the southern end of the Gallipoli Peninsula. The advance

was slow and difficult. The Turk was pushed back, little by little, and

the ground gained organized. The details of this progress, though full

of incidents of the greatest courage and daring, need not be recounted.

On June the 4th a general attack was made, preceded by heavy

bombardments by all guns, but after terrific fighting, in which many

prisoners were captured and great losses suffered, the net result was an

advance of about five hundred yards. As time went on the general

impression throughout the Allied countries was that the expedition had

failed. On June 30th the losses of the Turks were estimated at not less

than seventy thousand, and the British naval and military losses up to

June 1st, aggregated 38,635 officers and men. At that time the British

and French allies held but a small corner of the area to be conquered.

In all of these attacks the part played by the Australian and New

Zealand army corps was especially notable. Reinforcements were

repeatedly sent to the Allies, who worked more and more feverishly as

time went on with the hope of aiding Russia, which was then desperately

struggling against the great German advance.

On August 17th it was reported that a landing had been made at Suvla

Bay, the extreme western point of the Peninsula. From this point it was

hoped to threaten the Turkish communications with their troops at the

lower end of the Peninsula. This new enterprise, however, failed to make

any impression, and in the first part of September, vigorous Turkish

counter-offensives gained territory from the Franco-British troops.

According to the English reports the Turks paid a terrible price for

their success.

It had now become evident that the expedition was a failure. The Germans

were already gloating over what they called the "failure of British sea

power," and English publicists were attempting to show that, though the

enterprise had failed, the very presence of a strong Allied force at

Saloniki had been an enormous gain. The first official announcement of

failure was made December 20, 1916, when it was announced that the

British forces at Anzac and Suvla Bay had been withdrawn, and that only

the minor positions near Sedd-el-Bahr were occupied. Great Britain's

loss of officers and men at the Dardanelles up to December 11th was

112,921, according to an announcement made in the House of Commons by

the Parliamentary Under Secretary for War. Besides these casualties the

number of sick admitted to hospitals was 96,683. The decision to

evacuate Gallipoli was made in the course of November by the British

Government as the result of the early expressed opinion of General

Monro, who had succeeded General Hamilton on October 28, 1915.

General Monro found himself confronted with a serious problem in the

attempt to withdraw an army of such a size from positions not more than

three hundred yards from the enemy's trenches, and to embark on open

beaches every part of which was within effective range of Turkish guns.

Moreover, the evacuation must be done gradually, as it was impossible to

move the whole army at once with such means of transportation as

existed. The plan was to remove the munitions, supplies and heavy guns

by instalments, working only at night, carrying off at the same time a

large portion of the troops, but leaving certain picked battalions to

guard the trenches. Every endeavor had to be made for concealment. The

plan was splendidly successful, and the Turks apparently completely

deceived. On December 20th the embarkation of the last troops at Suvla

was accomplished. The operations at Anzac were conducted in the same

way. Only picked battalions were left to the end, and these were carried

safely off.

The success of the Suvla and Anzac evacuation made the position at Cape

Helles more dangerous. The Turks were on the lookout, and it seemed

almost impossible that they could be again deceived. On January 7th an

attack was made by the Turks upon the trenches, which was beaten back.

That night more than half the troops had left the Peninsula. The next

day there was a heavy storm which made embarkation difficult, but it was

nevertheless accomplished. The whole evacuation was a clever and

successful bit of work.

CHAPTER XXI

THE GREATEST NAVAL BATTLE IN HISTORY

Germany's ambition for conquest at sea had been nursed and carefully

fostered for twenty years. During the decade immediately preceding the

declaration of war, it had embarked upon a policy of naval upbuilding

that brought it into direct conflict with England's sea policy.

Thereafter it became a race in naval construction, England piling up a

huge debt in its determination to construct two tons of naval shipping

to every one ton built by Germany.

Notwithstanding Great Britain's efforts in this direction, Germany's

naval experts, with the ruthless von Tirpitz at their head, maintained

that, given a fair seaway with ideal weather conditions favoring the low

visibility tactics of the German sea command, a victory for the Teutonic

ships would follow. It was this belief that drew the ships of the German

cruiser squadron and High Seas Fleet off the coast of Jutland and Horn

Reef into the great battle that decided the supremacy of the sea.

The 31st of May, 1916, will go down in history as the date of this

titanic conflict. The British light cruiser Galatea on patrol duty near

Horn Reef reported at 2.20 o'clock on the afternoon of that day, that it

had sighted smoke plumes denoting the advance of enemy vessels from the

direction of Helgoland Bight. Fifteen minutes later the smoke plumes

were in such number and volume that the advance of a considerable force

to the northward and eastward was indicated. It was reasoned by

Vice-Admiral Beatty, to whom the Galatea had sent the news by radio,

that the enemy in rounding Horn Reef would inevitably be brought into

action. The first ships of the enemy were sighted at 3.31 o'clock. These

were the battle screen of fast light cruisers. Back of these were five

modern battle cruisers of the highest power and armament.

The report of the battle, by an eye-witness, that was issued upon

semiofficial authority of the British Government, follows:

First Phase, 3.30 P.M. May 31st. Beatty's battle cruisers, consisting of

the Lion, Princess Royal, Queen Mary, Tiger, Inflexible, Indomitable,

Invincible, Indefatigable, and New Zealand, were on a southeasterly

course, followed at about two miles distance by the four battleships of

the class known as Queen Elizabeths.

Enemy light cruisers were sighted and shortly afterward the head of the

German battle cruiser squadron, consisting of the new cruiser

Hindenburg, the Seydlitz, Derfflinger, Lutzow, Moltke, and possibly the

Salamis.

Beatty at once began firing at a range of about 20,000 yards (twelve

miles) which shortened to 16,000 yards (nine miles) as the fleets

closed. The Germans could see the British distinctly outlined against

the light yellow sky. The Germans, covered by a haze, could be very

indistinctly made out by the British gunners.

The Queen Elizabeths opened fire on one after another as they came

within range. The German battle cruisers turned to port and drew away to

about 20,000 yards.

