CHAPTER LIX. PRESIDENT WILSON'S REVIEW O_History of the World War

A Year in the Life of the United States Crowded with Great

Events--Tribute to the Soldiers and Sailors, the Workers at Home Who

Supplied the Sinews of the Great Undertaking, the Women of the Land

Who Contributed to the Great Result--The Future Safe in the Hands of

American Businessmen

SUMMARIZED CHRONOLOGY OF THE WAR

FOREWORD

This is a popular narrative history of the world's greatest war. Written

frankly from the viewpoint of the United States and the Allies, it

visualizes the bloodiest and most destructive conflict of all the ages

from its remote causes to its glorious conclusion and beneficent

results. The world-shaking rise of new democracies is set forth, and the

enormous national and individual sacrifices producing that resurrection

of human equality are detailed.

Two ideals have been before us in the preparation of this necessary

work. These are simplicity and thoroughness. It is of no avail to

describe the greatest of human events if the description is so confused

that the reader loses interest. Thoroughness is an historical essential

beyond price. So it is that official documents prepared in many

instances upon the field of battle, and others taken from the files of

the governments at war, are the basis of this work. Maps and photographs

of unusual clearness and high authenticity illuminate the text. All that

has gone into war making, into the regeneration of the world, are herein

set forth with historical particularity. The stark horrors of Belgium,

the blighting terrors of chemical warfare, the governmental restrictions

placed upon hundreds of millions of civilians, the war sacrifices

falling upon all the civilized peoples of earth, are in these pages.

It is a book that mankind can well read and treasure.

CHAPTER I

A WAR FOR INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM

"My FELLOW COUNTRYMEN: The armistice was signed this morning. Everything

for which America fought has been accomplished. The war thus comes to an

end."

Speaking to the Congress and the people of the United States, President

Wilson made this declaration on November 11, 1918. A few hours before he

made this statement, Germany, the empire of blood and iron, had agreed

to an armistice, terms of which were the hardest and most humiliating

ever imposed upon a nation of the first class. It was the end of a war

for which Germany had prepared for generations, a war bred of a

philosophy that Might can take its toll of earth's possessions, of human

lives and liberties, when and where it will. That philosophy involved

the cession to imperial Germany of the best years of young German

manhood, the training of German youths to be killers of men. It involved

the creation of a military caste, arrogant beyond all precedent, a caste

that set its strength and pride against the righteousness of democracy,

against the possession of wealth and bodily comforts, a caste that

visualized itself as part of a power-mad Kaiser's assumption that he and

God were to shape the destinies of earth.

When Marshal Foch, the foremost strategist in the world, representing

the governments of the Allies and the United States, delivered to the

emissaries of Germany terms upon which they might surrender, he brought

to an end the bloodiest, the most destructive and the most beneficent

war the world has known. It is worthy of note in this connection that

the three great wars in which the United States of America engaged have

been wars for freedom. The Revolutionary War was for the liberty of the

colonies; the Civil War was waged for the freedom of manhood and for the

principle of the indissolubility of the Union; the World War, beginning

1914, was fought for the right of small nations to self-government and

for the right of every country to the free use of the high seas.

More than four million American men were under arms when the conflict

ended. Of these, more than two million were upon the fields of France

and Italy. These were thoroughly trained in the military art. They had

proved their right to be considered among the most formidable soldiers

the world has known. Against the brown rock of that host in khaki, the

flower of German savagery and courage had broken at Chateau-Thierry.

There the high tide of Prussian militarism, after what had seemed to be

an irresistible dash for the destruction of France, spent itself in the

bloody froth and spume of bitter defeat. There the Prussian Guard

encountered the Marines, the Iron Division and the other heroic

organizations of America's new army. There German soldiers who had been

hardened and trained under German conscription before the war, and who

had learned new arts in their bloody trade, through their service in the

World War, met their masters in young Americans taken from the shop, the

field, and the forge, youths who had been sent into battle with a scant

six months' intensive training in the art of war. Not only did these

American soldiers hold the German onslaught where it was but, in a

sudden, fierce, resistless counter-thrust they drove back in defeat and

confusion the Prussian Guard, the Pommeranian Reserves, and smashed the

morale of that German division beyond hope of resurrection.

The news of that exploit sped from the Alps to the North Sea Coast,

through all the camps of the Allies, with incredible rapidity. "The

Americans have held the Germans. They can fight," ran the message. New

life came into the war-weary ranks of heroic poilus and into the

steel-hard armies of Great Britain. "The Americans are as good as the

best. There are millions of them, and millions more are coming," was

heard on every side. The transfusion of American blood came as magic

tonic, and from that glorious day there was never a doubt as to the

speedy defeat of Germany. From that day the German retreat dated. The

armistice signed on November 11, 1918, was merely the period finishing

the death sentence of German militarism, the first word of which was

uttered at Chateau-Thierry.

Germany's defiance to the world, her determination to force her will and

her "kultur" upon the democracies of earth, produced the conflict. She

called to her aid three sister autocracies: Turkey, a land ruled by the

whims of a long line of moody misanthropic monarchs; Bulgaria, the

traitor nation cast by its Teutonic king into a war in which its people

had no choice and little sympathy; Austria-Hungary, a congeries of races

in which a Teutonic minority ruled with an iron scepter.

Against this phalanx of autocracy, twenty-four nations arrayed

themselves. Populations of these twenty-eight warring nations far

exceeded the total population of all the remainder of humanity. The

conflagration of war literally belted the earth. It consumed the most

civilized of capitals. It raged in the swamps and forests of Africa. To

its call came alien peoples speaking words that none but themselves

could translate, wearing garments of exotic cut and hue amid the smart

garbs and sober hues of modern civilization. A twentieth century Babel

came to the fields of France for freedom's sake, and there was born an

internationalism making for the future understanding and peace of the

world. The list of the twenty-eight nations entering the World War and

their populations follow:

Countries. Population. Countries. Population.

United States 110,000,000 Italy 37,000,000

Austria-Hungary 50,000,000 Japan 54,000,000

Belgium 8,000,000 Liberia 2,000,000

Bulgaria 5,000,000 Montenegro 500,000

Brazil 23,000,000 Nicaragua 700,000

China 420,000,000 Panama 400,000

Costa Rica 425,000 Portugal* 15,000,000

Cuba 2,500,000 Roumania 7,500,000

France 90,000,000 Russia 180,000,000

Gautemala 2,000,000 San Marino 10,000

Germany 67,000,000 Serbia 4,500,000

Great Britain 440,000,000 Siam 6,000,000

Greece 5,000,000 Turkey 42,000,000

Haiti 2,000,000 -----------------

Honduras 600,000 Total 1,575,135,000

* Including colonies

The following nations, with their populations, took no part in the World

War:

Countries. Population. Countries. Population.