Second Phase, 4.40 P.M. A destroyer screen then appeared beyond the

German battle cruisers. The whole German High Seas Fleet could be seen

approaching on the northeastern horizon in three divisions, coming to

the support of their battle cruisers.

The German battle cruisers now turned right around 16 points and took

station in front of the battleships of the High Fleet.

Beatty, with his battle cruisers and supporting battleships, therefore,

had before him the whole of the German battle fleet, and Jellicoe was

still some distance away.

The opposing fleets were now moving parallel to one another in opposite

directions, and but for a master maneuver on the part of Beatty the

British advance ships would have been cut off from Jellicoe's Grand

Fleet. In order to avoid this and at the same time prepare the way so

that Jellicoe might envelop his adversary, Beatty immediately also

turned right around 16 points, so as to bring his ships parallel to the

German battle cruisers and facing the same direction.

As soon as he was around he increased to full speed to get ahead of the

Germans and take up a tactical position in advance of their line. He was

able to do this owing to the superior speed of the British battle

cruisers.

[Illustration: Photographs]

Copyright Harris & Ewing.

ADMIRAL WILLIAM S. SIMS; Commander-in-Chief of the United States Navy

in European waters.

ADMIRAL SIR DAVID BEATTY; Commander-in-Chief of the British Grand

Fleet.

[Illustration: Photographs]

FIELD-MARSHAL EARL KITCHENER; British Secretary for War, who built up

the British army at the beginning of the war.

FIELD-MARSHAL SIR JOHN D. FRENCH; Commander-in-chief of the British

force in France and Belgium from the beginning of the war to December,

1915.

Just before the turning point was reached, the Indefatigable sank, and

the Queen Mary and the Invincible also were lost at the turning point,

where, of course, the High Seas Fleet concentrated their fire.

A little earlier, as the German battle cruisers were turning the Queen

Elizabeths had in similar manner concentrated their fire on the turning

point and destroyed a new German battle cruiser, believed to be the

Hindenburg.

Beatty had now got around and headed away with the loss of three ships,

racing parallel to the German battle cruisers. The Queen Elizabeths

followed behind engaging the main High Seas Fleet.

Third Phase, 5 P.M. The Queen Elizabeths now turned short to port 16

points in order to follow Beatty. The Warspite jammed her steering gear,

failed to get around, and drew the fire of six of the enemy, who closed

in upon her.

The Germans claimed her as a loss, since on paper she ought to have been

lost, but, as a matter of act, though repeatedly straddled by shell fire

with the water boiling up all around her, she was not seriously hit, and

was able to sink one of her opponents. Her captain recovered control of

the vessel, brought her around, and followed her consorts.

In the meantime the Barham, Valiant and Malaya turned short so as to

avoid the danger spot where the Queen Mary and the Invincible had been

lost, and for an hour, until Jellicoe arrived, fought a delaying action

against the High Seas Fleet.

The Warspite joined them at about 5.15 o'clock, and all four ships were

so successfully maneuvered in order to upset the spotting corrections of

their opponents that no hits of a seriously disabling character were

suffered. They had the speed over their opponents by fully four knots,

and were able to draw away from part of the long line of German

battleships, which almost filled up the horizon.

At this time the Queen Elizabeths were steadily firing on at the flashes

of German guns at a range which varied between 12,000 and 15,000 yards,

especially against those ships which were nearest them. The Germans were

enveloped in a mist and only smoke and flashes were visible.

By 5.45 half of the High Seas Fleet had been left out of range, and the

Queen Elizabeths were steaming fast to join hands with Jellicoe.

To return to Beatty's battle cruisers. They had succeeded in outflanking

the German battle cruisers, which were, therefore, obliged to turn a

full right angle to starboard to avoid being headed.

Heavy fighting was renewed between the opposing battle cruiser

squadrons, during which the Derfflinger was sunk; but toward 6 o'clock

the German fire slackened very considerably, showing that Beatty's

battle cruisers and the Queen Elizabeths had inflicted serious damage on

their immediate opponents.

Fourth Phase, 6 P.M. The Grand Fleet was now in sight, and, coming up

fast in three directions, the Queen Elizabeths altered their course four

points to the starboard and drew in toward the enemy to allow Jellicoe

room to deploy into line.

The Grand Fleet was perfectly maneuvered and the very difficult

operation of deploying between the battle cruisers and the Queen

Elizabeths was perfectly timed.

Jellicoe came up, fell in behind Beatty's cruisers, and followed by the

damaged but still serviceable Queen Elizabeths, steamed right across the

head of the German fleet.

The first of the ships to come into action were the Revenue and the

Royal Oak with their fifteen-inch guns, and the Agincourt which fired

from her seven turrets with the speed almost of a Maxim gun.

The whole British fleet had now become concentrated. They had been

perfectly maneuvered, so as to "cross the T" of the High Seas Fleet,

and, indeed, only decent light was necessary to complete their work of

destroying the Germans in detail. The light did improve for a few

minutes, and the conditions were favorable to the British fleet, which

was now in line approximately north and south across the head of the

Germans.

During the few minutes of good light Jellicoe smashed up the first three

German ships, but the mist came down, visibility suddenly failed, and

the defeated High Seas Fleet was able to draw off in ragged divisions.

Fifth Phase, Night. The Germans were followed by the British, who still

had them enveloped between Jellicoe on the west, Beatty on the north,

and Evan Thomas with his three Queen Elizabeths on the south. The

Warspite had been sent back to her base.

[Illustration: Map]

HOW THE GREAT NAVAL BATTLE OF JUTLAND WAS FOUGHT

This chart must be taken only as a general indication of the courses

of the opposing fleets. Sir David Beatty with two squadrons of battle

cruisers and one squadron of fast battleships, first steamed southward

and southeastward of the German battle cruiser squadron; then,

sighting the German battle fleet, turned northward, afterwards bearing

eastward and connecting with Sir John Jellicoe's battle squadron.

During the night the torpedo boat destroyers heavily attacked the German

ships, and, although they lost seriously themselves, succeeded in

sinking two of the enemy.