Abyssinia 8,000,000 Argentina 8,000,000

Afghanistan 6,000,000 Bhutan 250,000

Andorra 6,000 Chile 5,000,000

Colombia 5,000,000 Paraguay 800,000

Denmark 3,000,000 Persia 9,000,000

Ecuador 1,500,000 Salvador 1,250,000

Mexico 15,000,000 Spain 20,000,000

Monaco 20,000 Switzerland 3,750,000

Nepal 4,000,000 Venezuela 2,800,000

Holland* 40,000,000 -----------------

Norway 2,500,000 Total 135,876,000

* Including colonies.

Never before in the history of the world were so many races and peoples

mingled in a military effort as those that came together under the

command of Marshal Foch. If we divide the human races into white,

yellow, red and black, all four were largely represented. Among the

white races there were Frenchmen, Italians, Portuguese, English,

Scottish, Welsh, Irish, Canadians, Australians, South Africans (of both

British and Dutch descent) New Zealanders; in the American army,

probably every other European nation was represented, with additional

contingents from those already named, so that every branch of the white

race figured in the ethnological total.

There were representatives of many Asiatic races, including not only the

volunteers from the native states of India, but elements from the French

colony in Cochin China, with Annam, Cambodia, Tonkin, Laos, and Kwang

Chau Wan. England and France both contributed many African tribes,

including Arabs from Algeria and Tunis, Senegalese, Saharans, and many

of the South African races. The red races of North America were

represented in the armies of both Canada and the United States, while

the Maoris, Samoans, and other Polynesian races were likewise

represented. And as, in the American Army, there were men of German,

Austrian, and Hungarian descent, and, in all probability, contingents

also of Bulgarian and Turkish blood, it may be said that Foch commanded

an army representing the whole human race, united in defense of the

ideals of the Allies.

It will be seen that more than ten times the number of neutral persons

were engulfed in the maelstrom of war. Millions of these suffered from

it during the entire period of the conflict, four years three months and

fifteen days, a total of 1,567 days. For almost four years Germany

rolled up a record of victories on land and of piracies on and under the

seas.

[Illustration: TERRITORY OCCUPIED BY THE ALLIES UNDER THE ARMISTICE OF

NOVEMBER 11, 1918 (East/West: Brussels to Berlin; North South: Keil to

Bern)]

Dotted area, invaded territory of Belgium, France, Luxembourg and

Alsace-Lorraine to be evacuated in fourteen days; area in small

squares, part of Germany west of the Rhine to be evacuated in

twenty-five days and occupied by Allied and U. S. troops; lightly

shaded area to east of Rhine, neutral zone; black semi-circles

bridge-heads of thirty kilometers radius in the neutral zone to be

occupied by Allied armies.

Little by little, day after day, piracies dwindled as the murderous

submarine was mastered and its menace strangled. On the land, the

Allies, under the matchless leadership of Marshal Ferdinand Foch and the

generous co-operation of Americans, British, French and Italians, under

the great Generals Pershing, Haig, Petain and Diaz, wrested the

initiative from von Hindenburg and Ludendorf, late in July, 1918. Then,

in one hundred and fifteen days of wonderful strategy and the fiercest

fighting the world has ever witnessed, Foch and the Allies closed upon

the Germanic armies the jaws of a steel trap. A series of brilliant

maneuvers dating from the battle of Chateau-Thierry in which the

Americans checked the Teutonic rush, resulted in the defeat and rout on

all the fronts of the Teutonic commands.

In that titanic effort, America's share was that of the final deciding

factor. A nation unjustly titled the "Dollar Nation," believed by

Germany and by other countries to be soft, selfish and wasteful, became

over night hard as tempered steel, self-sacrificing with an altruism

that inspired the world and thrifty beyond all precedent in order that

not only its own armies but the armies of the Allies might be fed and

munitioned.

Leading American thought and American action, President Wilson stood out

as the prophet of the democracies of the world. Not only did he inspire

America and the Allies to a military and naval effort beyond precedent,

but he inspired the civilian populations of the world to extraordinary

effort, efforts that eventually won the war. For the decision was gained

quite as certainly on the wheat fields of Western America, in the shops

and the mines and the homes of America as it was upon the battle-field.

This effort came in response to the following appeal by the President:

These, then, are the things we must do, and do well, besides

fighting--the things without which mere fighting would be fruitless:

We must supply abundant food for ourselves and for our armies and our

seamen not only, but also for a large part of the nations with whom we

have now made common cause, in whose support and by whose sides we shall

be fighting;

We must supply ships by the hundreds out of our shipyards to carry to

the other side of the sea, submarines or no submarines, what will every

day be needed there; and--

Abundant materials out of our fields and our mines and our factories

with which not only to clothe and equip our own forces on land and sea

but also to clothe and support our people for whom the gallant fellows

under arms can no longer work, to help clothe and equip the armies with

which we are co-operating in Europe, and to keep the looms and

manufactories there in raw material;

Coal to keep the fires going in ships at sea and in the furnaces of

hundreds of factories across the sea;

Steel out of which to make arms and ammunition both here and there;

Rails for worn-out railways back of the fighting fronts;

Locomotives and rolling stock to take the place of those every day going

to pieces;

Everything with which the people of England and France and Italy and

Russia have usually supplied themselves, but cannot now afford the men,

the materials, or the machinery to make.

I particularly appeal to the farmers of the South to plant abundant

foodstuffs as well as cotton. They can show their patriotism in no

better or more convincing way than by resisting the great temptation of

the present price of cotton and helping, helping upon a large scale, to

feed the nation and the peoples everywhere who are fighting for their

liberties and for our own. The variety of their crops will be the

visible measure of their comprehension of their national duty.

The response was amazing in its enthusiastic and general compliance. No

autocracy issuing a ukase could have been obeyed so explicitly. Not only

did the various classes of workers and individuals observe the

President's suggestions to the letter, but they yielded up individual

right after right in order that the war work of the government might be

expedited. Extraordinary powers and functions were granted by the people

through Congress, and it was not until peace was declared that these

rights and powers returned to the people.

These governmental activities ceased functioning after the war:

Food administration;

Fuel administration;

Espionage act;

War trade board;

Alien property custodian (with extension of time for certain duties);

Agricultural stimulation;

Housing construction (except for shipbuilders);

Control of telegraphs and telephones;

Export control.

These functions were extended:

Control over railroads: to cease within twenty-one months after the

proclamation of peace.

The War Finance Corporation: to cease to function six months after the

war, with further time for liquidation.

The Capital Issues Committee: to terminate in six months after the peace

proclamation.

The Aircraft Board: to end in six months after peace was proclaimed; and

the government operation of ships, within five years after the war was

officially ended.

President Wilson, generally acclaimed as the leader of the world's

democracies, phrased for civilization the arguments against autocracy in

the great peace conference after the war. The President headed the

American delegation to that conclave of world re-construction. With him

as delegates to the conference were Robert Lansing, Secretary of State;

Henry White, former Ambassador to France and Italy; Edward M. House and

General Tasker H. Bliss.

Representing American Labor at the International Labor conference held

in Paris simultaneously with the Peace Conference were Samuel Gompers,

president of the American Federation of Labor; William Green,

secretary-treasurer of the United Mine Workers of America; John R.

Alpine, president of the Plumbers' Union; James Duncan, president of the

International Association of Granite Cutters; Frank Duffy, president of

the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, and Frank Morrison,

secretary of the American Federation of Labor.

Estimating the share of each Allied nation in the great victory, mankind

will conclude that the heaviest cost in proportion to prewar population

and treasure was paid by the nations that first felt the shock of war,

Belgium, Serbia, Poland and France. All four were the battle-grounds of

huge armies, oscillating in a bloody frenzy over once fertile fields and

once prosperous towns.

Belgium, with a population of 8,000,000, had a casualty list of more

than 350,000; France, with its casualties of 4,000,000 out of a

population (including its colonies) of 90,000,000, is really the martyr

nation of the world. Her gallant poilus showed the world how cheerfully

men may die in defense of home and liberty. Huge Russia, including

hapless Poland, had a casualty list of 7,000,000 out of its entire

population of 180,000,000. The United States out of a population of

110,000,000 had a casualty list of 236,117 for nineteen months of war;

of these 53,169 were killed or died of disease; 179,625 were wounded;

and 3,323 prisoners or missing.

[Illustration: KINGS AND CHIEF EXECUTIVES OF THE PRINCIPAL POWERS

ASSOCIATED AGAINST THE GERMAN ALLIANCE (King George V of England,

President Raymond of France, President Woodrow Wilson of the United

States, King Victor Emmanuel II of Italy, King Albert I of Belgium)]

[Illustration: Photograph of Clemenceau]

THE "TIGER" OF FRANCE

George Benjamin Eugene Clemenceau, world-famous Premier of France, who

by his inspiring leadership maintained the magnificent morale of his

countrymen in the face of terrific assaults of the enemy.

[Illustration: THE RIGHT HONORABLE DAVID LLOYD GEORGE]

British Premier, who headed the coalition cabinet which carried

England through the war to victory.

[Illustration: KING GEORGE V]

King of Great Britain and Ireland and Emperor of India, who struggled

earnestly to prevent the war, but when Germany attacked Belgium sent

the mighty forces of the British Empire to stop the Hun.

To the glory of Great Britain must be recorded the enormous effort made

by its people, showing through operations of its army and navy. The

British Empire, including, the Colonies, had a casualty list of

3,049,992 men out of a total population of 440,000,000. Of these 658,665

were killed; 2,032,122 were wounded, and 359,204 were reported missing.

It raised an army of 7,000,000, and fought seven separate foreign

campaigns, in France, Italy, Dardanelles, Mesopotamia, Macedonia, East

Africa and Egypt. It raised its navy personnel from 115,000 to 450,000

men. Co-operating with its allies on the sea, it destroyed approximately

one hundred and fifty German and Austrian submarines. It aided

materially the American navy and transport service in sending overseas

the great American army whose coming decided the war. The British navy

and transport service during the war made the following record of

transportation and convoy:

Twenty million men, 2,000,000 horses, 130,000,000 tons of food,

25,000,000 tons of explosives and supplies, 51,000,000 tons of oil and

fuels, 500,000 vehicles. In 1917 alone 7,000,000 men, 500,000 animals,

200,000 vehicles and 9,500,000 tons of stores were conveyed to the

several war fronts.

The German losses were estimated at 1,588,000 killed or died of disease;

4,000,000 wounded; and 750,000 prisoners and missing.

A tabulation of the estimates of casualties and the money cost of the

war reveals the enormous price paid by humanity to convince a

military-mad Germanic caste that Right and not Might must hereafter rule

the world. These figures do not include Serbian losses, which are

unavailable. Following is the tabulation:

THE ENTENTE ALLIES THE CENTRAL POWERS

Russia 7,000,000 Germany 6,338,000

France 4,000,000 Austria-Hungary 4,500,000

British Empire (official) 3,049,992 Turkey 750,000

Italy 1,000,000 Bulgaria 200,000

Belgium 350,000

Roumania 200,000

United States (official) 236,117

Total 15,836,109 Total 11,788,000

Grand total of estimated casualties, 27,624,109, of which the dead alone

number perhaps 7,000,000.

ESTIMATED COST IN MONEY

THE ENTENTE ALLIES THE CENTRAL POWERS

Russia $30,000,000,000 Germany $45,000,000,000

Britain 52,000,000,000 Austria-Hungary 25,000,000,000

France 32,000,000,000 Turkey 5,000,000,000

United States 40,000,000,000 Bulgaria 2,000,000,000

Italy 12,000,000,000 ------------------

Roumania 3,000,000,000 Total $77,000,000,000

Serbia 3,000,000,000

--------------------

Total $172,000,000,000

Grand total of estimated cost in money, $249,000,000,000. Was the cost

too heavy? Was the price of international liberty paid in human lives

and in sacrifices untold too great for the peace that followed?

Even the most practical of money changers, the most sentimental

pacifist, viewing the cost in connection with the liberation of whole

nations, with the spread of enlightened liberty through oppressed and

benighted lands, with the destruction of autocracy, of the military

caste, and of Teutonic kultur in its materialistic aspect, must agree

that the blood was well shed, the treasure well spent.

Millions of gallant, eager youths learned how to die fearlessly and

gloriously. They died to teach vandal nations that nevermore will

humanity permit the exploitation of peoples for militaristic purposes.

As Milton, the great philosopher poet, phrased the lesson taught to

Germany on the fields of France:

They err who count it glorious to subdue

By conquest far and wide, to overrun

Large countries, and in field great battles win,

Great cities by assault; what do these worthies

But rob and spoil, burn, slaughter, and enslave

Peaceable nations, neighboring or remote

Made captive, yet deserving freedom more

Than those their conquerors, who leave behind

Nothing but ruin wheresoe'er they rove

And all the flourishing works of peace destroy.

CHAPTER II

THE WORLD SUDDENLY TURNED UPSIDE DOWN

Demoralization, like the black plague of the middle ages, spread in

every direction immediately following the first overt acts of war. Men

who were millionaires at nightfall awoke the next morning to find

themselves bankrupt through depreciation of their stock-holdings.

Prosperous firms of importers were put out of business. International

commerce was dislocated to an extent unprecedented in history.

The greatest of hardships immediately following the war, however, were

visited upon those who unhappily were caught on their vacations or on

their business trips within the area affected by the war. Not only men,

but women and children, were subjected to privations of the severest

character. Notes which had been negotiable, paper money of every

description, and even silver currency suddenly became of little value.

Americans living in hotels and pensions facing this sudden shrinkage in

their money, were compelled to leave the roofs that had sheltered them.

That which was true of Americans was true of all other nationalities, so

that every embassy and the office of every consul became a miniature

Babel of excited, distressed humanity.

The sudden seizure of railroads for war purposes in Germany, France,

Austria and Russia, cut off thousands of travelers in villages that were

almost inaccessible. Europeans being comparatively close to their homes,

were not in straits as severe as the Americans whose only hope for aid

lay in the speedy arrival of American gold. Prices of food soared beyond

all precedent and many of these hapless strangers went under. Paris, the

brightest and gayest city in Europe, suddenly became the most somber of

dwelling places. No traffic was permitted on the highways at night. No

lights were permitted and all the cafes were closed at eight o'clock.