Coordination of the units of the fleet was practically impossible to

keep up, and the Germans discovered by the rays of their searchlights

the three Queen Elizabeths, not more than 4,000 yards away.

Unfortunately they were then able to escape between the battleships and

Jellicoe, since the British gunners were not able to fire, as the

destroyers were in the way.

So ended the Jutland battle, which was fought as had been planned and

very nearly a great success. It was spoiled by the unfavorable weather

conditions, especially at the critical moment, when the whole British

fleet was concentrated and engaged in crushing the head of the German

line.

Commenting on the engagement, Admiral Jellicoe said: "The battle cruiser

fleet, gallantly led by Vice-Admiral Beatty, and admirably supported by

the ships of the fifth battle squadron under Rear Admiral Evan-Thomas,

fought the action under, at times, disadvantageous conditions,

especially in regard to light, in a manner that was in keeping with the

best traditions of the service."

His estimate of the German losses was: two battleships of the

dreadnought type, one of the Deutschland type, which was seen to sink;

the battle cruiser Lutzow, admitted by the Germans; one battle cruiser

of the dreadnought type, one battle cruiser seen to be so severely

damaged that its return was extremely doubtful; five light cruisers,

seen to sink--one of them possibly a battleship; six destroyers seen to

sink, three destroyers so damaged that it was doubtful if they would be

able to reach port, and a submarine sunk. The official German report

admitted only eleven ships sunk; the first British report placed the

total at eighteen, but Admiral Jellicoe enumerated twenty-one German

vessels as probably lost.

The Admiral paid a fine tribute to the German naval men: "The enemy," he

said, "fought with the gallantry that was expected of him. We

particularly admired the conduct of those on board a disabled German

light cruiser which passed down the British line shortly after the

deployment under a heavy fire, which was returned by the only gun left

in action. The conduct of the officers and men war entirely beyond

praise. On all sides it is reported that the glorious traditions of the

past were most worthily upheld; whether in the heavy ships, cruisers,

light cruisers, or destroyers, the same admirable spirit prevailed. The

officers and men were cool and determined, with a cheeriness that would

have carried them through anything. The heroism of the wounded was the

'admiration' of all. I cannot adequately express the pride with which

the spirit of the fleet filled me."

At daylight on the 1st of June the British battle fleet, being southward

of Horn Reef, turned northward in search of the enemy vessels. The

visibility early on the first of June was three to four miles less than

on May 31st, and the torpedo-boat destroyers, being out of visual touch,

did not rejoin the fleet until 9 A.M. The British fleet remained in the

proximity of the battlefield and near the line of approach to the German

ports until 11 A.M., in spite of the disadvantage of long distances from

fleet bases and the danger incurred in waters adjacent to the enemy's

coasts from submarines and torpedo craft.

The enemy, however, made no sign, and the admiral was reluctantly

compelled to the conclusion that the High Sea Fleet had returned into

port. Subsequent events proved this assumption to have been correct. The

British position must have been known to the enemy, as at 4 A.M. the

fleet engaged a Zeppelin about five minutes, during which time she had

ample opportunity to note and subsequently report the position and

course of the British fleet.

The Germans at first claimed a victory for their fleet. The test, of

course, was the outcome of the battle. The fact that the German fleet

retreated and nevermore ventured forth from beneath the protecting guns

and mine fields around Helgoland, demonstrates beyond dispute that the

British were entitled to the triumph. The German official report makes

the best presentation of the German case. It follows in full:

The High Sea Fleet, consisting of three battleship squadrons, five

battle cruisers, and a large number of small cruisers, with several

destroyer flotillas, was cruising in the Skagerrak on May 31 for the

purpose, as on earlier occasions, of offering battle to the British

fleet. The vanguard of the small cruisers at 4.30 o'clock in the

afternoon (German time) suddenly encountered ninety miles west of

Hanstholm, (a cape on the northwest coast of Jutland), a group of eight

of the newest cruisers of the Calliope class and fifteen or twenty

of the most modern destroyers.

While the German light forces and the first cruiser squadron under Vice

Admiral Hipper were following the British, who were retiring

north-westward, the German battle cruisers sighted to the westward Vice

Admiral Beatty's battle squadron of six ships, including four of the

Lion type and two of the Indefatigable type. Beatty's squadron developed

a battle line on a southeasterly course and Vice Admiral Hipper formed

his line ahead on the same general course and approached for a running

fight. He opened fire at 5.49 o'clock in the afternoon with heavy

artillery at a range of 13,000 meters against the superior enemy. The

weather was clear and light, and the sea was light with a northwest

wind.

After about a quarter of an hour a violent explosion occurred on the

last cruiser of the Indefatigable type. It was caused by a heavy shell,

and destroyed the vessel.

About 6.20 o'clock in the afternoon five warships of the Queen Elizabeth

type came from the west and joined the British battle cruiser line,

powerfully reinforcing with their fifteen-inch guns the five British

battle cruisers remaining after 6.20 o'clock. To equalize this

superiority Vice Admiral Hipper ordered the destroyers to attack the

enemy. The British destroyers and small cruisers interposed, and a

bitter engagement at close range ensued, in the course of which a light

cruiser participated.

The Germans lost two torpedo boats, the crews of which were rescued by

sister ships under a heavy fire. Two British destroyers were sunk by

artillery, and two others--the Nestor and Nomad--remained on the scene

in a crippled condition. These later were destroyed by the main fleet

after German torpedo boats had rescued all the survivors.

While this engagement was in progress, a mighty explosion, caused by a

big shell, broke the Queen Mary, the third ship in line, asunder, at

6.30 o'clock.

Soon thereafter the German main battleship fleet was sighted to the

southward, steering north. The hostile fast squadrons thereupon turned

northward, closing the first part of the fight, which lasted about an

hour.

The British retired at high speed before the German fleet, which

followed closely. The German battle cruisers continued the artillery

combat with increasing intensity, particularly with the division of the

vessels of the Queen Elizabeth type, and in this the leading German

battleship division participated intermittently. The hostile ships

showed a desire to run in a flat curve ahead of the point of our line

and to cross it.