The gay capital was placed under iron military rule.

Seaports, and especially the pleasure resorts in France, Belgium and

England, were placed under a military supervision. Visitors were ordered

to return to their homes and every resort was shrouded with darkness at

night. The records of those early days are filled with stories of

dramatic happenings.

On the night of July 31st Jean Leon Jaures, the famous leader of French

Socialists, was assassinated while dining in a small restaurant near the

Paris Bourse. His assassin was Raoul Villein. Jaures had been

endeavoring to accomplish a union of French and German Socialists with

the aim of preventing the war. The object of the assassination appeared

to have been wholly political.

On the same day stock exchanges throughout the United States were

closed, following the example of European stock exchanges. Ship

insurance soared to prohibitive figures. Reservists of the French and

German armies living outside of their native land were called to the

colors and their homeward rush still further complicated transportation

for civilians. All the countries of Europe clamored for gold. North and

South America complied with the demand by sending cargoes of the

precious metal overseas. The German ship Kron Prinzessin with a cargo of

gold, attempted to make the voyage to Hamburg, but a wireless warning

that Allied cruisers were waiting for it off the Grand Banks of

Newfoundland, compelled the big ship to turn back to safety in America.

Channel boats bearing American refugees from the Continent to London

were described as floating hells. London was excited over the war and

holiday spirit, and overrun with five thousand citizens of the United

States tearfully pleading with the American Ambassador for money for

transportation home or assurances of personal safety.

The condition of the terror-stricken tourists fleeing to the friendly

shores of England from Continental countries crowded with soldiers

dragging in their wake heavy guns, resulted in an extraordinary

gathering of two thousand Americans at a hotel one afternoon and the

formation of a preliminary organization to afford relief. Some people

who attended the meeting were already beginning to feel the pinch of

want with little prospects of immediate succor. One man and wife, with

four children, had six cents when he appealed to Ambassador Page after

an exciting escape from German territory.

[Illustration: WHERE THE WORLD WAR BEGAN. Map showing 15 degrees East to

28 degrees East; 35 degrees North to 52 degrees North. Germany and

Russia on the North; the Mediterranean on the South; the Adriatic Sea

on the West; the Aegean and Western Turkey on the East.]

Oscar Straus, worth ten millions, struck London with nine dollars.

Although he had letters of credit for five thousand, he was unable to

cash them in Vienna. Women hugging newspaper bundles containing

expensive Paris frocks and millinery were herded in third-class

carriages and compelled to stand many hours. They reached London utterly

fatigued and unkempt, but mainly cheerful, only to find the hotels

choked with fellow countrymen fortunate to reach there sooner.

The Ambassador was harassed by anxious women and children who asked many

absurd questions which he could not answer. He said:

"The appeals of these people are most distressing. They are very much

excited, and no small wonder. I regret I have no definite news of the

prospects or plans of the government for relief. I have communicated

their condition to the Department of State and expect a response and

assurances of coming aid as soon as possible. That the government will

act I have not the slightest doubt. I am confident that Washington will

do everything in her power for relief. How soon, I cannot tell. I have

heard many distressing tales during the last forty-eight hours."

A crowd filled the Ambassador's office on the first floor of the flat

building, in Victoria Street, which was mainly composed of women, school

teachers, art students, and other persons doing Europe on a shoestring.

Many were entirely out of money and with limited securities, which were

not negotiable.

The action of the British Government extending the bank holiday till

Thursday of that week was discouraging news for the new arrivals from

the Continent, as it was uncertain whether the express and steamship

companies would open in the morning for the cashing of checks and the

delivery of mail, as was announced the previous Saturday.

Doctors J. Riddle Goffe, of New York; Frank F. Simpson, of Pittsburgh;

Arthur D. Ballon of Vistaburg, Mich., and B. F. Martin, of Chicago,

formed themselves into a committee, and asked the co-operation of the

press in America to bring about adequate assistance for the marooned

Americans, and to urge the bankers of the United States to insist on

their letters of credit and travelers' checks being honored so far as

possible by the agents in Europe upon whom they were drawn.

[Illustration: THE CATHEDRAL OF RHEIMS]

In the first weeks of the war the Germans occupied Rheims, but were

driven out after von Kluck's retreat. On September 20, 1914, they were

reported as first shelling the Cathedral of Rheims and the civilized

world stood aghast, for the edifice, begun in 1212, is one of the

chief glories of Gothic architecture in all Europe.

[Illustration: Seven men marching abreast.]

Photo by Underwood and Underwood. N.Y.

THE KAISER AND HIS SIX SONS

The ex-Emperor and his sons leading a procession in Berlin soon after

the declaration of war. It was noted that in spite of their martial

appearance the royal family were extremely careful to keep out of

range of the Allied guns. From left to right they are: The Kaiser,

Crown Prince Wilhelm, Princes Eitel Friedrich, Adalbert, August, Oscar

and Joachim.

Dr. Martin and Dr. Simpson, who left London on Saturday for Switzerland

to fetch back a young American girl, were unable to get beyond Paris,

and they returned to London. Everywhere they found trains packed with

refugees whose only object in life apparently was to reach the channel

boats, accepting cheerfully the discomforts of those vessels if only

able to get out of the war.

Rev. J. P. Garfield, of Claremore, N. H., gave the following account of

his experiences in Holland:

"On sailing from the Hook of Holland near midnight we pulled out just as

the boat train from The Hague arrived. The steamer paused, but as she

was filled to her capacity she later continued on her voyage, leaving

fully two hundred persons marooned on the wharf.

"Our discomforts while crossing the North Sea were great. Every seat was

filled with sleepers, the cabins were given to women and children. The

crowd, as a rule, was helpful and kindly, the single men carrying the

babies and people lending money to those without funds. Despite the

refugee conditions prevailing it was noticeable that many women on the

Hook wharf clung tenaciously to bandboxes containing Parisian hats."

Travelers from Cologne said that searchlights were operated from the

tops of the hotels all night searching for airplanes, and machine guns

were mounted on the famous Cologne Cathedral. They also reported that

tourists were refused hotel accommodations at Frankfort because they

were without cash.

Men, women and children sat in the streets all night. The trains were

stopped several miles from the German frontier and the passengers,

especially the women and children, suffered great hardship being forced

to continue their journey on foot.

Passengers arriving at London from Montreal on the Cunard Line steamer

Andania, bound for Southampton, reported the vessel was met at sea by a

British torpedo boat and ordered by wireless to stop. The liner then was

led into Plymouth as a matter of precaution against mines. Plymouth was

filled with soldiers and searchlights were seen constantly flashing

about the harbor.

Otis B. Kent, an attorney for the Interstate Commerce Commission, of

Washington, arrived in London after an exciting journey from Petrograd.

Unable to find accommodations at a hotel he slept on the railway station

floor. He said:

"I had been on a trip to Sweden to see the midnight sun. I did not

realize the gravity of the situation until I saw the Russian fleet

cleared for action. This was only July 26th, at Kronstadt, where the

shipyards were working overtime.

"I arrived at the Russian capital on the following day. Enormous

demonstrations were taking place. I was warned to get out and left on

the night of the 28th for Berlin. I saw Russian soldiers drilling at the

stations and artillery constantly on the move.

"At Berlin I was warned to keep off the streets for fear of being

mistaken for an Englishmen. At Hamburg the number of warnings was

increased. Two Russians who refused to rise in a cafe when the German

anthem was played were attacked and badly beaten. I also saw two

Englishmen attacked in the street, but they finally were rescued by the

police.

"There was a harrowing scene when the Hamburg-American Line steamer

Imperator canceled its sailing. She left stranded three thousand

passengers, most of them short of money, and the women wailing. About

one hundred and fifty of us were given passage in the second class of

the American Line steamship Philadelphia, for which I was offered $400

by a speculator.

"The journey to Flushing was made in a packed train, its occupants

lacking sleep and food. No trouble was encountered on the frontier."

Theodore Hetzler, of the Fifth Avenue Bank, was appointed chairman of

the meeting for preliminary relief of the stranded tourists, and

committees were named to interview officials of the steamship companies

and of the hotels, to search for lost baggage, to make arrangements for

the honoring of all proper checks and notes, and to confer with the

members of the American embassy.

Oscar Straus, who arrived from Paris, said that the United States

embassy there was working hard to get Americans out of France. Great

enthusiasm prevailed at the French capital, he said, owing to the

announcement that the United States Government was considering a plan to

send transports to take Americans home.

The following committees were appointed at the meeting:

Finance--Theodore Hetzler, Fred I. Kent and James G. Cannon;

Transportation--Joseph F. Day, Francis M. Weld and George D. Smith, all

of New York; Diplomatic--Oscar S. Straus, Walter L. Fisher and James

Byrne; Hotels--L. H. Armour, of Chicago, and Thomas J. Shanley, New

York.

The committee established headquarters where Americans might register

and obtain assistance. Chandler Anderson, a member of the International

Claims Commission, arrived in London from Paris. He said he had been

engaged with the work of the commission at Versailles, when he was

warned by the American embassy that he had better leave France. He acted

promptly on this advice and the commission was adjourned until after the

war. Mr. Anderson had to leave his baggage behind him because the

railway company would not register it. He said the city of Paris

presented a strange contrast to the ordinary animation prevailing there.

Most of the shops were closed. There were no taxis in the streets, and

only a few vehicles drawn by horses.

The armored cruiser Tennessee, converted for the time being into a

treasure ship, left New York on the night of August 6th, 1914, to carry

$7,500,000 in gold to the many thousand Americans who were in want in

European countries. Included in the $7,500,000 was $2,500,000

appropriated by the government. Private consignments in gold in sums

from $1,000 to $5,000 were accepted by Colonel Smith, of the army

quartermaster's department, who undertook their delivery to Americans in

Paris and other European ports.

The cruiser carried as passengers Ambassador Willard, who returned to

his post at Madrid, and army and naval officers assigned as military

observers in Europe. On the return trip accommodations for 200 Americans

were available.

The dreadnaught Florida, after being hastily coaled and provisioned,

left the Brooklyn Navy Yard under sealed orders at 9.30 o'clock the

morning of August 6th and proceeded to Tompkinsville, where she dropped

anchor near the Tennessee.

The Florida was sent to protect the neutrality of American ports and

prohibit supplies to belligerent ships. Secretary Daniels ordered her to

watch the port of New York and sent the Mayflower to Hampton Roads.

Destroyers guarded ports along the New England coast and those at Lewes,

Del., to prevent violations of neutrality at Philadelphia and in that

territory. Any vessel that attempted to sail for a belligerent port

without clearance papers was boarded by American officials.

The Texas and Louisiana, at Vera Cruz and the Minnesota, at Tampico,

were ordered to New York, and Secretary Daniels announced that other

American vessels would be ordered north as fast as room could be found

for them in navy yard docks.

At wireless stations, under the censorship ordered by the President, no

code messages were allowed in any circumstances. Messages which might

help any of the belligerents in any way were barred.

The torpedo-boat destroyer Warrington and the revenue cutter

Androscoggin arrived at Bar Harbor on August 6th, to enforce neutrality

regulations and allowed no foreign ships to leave Frenchman's Bay

without clearance papers. The United States cruiser Milwaukee sailed the

same day from the Puget Sound Navy Yard to form part of the coast patrol

to enforce neutrality regulations.

Arrangements were made in Paris by Myron T. Herrick, the American

Ambassador, acting under instructions from Washington, to take over the

affairs of the German embassy, while Alexander H. Thackara, the American

Consul General, looked after the affairs of the German consulate.

President Poincare and the members of the French cabinet later issued a

joint proclamation to the French nation in which was the phrase

"mobilization is not war."

The marching of the soldiers in the streets with the English, Russian

and French flags flying, the singing of patriotic songs and the shouting

of "On to Berlin!" were much less remarkable than the general demeanor

and cold resolution of most of the people.

The response to the order of mobilization was instant, and the stations

of all the railways, particularly those leading to the eastward, were

crowded with reservists. Many women accompanied the men until close to

the stations, where, softly crying, farewells were said. The troop

trains left at frequent intervals. All the automobile busses

disappeared, having been requisitioned by the army to carry meat, the

coachwork of the vehicles being removed and replaced with specially

designed bodies. A large number of taxicabs, private automobiles and

horses and carts also were taken over by the military for transport

purposes.

The wildest enthusiasm was manifested on the boulevards when the news of

the ordering of the mobilization became known. Bodies of men formed into

regular companies in ranks ten deep, paraded the streets waving the

tricolor and other national emblems and cheering and singing the

"Marseillaise" and the "Internationale," at the same time throwing their

hats in the air. On the sidewalks were many weeping women and children.

All the stores and cafes were deserted.

All foreigners were compelled to leave Paris or France before the end of

the first day of mobilization by train but not by automobile. Time

tables were posted on the walls of Paris giving the times of certain

trains on which these people might leave the city.

American citizens or British subjects were allowed to remain in France,

except in the regions on the eastern frontier and near certain

fortresses, provided they made declaration to the police and obtained a

special permit.

As to Italy's situation, Rome was quite calm and the normal aspect made

tourists decide that Italy was the safest place. Austria's note to

Serbia was issued without consulting Italy. One point of the Triple

Alliance provided that no member should take action in the Balkans

before an agreement with the other allies. Such an agreement did not

take place. The alliance was of defensive, not aggressive, character and

could not force an ally to follow any enterprise taken on the sole

account and without a notice, as such action taken by Austria against

Serbia. It was felt even then that Italy would eventually cast its lot

with the Entente Allies.

Secretary of the Treasury William G. McAdoo; John Skelton Williams,

Comptroller of the Currency; Charles S. Hamblin and William P. G.