At 7.45 o'clock in the evening British small cruisers and destroyers

launched an attack against our battle cruisers, who avoided the

torpedoes by maneuvering, while the British battle cruisers retired from

the engagement, in which they did not participate further as far as can

be established. Shortly thereafter a German reconnoitering group, which

was parrying the destroyer attack, received an attack from the

northeast. The cruiser Wiesbaden was soon put out of action in this

attack. The German torpedo flotillas immediately attacked the heavy

ships.

Appearing shadow-like from the haze bank to the northeast was made out a

long line of at least twenty-five battleships, which at first sought a

junction with the British battle cruisers and those of the Queen

Elizabeth type on a northwesterly to westerly course, and then turned on

an easterly to southeasterly course.

With the advent of the British main fleet, whose center consisted of

three squadrons of eight battleships each, with a fast division of three

battle cruisers of the Invincible type on the northern-end, and three of

the newest vessels of the Royal Sovereign class, armed with fifteen-inch

guns, at the southern end, there began about 8 o'clock in the evening

the third section of the engagement, embracing the combat between the

main fleets.

Vice Admiral Scheer determined to attack the British main fleet, which

he now recognized was completely assembled and about doubly superior.

The German battleship squadron, headed by battle cruisers, steered first

toward the extensive haze bank to the northeast, where the crippled

cruiser Wiesbaden was still receiving a heavy fire. Around the Wiesbaden

stubborn individual fights under quickly changing conditions now

occurred.

The light enemy forces, supported by an armored cruiser squadron of five

ships of the Minatour, Achilles, and Duke of Edinburgh classes coming

from the northeast, were encountered and apparently surprised on account

of the decreasing visibility of our battle cruisers and leading

battleship division. The squadron came under a violent and heavy fire by

which the small cruisers Defense and Black Prince were sunk. The cruiser

Warrior regained its own line a wreck and later sank. Another small

cruiser was damaged severely.

Two destroyers already had fallen victims to the attack of German

torpedo boats against the leading British battleships and a small

cruiser and two destroyers were damaged. The German battle cruisers and

leading battleship division had in these engagements come under

increased fire of the enemy's battleship squadron, which, shortly after

8 o'clock, could be made out in the haze turning to the north-eastward

and finally to the east, Germans observed, amid the artillery combat

and shelling of great intensity, signs of the effect of good shooting

between 8.20 and 8.30 o'clock particularly. Several officers on

German ships observed that a battleship of the Queen Elizabeth class

blew up under conditions similar to that of the Queen Mary. The

Invincible sank after being hit severely. A ship of the Iron Duke class

had earlier received a torpedo hit, and one of the Queen Elizabeth

class was running around in a circle, its steering apparatus

apparently having been hit.

The Lutzow was hit by at least fifteen heavy shells and was unable to

maintain its place in line. Vice Admiral Hipper, therefore,

trans-shipped to the Moltke on a torpedo boat and under a heavy fire.

The Derfflinger meantime took the lead temporarily. Parts of the German

torpedo flotilla attacked the enemy's main fleet and heard detonations.

In the action the Germans lost a torpedo boat. An enemy destroyer was

seen in a sinking condition, having been hit by a torpedo.

After the first violent onslaught into the mass of the superior enemy

the opponents lost sight of each other in the smoke by powder clouds.

After a short cessation in the artillery combat Vice Admiral Scheer

ordered a new attack by all the available forces.

German battle cruisers, which with several light cruisers and torpedo

boats again headed the line, encountered the enemy soon after 9 o'clock

and renewed the heavy fire, which was answered by them from the mist,

and then by the leading division of the main fleet. Armored

cruisers now flung themselves in a reckless onset at extreme speed

against the enemy line in order to cover the attack of the torpedo

boats. They approached the enemy line, although covered with shot from

6,000 meters distances. Several German torpedo flotillas dashed forward

to attack, delivered torpedoes, and returned, despite the most severe

counterfire, with the loss of only one boat. The bitter artillery fire

was again interrupted, after this second violent onslaught, by the smoke

from guns and funnels.

Several torpedo flotillas, which were ordered to attack somewhat later,

found, after penetrating the smoke cloud, that the enemy fleet was no

longer before them; nor, when the fleet commander again brought the

German squadrons upon the southerly and southwesterly course where

the enemy was last seen, could our opponents be found. Only once

more--shortly before 10.30 o'clock--did the battle flare up. For a short

time in the late twilight German battle cruisers sighted four enemy

capital ships to seaward and opened fire immediately. As the two German

battleship squadrons attacked, the enemy turned and vanished in the

darkness. Older German light cruisers of the fourth reconnoissance group

also were engaged with the older enemy armored cruisers in a short

fight. This ended the day battle.

The German divisions, which, after losing sight of the enemy, began a

night cruise in a southerly direction, were attacked until dawn by enemy

light force in rapid succession.

The attacks were favored by the general strategic situation and the

particularly dark night.

The cruiser Frauenlob was injured severely during the engagement of the

fourth reconnoissance group with a superior cruiser force, and was lost

from sight.

One armored cruiser of the Cressy class suddenly appeared close to a

German battleship and was shot into fire after forty seconds, and sank

in four minutes.

The Florent (?) Destroyer 60, (the names were hard to decipher in the

darkness and therefore were uncertainly established) and four

destroyers--3, 78, 06, and 27--were destroyed by our fire. One destroyer

was cut in two by the ram of a German battleship. Seven destroyers,

including the G-30, were hit and severely damaged. These, including the

Tipperary and Turbulent, which after saving survivors, were left behind

in a sinking condition, drifted past our line, some of them burning at

the bow or stern.

The tracks of countless torpedoes were sighted by the German ships, but

only the Pommern (a battleship) fell an immediate victim to a torpedo.

The cruiser Rostock was hit, but remained afloat. The cruiser Elbing was

damaged by a German battleship during an unavoidable maneuver. After

vain endeavors to keep the ship afloat the Elbing was blown up, but only

after her crew had embarked on torpedo boats. A post torpedo boat was

struck by a mine laid by the enemy.