Harding, members of the Federal Reserve Board, went to New York early in

August, 1914, where they discussed relief measures with a group of

leading bankers at what was regarded as the most momentous conference of

the kind held in the country in recent years.

The New York Clearing House Committee, on August 2d, called a meeting of

the Clearing House Association, to arrange for the immediate issuance of

clearing house certificates. Among those at the conference were J. P.

Morgan and his partner, Henry P. Davison; Frank A. Vanderlip, president

of the National City Bank, and A. Barton Hepburn, chairman of the Chase

National Bank.

CHAPTER III

WHY THE WORLD WENT TO WAR

While it is true that the war was conceived in Berlin, it is none the

less true that it was born in the Balkans. It is necessary in order that

we may view with correct perspective the background of the World War,

that we gain some notion of the Balkan States and the complications

entering into their relations. These countries have been the adopted

children of the great European powers during generations of rulers.

Russia assumed guardianship of the nations having a preponderance of

Slavic blood; Roumania with its Latin consanguinities was close to

France and Italy; Bulgaria, Greece, and Balkan Turkey were debatable

regions wherein the diplomats of the rival nations secured temporary

victories by devious methods.

The Balkans have fierce hatreds and have been the site of sudden

historic wars. At the time of the declaration of the World War, the

Balkan nations were living under the provisions of the Treaty of

Bucharest, dated August 10, 1913. Greece, Roumania, Bulgaria, Serbia and

Montenegro were signers, and Turkey acquiesced in its provisions.

[Illustration: PROVISIONS OF THE TREATY OF BUCHAREST, 1913. (Map showing

the Adriatic on the West, the Black Sea on the East, Roumania on the

North and Crete on the South. Cross hatching show land allocations

among Serbia, Montenegro, Greece, Bulgaria and Roumania.)]

The assassination at Sarajevo had sent a convulsive shudder throughout

the Balkans. The reason lay in the century-old antagonism between the

Slav and the Teuton. Serbia, Montenegro and Russia had never forgiven

Austria for seizing Bosnia and Herzegovina and making these Slavic

people subjects of the Austrian crown. Bulgaria, Roumania and Turkey

remained cold at the news of the assassination. German diplomacy was in

the ascendant at these courts and the prospect of war with Germany as

their great ally presented no terrors for them. The sympathies of the

people of Greece were with Serbia, but the Grecian Court, because the

Queen of Greece was the only sister of the German Kaiser, was whole

heartedly with Austria. Perhaps at the first the Roumanians were most

nearly neutral. They believed strongly that each of the small nations of

the Balkan region as well as all of the small nations that had been

absorbed but had not been digested by Austria, should cut itself from

the leading strings held by the large European powers. There was a

distinct undercurrent, for a federation resembling that of the United

States of America between these peoples. This was expressed most clearly

by M. Jonesco, leader of the Liberal party of Roumania and generally

recognized as the ablest statesman of middle Europe. He declared:

"I always believed, and still believe, that the Balkan States cannot

secure their future otherwise than by a close understanding among

themselves, whether this understanding shall or shall not take the form

of a federation. No one of the Balkan States is strong enough to resist

the pressure from one or another of the European powers.

"For this reason I am deeply grieved to see in the Balkan coalition of

1912 Roumania not invited. If Roumania had taken part in the first one,

we should not have had the second. I did all that was in my power and

succeeded in preventing the war between Roumania and the Balkan League

in the winter of 1912-13.

"I risked my popularity, and I do not feel sorry for it. I employed all

my efforts to prevent the second Balkan war, which, as is well known,

was profitable to us. I repeatedly told the Bulgarians that they ought

not to enter it because in that case we would enter it too. But I was

not successful in my efforts.

"During the second Balkan war I did all in my power to end it as quickly

as possible. At the conference at Bucharest I made efforts, as Mr.

Pashich and Mr. Venizelos know very well, to secure for beaten Bulgaria

the best terms. My object was to obtain a new coalition of all the

Balkan States, including Roumania. Had I succeeded in this the situation

would be much better. No reasonable man will deny that the Balkan States

are neutralizing each other at the present time, which in itself makes

the whole situation all the more miserable.

"In October, 1913, when I succeeded in facilitating the conclusion of

peace between Greece and Turkey, I was pursuing the same object of the

Balkan coalition. On my return from Athens I endeavored, though without

success, to put the Greco-Turkish relations on a basis of friendship,

being convinced that the well-understood interest of both countries lies

not only in friendly relations, but even in an alliance between them.

"The dissensions that exist between the Balkan States can be settled in

a friendly way without war. The best moment for this would be after the

general war, when the map of Europe will be remade. The Balkan country

which would start war against another Balkan country would commit, not

only a crime against her own future, but an act of folly as well.

"The destiny and future of the Balkan States, and of all the small

European peoples as well, will not be regulated by fratricidal wars,

but, with this great European struggle, the real object of which is to

settle the question whether Europe shall enter an era of justice, and

therefore happiness for the small peoples, or whether we will face a

period of oppression more or less gilt-edged. And as I always believed

that wisdom and truth will triumph in the end, I want to believe, too,

that, in spite of the pessimistic news reaching me from the different

sides of the Balkan countries, there will be no war among them in order

to justify those who do not believe in the vitality of the small

peoples."

The conference at Rome, April 10, 1918, to settle outstanding questions

between the Italians and the Slavs of the Adriatic, drew attention to

those Slavonic peoples in Europe who were under non-Slavonic rule. At

the beginning of the war there were three great Slavonic groups in

Europe: First, the Russians with the Little Russians, speaking languages

not more different than the dialect of Yorkshire is from the dialect of

Devonshire; second, a central group, including the Poles, the Czechs or

Bohemians, the Moravians, and Slovaks, this group thus being separated

under the four crowns of Russia, Germany, Austria and Hungary; the

third, the southern group, included the Sclavonians, the Croatians, the

Dalmatians, Bosnians, Herzegovinians, the Slavs, generally called

Slovenes, in the western part of Austria, down to Goritzia, and also the

two independent kingdoms of Montenegro and Serbia.

Like the central group, this southern group of Slavs was divided under

four crowns, Hungary, Austria, Montenegro, and Serbia; but, in spite of

the fact that half belong to the Western and half to the Eastern Church,

they are all essentially the same people, though with considerable

infusion of non-Slavonic blood, there being a good deal of Turkish blood

in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The languages, however, are practically

identical, formed largely of pure Slavonic materials, and, curiously,

much more closely connected with the eastern Slav group--Russia and

Little Russia--than with the central group, Polish and Bohemian. A

Russian of Moscow will find it much easier to understand a Slovene from

Goritzia than a Pole from Warsaw. The Ruthenians in southern Galicia and

Bukowina, are identical in race and speech with the Little Russians of

Ukrainia.