Following are the statistics of the fight:

ADMITTED LOSSES--BRITISH

NAME TONNAGE PERSONNEL

Queen Mary (battle cruiser) 27,000 1,000

Indefatigable (battle cruiser) 18,750 800

Invincible (battle cruiser) 17,250 750

Defense (armored cruiser) 14,600 755

Warrior (armored cruiser) 13,550 704

Black Prince (armored cruiser) 13,550 704

Tipperary (destroyer) 1,850 150

Turbulent (destroyer) 1,850 150

Shark (destroyer) 950 100

Sparrowhawk (destroyer) 950 100

Ardent (destroyer) 950 100

Fortune (destroyer) 950 100

Nomad (destroyer) 950 100

Nestor (destroyer) 950 100

BRITISH TOTALS

Battle cruisers 63,000 2,550

Armored cruisers 41,700 2,163

Destroyers 9,400 900

-------- ------

Fourteen ships 114,100 5,613

ADMITTED LOSSES--GERMAN*

NAME TONNAGE PERSONNEL

Lutzow (battle cruiser) 26,600 1,200

Pommern (battleship) 13,200 729

Wiesbaden (cruiser) 5,600 450

Frauenlob (cruiser) 2,715 264

Elbing (cruiser) 5,000 450

Rostock (cruiser) 4,900 373

Five destroyers 5,000 500

GERMAN TOTALS

Battle cruisers 39,800 1,929

Cruisers 18,215 1,537

Destroyers 5,000 500

------ -----

Eleven ships 63,015 3,966

* These figures are given for what they are worth, but no one outside of

Germany doubted but that their losses were very much greater than

admitted in the official report.

TOTAL LOSSES OF MEN

BRITISH

Dead or missing. 6,104

Wounded 513

-------

Total 6,617

GERMAN

Dead or missing 2,414

Wounded 449

-------

Total 2,863

LOSS IN MONEY VALUE (Rough Estimate)

British $115,000,000

German $63,000,000

----------------

Total $178,000,000

While the world was still puzzling over the conflicting reports of the

Battle of Jutland came the shocking news that Field Marshal Lord Horatio

Herbert Kitchener, the British Secretary of State for War, had perished

off the West Orkney Islands on June 5th, through the sinking of the

British cruiser Hampshire. The entire crew was also lost, except twelve

men, a warrant officer and eleven seamen, who escaped on a raft. Earl

Kitchener was on his way to Russia, at the request of the Russian

Government, for a consultation regarding munitions to be furnished the

Russian army. He was intending to go to Archangel and visit Petrograd,

and expected to be back in London by June 20th. He was accompanied by

Hugh James O'Beirne, former Councillor of the British Embassy at

Petrograd, O.A. Fitz-Gerald, his military secretary, Brigadier-General

Ellarshaw, and Sir Frederick Donaldson, all of whom were lost.

The cause of the sinking of the Hampshire is not known. It is supposed

that it struck a mine, but the tragedy very naturally brought into

existence many stories which ascribe his death to more direct German

action.

Seaman Rogerson, one of the survivors, describes Lord Kitchener's last

moments as follows: "Of those who left the ship, and have survived, I

was the one who saw Lord Kitchener last. He went down with the ship, he

did not leave her. I saw Captain Seville help his boat's crew to clear

away his galley. At the same time the Captain was calling to Lord

Kitchener to come to the boat, but owing to the noise made by the wind

and sea, Lord Kitchener could not hear him, I think. When the explosion

occurred, Kitchener walked calmly from the Captain's cabin, went up the

ladder and on to the quarter deck. There I saw him walking quite

collectedly, talking to two of the officers. All three were wearing

khaki and had no overcoats on. Kitchener calmly watched the preparations

for abandoning the ship, which were going on in a steady and orderly

way. The crew just went to their stations, obeyed orders, and did their

best to get out the boats. But it was impossible. Owing to the rough

weather, no boats could be lowered. Those that were got out were smashed

up at once. No boats left the ship. What people on the shore thought to

be boats leaving, were rafts. Men did get into the boats as these lay in

their cradles, thinking that as the ship went under the boats would

float, but the ship sank by the head, and when she went she turned a

somersault forward, carrying down with her all the boats and those in

them. I do not think Kitchener got into a boat. When I sprang to a raft

he was still on the starboard side of the quarter deck, talking with the

officers. From the little time that elapsed between my leaving the ship

and her sinking I feel certain Kitchener went down with her, and was on

deck at the time she sank."

[Illustration: Map]

WHERE EARL KITCHENER MET HIS DEATH

The British Admiralty, after investigation, gave out a statement

declaring that the vessel struck a mine, and sank about fifteen minutes

after.

The news of Lord Kitchener's death shocked the whole Allied world. He

was the most important personality in the British Empire. He had built

up the British army, and his name was one to conjure by. His efficiency

was a proverb, and he had an air of mystery about him that made him a

sort of a popular hero. He was great before the World War began; he was

the conqueror of the Soudan; the winner of the South African campaign;

the reorganizer of Egypt. In his work as Secretary of War he had met

with some criticism, but he possessed, more than any other man, the

public confidence. At the beginning of the war he was appointed

Secretary of War at the demand of an overwhelming public opinion. He

realized more than any one else what such a war would mean. When others

thought of it as an adventure to be soon concluded, he recognized that

there would be years of bitter conflict. He asked England to give up its

cherished tradition of a volunteer army; to go through arduous military

training; he saw the danger to the Empire, and he alone, perhaps, had

the authority to inspire his countrymen with the will to sacrifice. But

his work was done. The great British army was in the field.

CHAPTER XXII

THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN

In the very beginning Russia had marked out one point for attack. This

was the city of Cracow. No doubt the Grand Duke Nicholas had not hoped

to be able to invest that city early. The slowness of the mobilization

of the Russian army made a certain prudence advisable at the beginning

of the campaign. But the great success of his armies in Lemberg

encouraged more daring aims. He had invested Przemysl, and Galicia lay

before him. Accordingly, he set his face toward Cracow.

Cracow, from a military point of view, is the gate both of Vienna and

Berlin. A hundred miles west of it is the famous gap of Moravia, between

the Carpathian and the Bohemian mountains, which leads down into

Austria. Through this gap runs the great railway connecting Silesia with

Vienna, and the Grand Duke knew that if he could capture Cracow he would

have an easy road before him to the Austrian capital. Cracow also is the

key of Germany.

Seventy miles from the city lies the Oder River. An army might enter

Germany by this gate and turn the line of Germany's frontier fortresses.

The Oder had been well fortified, but an invader coming from Cracow

might move upon the western bank. The Russian plan no doubt was to

threaten both enemy capitals. Moreover, an advance of Russia from Cracow

would take its armies into Silesia, full of coal and iron mines, and one

of the greatest manufacturing districts in the German Empire. This would

be a real success, and all Germany would feel the blow.

Another reason for the Russian advance in Galicia was her desire to

control the Galician oil wells. To Germany petrol had become one of the

foremost munitions of war. Since she could not obtain it from either

America or Russia she must get it from Austria, and the Austrian oil

fields were all in Galicia. This, in itself, would explain the Galician

campaign. Moreover, through the Carpathian Mountains it was possible to

make frequent raids into Hungary, and Russia understood well the feeling

of Hungary toward her German allies.

She hoped that when Hungary perceived her regiments sacrificed and her

plains overrun by Russian troops, she would regret that she had allowed

herself to be sacrificed to Prussian ambition. The Russians, therefore,

suddenly, moved toward Cracow.

Then von Hindenburg came to the rescue. The supreme command of the

Austrian forces was given to him. The defenses of Cracow were

strengthened under the direction of the Germans, and a German army

advanced from the Posen frontier toward the northern bank of the

Vistula. The advance threatened the Russian right, and, accordingly,

within ten days' march of Cracow, the Russians stopped. The German

offensive in Poland had begun. The news of the German advance came about

the fifth of October. Von Hindenburg, who had been fighting in East

Prussia, had at last perceived that nothing could be gained there. The

vulnerable part of Russia was the city of Warsaw. This was the capital

of Poland, with a population of about three-quarters of a million. If he

could take Warsaw, he would not only have pleasant quarters for the

winter but Russia would be so badly injured that no further offensive

from her need be anticipated for a long period. Von Hindenburg had with

him a large army. In his center he probably had three-quarters of a

million men, and on his right the Austrian army in Cracow, which must

have reached a million.

Counting the troops operating in East Prussia and along the Carpathians,

and the garrison of Przemysl, the Teuton army must have had two and a

half million soldiers. Russia, on the other hand, though her

mobilization was still continuing, at this time could not have had as

many as two million men in the whole nine hundred miles of her battle

front.

The fight for Warsaw began Friday, October 16th, and continued for three

days, von Hindenburg being personally in command. On Monday the Germans

found themselves in trouble. A Russian attack on their left wing had

come with crushing force. Von Hindenburg found his left wing thrown

back, and the whole German movement thrown into disorder. Meanwhile an

attempt to cross the Vistula at Josefov had also been a failure. The

Russians allowed the Germans to pass with slight resistance, waited

until they arrived at the village Kazimirjev, a district of low hills

and swampy flats, and then suddenly overwhelmed them.

Next day the Russians crossed the river themselves, and advanced along

the whole line, driving the enemy before them, through great woods of

spruce out into the plains on the west. This forest region was well

known to the Russian guides, and the Germans suffered much as the

Russians had suffered in East Prussia. Ruzsky, the Russian commander,

pursued persistently; the Germans retreating first to Kielce, whence

they were driven, on the 3d of November, with great losses, and then

being broken into two pieces, with the north retiring westward and the

south wing southwest toward Cracow.

Rennenkampf's attack on the German left wing was equally successful, and

von Hindenburg was driven into full retreat. The only success won during

this campaign was that in the far south where Austrian troops were

sweeping eastward toward the San. This army drove back the Russians

under Ivanov, reoccupied Jaroslav and relieved Przemysl. This was a

welcome relief to Przemysl, for the garrison was nearly starved, and it

was well for the garrison that the relief came, for in a few days the

Russians returned, recaptured Jaroslav and reinvested Przemysl. As von

Hindenburg retreated he left complete destruction in his wake, roads,

bridges, railroad tracks, water towers, railway stations, all were

destroyed; even telegraph posts, broken or sawn through, and insulators

broken to bits.

It was now the turn of Russia to make a premature advance, and to pay

for it. Doubtless the Grand Duke Nicholas, whose strategy up to this

point had been so admirable, knew very well the danger of a new advance

in Galicia, but he realized the immense political as well as military

advantages which were to be obtained by the capture of Cracow. He

therefore attempted to move an army through Poland as well as through

Galicia, hoping that the army in Poland would keep von Hindenburg busy,

while the Galician army would deal with Cracow.

The advance was slow on account of the damaged Polish roads. It was

preceded by a cavalry screen which moved with more speed. On November

10th, the vanguard crossed the Posen frontier and cut the railway on the

Cracow-Posen line. This reconnaissance convinced the Russian general

that the German army did not propose to make a general stand, and it

seemed to him that if he struck strongly with his center along the

Warta, he might destroy the left flank of the German southern army,

while his own left flank was assaulting Cracow. He believed that even if

his attack upon the Warta failed, the Russian center could at any rate

prevent the enemy from interfering with the attack further south upon

Cracow.

The movement therefore began, and by November 12th, the Russian cavalry

had taken Miechow on the German frontier, about twenty miles north of

Cracow. Its main forces were still eighty miles to the east. About this

time Grand Duke Nicholas perceived that von Hindenburg was preparing a

counter stroke. He had retreated north, and then, by means of his

railways, was gathering a large army at Thorn. Large reinforcements were

sent him, some from the western front, giving him a total of about eight

hundred thousand men. In his retreat from Warsaw, while he had destroyed

all roads and railways in the south and west, he had carefully preserved

those of the north already planning to use them in another movement. He

now was beginning an advance, once again, against Warsaw. On account of

the roads he perceived that it would be difficult for the Russians to

obtain reinforcements. Von Hindenburg had with him as Chief of Staff

General von Ludendorff, one of the cleverest staff officers in the

German army, and General von Mackensen, a commander of almost equal

repute.