Of the central group, the Poles have generally inclined to Austria,

which has always supported the Polish landlords of Galicia against the

Ruthenian peasantry; while the Czechs have been not so much

anti-Austrian as anti-German. Indeed, the Hapsburg rulers have again and

again played these Slavs off against their German subjects. It was the

Southern Slav question as affecting Serbia and Austria, that gave the

pretext for the present war. The central Slav question affecting the

destiny of the Poles--was a bone of contention between Austria and

Germany. It is the custom to call the Southern Slavs "Jugoslavs" from

the Slav word Yugo, "south," but as this is a concession to German

transliteration, many prefer to write the word "Yugoslav," which

represents its pronunciation. The South Slav question was created by the

incursions of three Asiatic peoples--Huns, Magyars, Turks--who broke up

the originally continuous Slav territory that ran from the White Sea to

the confines of Greece and the Adriatic.

[Illustration: Map: Austria-Hungary and surrounding nations]

THE MIXTURE OF RACES IN SOUTH CENTRAL EUROPE.

[Illustration: Photograph of three soldiers firing artillery.]

SERBS DEFENDING THE MOUNTAIN PASSES LEADING TO THEIR CAPITAL

Little Serbia, before she was overwhelmed by the concentrated force of

a mighty Teuton drive, and afterward, did some fighting that

astonished the world. The photo shows some of her artillery engaged in

holding back the enemy in the mountain regions near Nish.

[Illustration: A SCENE FROM EARLY TRENCH WARFARE. Painting shows German

soldiers defending a trench line on the left. British attackers are

approaching from the right. Several men are already dead in front of the

trench.]

From the woods in the background the British charge on an angle of the

German breastworks under cover of artillery and machine-gun fire. This

illustrates the early trench warfare before the development of the

elaborate concrete-protected structures the Germans later devised.

They can be seen wearing the famous spiked helmets which were later

replaced by steel ones.

This was the complex of nationalities, the ferment of races existing in

1914. Out of the hatreds engendered by the domination over the

liberty-loving Slavic peoples by an arrogant Teutonic minority grew the

assassinations at Sarajevo. These crimes were the expression of hatred

not for the heir apparent of Austria but for the Hapsburg and their

Germanic associates.

By a twist of the wheel of fate, the same Slavic peoples whose

determination to rid themselves of the Teutonic yoke, started the war,

also bore rather more than their share in the swift-moving events that

decided and closed the war.

Russia, the dying giant among the great nations, championed the Slavic

peoples at the beginning of the war. It entered the conflict in aid of

little Serbia, but at the end Russia bowed to Germany in the infamous

peace treaty at Brest-Litovsk. Thereafter during the last months of the

war Russia was virtually an ally of its ancient enemy, Turkey, the "Sick

Man of Europe," and the central German empires. With these allies the

Bolshevik government of Russia attempted to head off the Czecho-Slovak

regiments that had been captured by Russia during its drive into Austria

and had been imprisoned in Siberia. After the peace consummated at

Brest-Litovsk, these regiments determined to fight on the side of the

Allies and endeavored to make their way to the western front.

No war problems were more difficult than those of the Czecho-Slovaks.

Few have been handled so masterfully. Surrounded by powerful enemies

which for centuries have been bent on destroying every trace of Slavic

culture, they had learned how to defend themselves against every trick

or scheme of the brutal Germans.

The Czecho-Slovak plan in Russia was of great value to the Allies all

over the world, and was put at their service by Professor Thomas G.

Masaryk. He went to Russia when everything was adrift and got hold of

Bohemian prisoners here and there and organized them into a compact

little army of 50,000 to 60,000 men. Equipped and fed, he moved them to

whatever point had most power to thoroughly disrupt the German plans.

They did much to check the German army for months. They resolutely

refused to take any part in Russian political affairs, and when it

seemed no longer possible to work effectively in Russia this remarkable

little band started on a journey all round the world to get to the

western front. They loyally gave up most of their arms under agreement

with Lenine and Trotzky that they might peacefully proceed out of Russia

via Vladivostok.

While they were carrying out their part of the agreement, and well on

the way, they were surprised by telegrams from Lenine and Trotzky to the

Soviets in Siberia ordering them to take away their arms and intern

them.

The story of what occurred then was told by two American engineers,

Emerson and Hawkins, who, on the way to Ambassador Francis, and not

being able to reach Vologda, joined a band of four or five thousand. The

engineers were with them three months, while they were making it safe

along the lines of the railroad for the rest of the Czecho-Slovaks to

get out, and incidentally for Siberians to resume peaceful occupations.

They were also supported by old railway organizations which had stuck

bravely to them without wages and which every little while were "shot

up" by the Bolsheviki.

Distress in Russia would have been much more intense had it not been for

the loyalty of the railway men in sticking to their tasks. Some American

engineers at Irkutsk, on a peaceful journey out of Russia, on descending

from the cars were met with a demand to surrender, and shots from

machine guns. Some, fortunately, had kept hand grenades, and with these

and a few rifles went straight at the machine guns. Although

outnumbered, the attackers took the guns and soon afterward took the

town. The Czecho-Slovaks, in the beginning almost unarmed, went against

great odds and won for themselves the right to be considered a nation.

Seeing the treachery of Lenine and Trotzky, they went back toward the

west and made things secure for their men left behind. They took town

after town with the arms they first took away from the Bolsheviki and

Germans; but in every town they immediately set up a government, with

all the elements of normal life. They established police and sanitary

systems, opened hospitals, and had roads repaired, leaving a handful of

men in the midst of enemies to carry on the plans of their leaders.

American engineers speaking of the cleanliness of the Czecho-Slovak

army, said that they lived like Spartans.

The whole story is a remarkable evidence of the struggle of these little

people for self-government.

The emergence of the Czecho-Slovak nation has been one of the most

remarkable and noteworthy features of the war. Out of the confusion of

the situation, with the possibility of the resurrection of oppressed

peoples, something of the dignity of old Bohemia was comprehended, and

it was recognized that the Czechs were to be rescued from Austria and

the Slovaks from Hungary, and united in one country with entire

independence. This was undoubtedly due, in large measure, to the

activities of Professor Masaryk, the president of the National Executive

Council of the Czecho-Slovaks. His four-year exile in the United States

had the establishment of the new nation as its fruit.

Professor Masaryk called attention to the fact that there is a peculiar

discrepancy between the number of states in Europe and the number of

nationalities--twenty-seven states to seventy nationalities. He

explained, also, that almost all the states are mixed, from the point of

nationality. From the west of Europe to the east, this is found to be

true, and the farther east one goes the more mixed do the states become.

Austria is the most mixed of all the states. There is no Austrian

language, but there are nine languages, and six smaller nations or

remnants of nations. In all of Germany there are eight nationalities

besides the Germans, who have been independent, and who have their own

literature. Turkey is an anomaly, a combination of various nations

overthrown and kept down.

Since the eighteenth century there has been a continuing strong movement

from each nation to have its own state. Because of the mixed peoples,

there is much confusion. There are Roumanians in Austria, but there is a

kingdom of Roumania. There are Southern Slavs, but there are also Serbia

and Montenegro. It is natural that the Southern Slavs should want to be

united as one state. So it is with Italy.