The Russian army in the north had been pretty well scattered. The

Russian forces were now holding a front of nearly a thousand miles, with

about two million men. The Russian right center, which now protected

Warsaw from the new attack could hardly number more than two hundred

thousand men. Von Hindenburg's aim was Warsaw only, and did not affect

directly the Russian advance to Cracow, which was still going on.

Indeed, by the end of the first week in December, General Dmitrieff had

cavalry in the suburbs of Cracow, and his main force was on the line of

the River Rava about twelve miles away. Cracow had been strongly

fortified, and much entrenching had been done in a wide circle around

the city.

[Illustration: Photograph]

Copyright Press Illustrating Service.

THE FAMOUS WITHERED ARM

A most unusual photograph of the ex-Kaiser showing his withered left

arm. The sale of this picture was forbidden in Germany. The other

figure is the Hetman of the Ukrainia, Skoropadski.

[Illustration: Painting]

THE FIRST STAGE HOMEWARDS

Stretcher bearers bringing in wounded from the battlefield to the

collecting posts.

[Illustration: Photograph]

GERMAN FRIGHTFULNESS FROM THE AIR

A gas attack on the eastern front photographed by a Russian airman.

The German plan was to use its field army in Cracow's defense rather

than a garrison. Two separate forces were used; one moving southwest of

Cracow along the Carpathian hills, struck directly at Ivanov's left; the

other, operating from Hungary, threatened the Russian rear. These two

divisions struck at the same time and the Russians found it necessary to

fight rear actions as they moved forward. They were doing this with

reasonable success and working their way toward Cracow, when, on the

12th of December, the Austrian forces working from Hungary carried the

Dukla Pass. This meant that the Austrians would be able to pour troops

down into the rear of the Russian advance, and the Russian army would be

cut off. Dmitrieff, therefore, fell rapidly back, until the opening of

the Dukla Pass was in front of his line, and the Russian army was once

more safe.

Meanwhile the renewed siege of Przemysl was going on with great vigor,

and attracting the general attention of the Allied world. The Austrians

attempted to follow up their successes at the Dukla Pass by attempting

to seize the Lupkow Pass, and the Uzzok Pass, still further to the east,

but the Russians were tired of retreating. New troops had arrived, and

about the 20th of December a new advance was begun.

With the right of the army swinging up along the river Nida, northeast

of Cracow, the Russian left attacked the Dukla Pass in great force,

driving Austrians back and capturing over ten thousand men. On Christmas

Day all three great western passes were in Russian hands. The Austrian

fighting, during this period, was the best they had so far shown, the

brunt of it being upon the Hungarian troops, who, at this time, were

saving Germany.

Meantime von Hindenburg was pursuing his movement in the direction of

Warsaw. The Russian generals found it difficult to obtain information.

Each day came the chronicle of contests, some victories, some defeats,

and it soon appeared that a strong force was crushing in the Russian

outposts from the direction of Thorn and moving toward Warsaw. Ruzsky

found himself faced by a superior German force, and was compelled to

retreat. The Russian aim was to fall back behind the river Bzura, which

lies between the Thorn and Warsaw. Bzura is a strong line of defense,

with many fords but no bridges. The Russian right wing passed by the

city of Lowicz, moved southwest to Strykov and then on past Lodz. West

of Lowicz is a great belt of marshes impossible for the movement of

armies.

The first German objective was the city of Lodz. Von Hindenburg knew

that he must move quickly before the Russians should get up reserves.

His campaign of destruction had made it impossible for aid to be sent to

the Russian armies from Ivanov, far in the south, but every moment

counted. His right pushed forward and won the western crossings of the

marshes. His extreme left moved towards Plock, but the main effort was

against Piontek, where there is a famous causeway engineered for heavy

transport through the marshes.

At first the Russians repelled the attack on the causeway, but on

November 19th the Russians broke and were compelled to fall back. Over

the causeway, then, the German troops were rushed in great numbers,

splitting the Russian army into two parts; one on the south surrounding

Lodz, and the other running east of Brezin on to the Vistula. The

Russian army around Lodz was assailed on the front flank and rear. It

looked like an overwhelming defeat for the Russian army. At the very

last moment possible, Russian reinforcements appeared--a body of

Siberians from the direction of Warsaw. They were thrown at once into

the battle and succeeded in re-establishing the Russian line. This left

about ninety thousand Germans almost entirely surrounded, as if they

were in a huge sack. Ruzsky tried his best to close the mouth of the

sack, but he was unsuccessful. The fighting was terrific, but by the

26th the Germans in the sack had escaped.

The Germans were continually receiving reinforcements and still largely

outnumbered the Russians. Von Hindenburg therefore determined on a new

assault. The German left wing was now far in front of the Russian city

of Lodz, one of the most important of the Polish cities. The population

was about half a million. Such a place was a constant danger, for it was

the foundation of a Russian salient. When the German movement began the

Russian general, perceiving how difficult it would have been to hold the

city, deliberately withdrew, and on December 6th the Germans entered

Lodz without opposition.

The retreat relieved the Russians of a great embarrassment. Its capture

was considered in Germany as a great German victory, and at this time

von Hindenburg seems to have felt that he had control of the situation.

His movement, to be sure, had not interfered with the Russian advance on

Cracow, but Warsaw must have seemed to him almost in his power. He

therefore concentrated his forces for a blow at Warsaw. His first new

movement was directed at the Russian right wing, which was then north of

the Bzura River and east of Lowicz. He also directed the German forces

in East Prussia to advance and attempted to cut the main railway line

between Warsaw and Petrograd. If this attempt had been successful it

would have been a highly serious matter for the Russians. The Russians,

however, defeated it, and drove the enemy back to the East Prussian

border. The movement against the Russian right wing was more successful,

and the Russians fell back slowly. This was not because they were

defeated in battle, but because the difficult weather interfered with

communications. There had been a thaw, and the whole country was

waterlogged. The Grand Duke was willing that the Germans should fight in

the mud.

This slow retreat continued from the 7th of December to Christmas Eve,

and involved the surrender of a number of Polish towns, but it left the

Russians in a strong position. They were able to entrench themselves so

that every attack of the enemy was broken. The Germans tried hard. Von

Hindenburg would have liked to enter Warsaw on Christmas. The citizens

heard day and night the sound of the cannon, but they were entirely

safe.

The German attack was a failure. On the whole, the Grand Duke Nicholas

had shown better strategy than the best of the German generals.

Outnumbered from the very start, his tactics had been admirable. Twice

he had saved Warsaw, and he was still threatening Cracow. The Russian

armies were fighting with courage and efficiency, and were continually

growing in numbers as the days went by.

During the first weeks of 1915 while there were a number of attacks and

counter attacks both armies had come to the trench warfare, so familiar

in France. The Germans in particular had constructed a most elaborate

trench system, with underground rooms containing many of the ordinary

comforts of life. Toward the end of the month the Russians began to move

in East Prussia in the north and also far south in the Bukovina. The

object of these movements was probably to prevent von Hindenburg from

releasing forces on the west. Russia was still terribly weak in

equipment and was not ready for a serious advance. An attack on sacred

East Prussia would stir up the Germans, while Hungary would be likewise

disturbed by the advance on Bukovina. Von Hindenburg, however, was still

full of the idea of capturing Warsaw. He had failed twice but the old

Field Marshal was stubborn and moreover he knew well what the capture of

Warsaw would mean to Russia, and so he tried again.

The Russian front now followed the west bank of the Bzura for a few

miles, changed to the eastern bank following the river until it met with

the Rawka, from there a line of trenches passed south and east of

Balinov and from there to Skiernievice. Von Mackensen concentrated a

considerable army at Balinov and had on the 1st of February about a

hundred and forty thousand men there. That night, with the usual

artillery preparation, he moved from Balinov against the Russian

position at the Borzymov Crest. The Germans lost heavily but drove

forward into the enemy's line, and by the 3d of February had almost made

a breach in it. This point, however, could be readily reinforced and

troops were hurried there from Warsaw in such force that on February 4th

the German advance was checked. Von Mackensen had lost heavily, and by

the time it was checked he had become so weak that his forces yielded

quickly to the counter-attack and were flung back.

This was the last frontal attack upon Warsaw. Von Hindenburg then

determined to attack Warsaw by indirection. Austria was instructed to

move forward along the whole Carpathian front, while he himself, with

strong forces, undertook to move from East Prussia behind the Polish

capital, and cut the communications between Warsaw and Petrograd. If

Austria could succeed, Przemysl might be relieved, Lemberg recaptured,

and Russia forced back so far on the south that Warsaw would have to be

abandoned. On the other hand if the East Prussia effort were successful,

the Polish capital would certainly fall. These plans, if they had

developed successfully, would have crippled the power of Russia for at

least six months. Meantime, troops could be sent to the west front, and

perhaps enable Germany to overwhelm France. By this time almost all of

Poland west of the Vistula was in the power of the Germans, while

three-fourths of Galicia was controlled by Russia.

Von Hindenburg now returned to his old battle-ground near the Masurian

Lakes. The Russian forces, which, at the end of January, had made a

forward movement in East Prussia, had been quite successful. Their right

was close upon Tilsit, and their left rested upon the town of

Johannisburg. Further south was the Russian army of the Narev. Von

Hindenburg determined to surprise the invaders, and he gathered an army

of about three hundred thousand men to face the Russian forces which did

not number more than a hundred and twenty thousand, and which were under

the command of General Baron Sievers. The Russian army soon found itself

in a desperate position. A series of bitter fights ensued, at some of

which the Kaiser himself was present. The Russians were driven steadily

back for a week, but the German stories of their tremendous losses are

obviously unfounded. They retreated steadily until February 20th,

fighting courageously, and by that date the Germans began to find

themselves exhausted.

Russian reinforcements came up, and a counter-attack was begun. The

German aim had evidently been to reach Grodno and cut the main line from

Warsaw to Petrograd, which passes through that city. They had now

reached Suwalki, a little north of Grodno, but were unable to advance

further, though the Warsaw-Petrograd railway was barely ten miles away.

The southern portion of von Hindenburg's army was moving against the

railway further west, in the direction of Ossowietz. But Ossowietz put

up a determined resistance, and the attack was unsuccessful. By the

beginning of March, von Hindenburg ordered a gradual retreat to the East

Prussian frontier.

While this movement to drive the Russians from East Prussia was under

way, von Hindenburg had also launched an attack against the Russian army

on the Narev. If he could force the lower Narev from that point, too, he

could cut the railroad running east from the Polish capital. He had

hoped that the attacks just described further east would distract the

Russian attention so that he would find the Narev ill guarded. The

advance began on February 22d, and after numerous battles captured

Przasnysz, and found itself with only one division to oppose its

progress to the railroad. On the 23d this force was attacked by the

German right, but resisted with the utmost courage. It held out for more

than thirty-six hours, until, on the evening of the 24th, Russian

reinforcements began to come up, and drove the invaders north through

Przasnysz in retreat.

It was an extraordinary fight. The Russians were unable to supply all

their troops with munitions and arms. At Przasnysz men fought without

rifles, armed only with a bayonet. All they could do was to charge with

cold steel, and they did it so desperately that, though they were

outnumbered, they drove the Germans before them. By all the laws of war

the Russians should have been defeated with ease. As it was, the German

attempt to capture Warsaw by a flank movement was defeated. While the

struggle was going on in the north, the Austrian armies in Galicia were

also moving, Russia was still holding the three great passes in the

Carpathian Mountains, but had not been able to begin an offensive in

Hungary.