There was no justice in Poland being separated in three parts to serve

the dynasties of Prussia, Russia and Austria. The Czecho-Slovaks of

Austria and Hungary claimed a union. The national union consists in an

endeavor to make the suppressed nations free, to unite them in their own

states, and to readjust the states that exist; to force Austria and

Prussia to give up the states that should be free.

In the future, said Doctor Masaryk, there are to be sharp ethnological

boundaries. The Czecho-Slovaks will guarantee the minorities absolute

equality, but they will keep the German part of their country, because

there are many Bohemians in it and they do not trust the Germans.

CHAPTER IV

THE PLOTTER BEHIND THE SCENES

One factor alone caused the great war. It was not the assassination at

Sarajevo, not the Slavic ferment of anti-Teutonism in Austria and the

Balkans. The only cause of the world's greatest war was the

determination of the German High Command and the powerful circle

surrounding it that "Der Tag" had arrived. The assassination at Sarajevo

was only the peg for the pendant of war. Another peg would have been

found inevitably had not the projection of that assassination presented

itself as the excuse.

Germany's military machine was ready. A gray-green uniform that at a

distance would fade into misty obscurity had been devised after

exhaustive experiments by optical, dye and cloth experts co-operating

with the military high command. These uniforms had been standardized and

fitted for the millions of men enrolled in Germany's regular and reserve

armies. Rifles, great pyramids of munitions, field kitchens, traveling

post-offices, motor lorries, a network of military railways leading to

the French and Belgian border, all these and more had been made ready.

German soldiers had received instructions which enabled each man at a

signal to go to an appointed place where he found everything in

readiness for his long forced marches into the territory of Germany's

neighbors.

More than all this, Germany's spy system, the most elaborate and

unscrupulous in the history of mankind, had enabled the German High

Command to construct in advance of the declaration of war concrete gun

emplacements in Belgium and other invaded territory. The cellars of

dwellings and shops rented or owned by German spies were camouflaged

concrete foundations for the great guns of Austria and Germany. These

emplacements were in exactly the right position for use against the

fortresses of Germany's foes. Advertisements and shop-signs were used by

spies as guides for the marching German armies of invasion.

[Illustration: Painting of KAISER WILLIAM II.]

KAISER WILLIAM II OF GERMANY

Posterity will regard him as more responsible than any other human

being for the sacrifice of millions of lives in the great war, as a

ruler who might have been beneficent and wise, but attempted to

destroy the liberties of mankind and to raise on their ruins an odious

despotism. To forgive him and to forget his terrible transgressions

would be to condone them.

[Illustration: Men marching past a band.]

FRANCIS JOSEPH I OF AUSTRIA, THE "OLD EMPEROR," ON A STATE OCCASION.

Francis Joseph died before the war had settled the fate of the

Hapsburgs. The end came on November 21, 1916, in the sixty-eighth year

of his reign. His life was tragic. He lived to see his brother

executed, his Queen assassinated, and his only son a suicide, with

always before him the specter of the disintegration of his many-raced

empire.

In brief, Germany had planned for war. She was approximately ready for

it. Under the shelter of such high-sounding phrases as "We demand our

place in the sun," and "The seas must be free," the German people were

educated into the belief that the hour of Germany's destiny was at hand.

[Illustration: Map of Africa.]

GERMANY'S POSSESSIONS IN AFRICA PRIOR TO 1914

German psychologists, like other German scientists, had co-operated with

the imperial militaristic government for many years to bring the

Germanic mind into a condition of docility. So well did they understand

the mentality and the trends of character of the German people that it

was comparatively easy to impose upon them a militaristic system and

philosophy by which the individual yielded countless personal liberties

for the alleged good of the state. Rigorous and compulsory military

service, unquestioning adherence to the doctrine that might makes right

and a cession to "the All-Highest," as the Emperor was styled, of

supreme powers in the state, are some of the sufferances to which the

German people submitted.

German propaganda abroad was quite as vigorous as at home, but

infinitely less successful. The German High Command did not expect

England to enter the war. It counted upon America's neutrality with a

leaning toward Germany. It believed that German colonization in South

Africa and South America would incline these vast domains toward

friendship for the Central empires. How mistaken the propagandists and

psychologists were events have demonstrated.

It was this dream of world-domination by Teutonic kultur that supplied

the motive leading to the world's greatest war. Bosnia, an unwilling

province of Austria-Hungary, at one time a province of Serbia and

overwhelmingly Slavic in its population, had been seething for years

with an anti-Teutonic ferment. The Teutonic court at Vienna, leading the

minority Germanic party in Austria-Hungary, had been endeavoring to

allay the agitation among the Bosnian Slavs. In pursuance of that

policy, Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir-presumptive to the thrones of

Austria and Hungary, and his morganatic wife, Sophia Chotek, Duchess of

Hohenberg, on June 28, 1914, visited Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. On

the morning of that day, while they were being driven through the narrow

streets of the ancient town, a bomb was thrown at them, but they were

uninjured. They were driven through the streets again in the afternoon,

for purpose of public display. A student, just out of his 'teens, one

Gavrilo Prinzep, attacked the royal party with a magazine pistol and

killed both the Archduke and his wife.

Here was the excuse for which Germany had waited. Here was the dawn of

"The Day." The Germanic court of Austria asserted that the crime was the

result of a conspiracy, leading directly to the Slavic court of Serbia.

The Serbians in their turn declared that they knew nothing of the

assassination. They pointed out the fact that Sophia Chotek was a Slav,

and that Francis Ferdinand was more liberal than any other member of the

Austrian royal household, and finally, that he, more than any other

member of the Austrian court, understood and respected the Slavic

character and aspirations.

At six o'clock on the evening of July 23d, Austria sent an ultimatum to

Serbia, presenting eleven demands and stipulating that categorical

replies must be delivered before six o'clock on the evening of July

25th. Although the language in which the ultimatum was couched was

humiliating to Serbia, the answer was duly delivered within the

stipulated time.

The demands of the Austrian note in brief were as follows:

1. The Serbian Government to give formal assurance of its condemnation

of Serb propaganda against Austria.

2. The next issue of the Serbian "Official Journal" was to contain a

declaration to that effect.

3. This declaration to express regret that Serbian officers had taken

part in the propaganda.

4. The Serbian Government to promise that it would proceed rigorously

against all guilty of such activity.

5. This declaration to be at once communicated by the King of Serbia to

his army, and to be published in the official bulletin as an order of

the day.

6. All anti-Austrian publications in Serbia to be suppressed.

7. The Serbian political party known as the "National Union" to be

suppressed, and its means of propaganda to be confiscated.

8. All anti-Austrian teaching in the schools of Serbia to be suppressed.

9. All officers, civil and military, who might be designated by Austria

as guilty of anti-Austrian propaganda to be dismissed by the Serbian

Government.

10. Austrian agents to co-operate with the Serbian Government in

suppressing all anti-Austrian propaganda, and to take part in the

judicial proceedings conducted in Serbia against those charged with

complicity in the crime at Sarajevo.

11. Serbia to explain to Austria the meaning of anti-Austrian utterances

of Serbian officials at home and abroad, since the assassination.

To the first and second demands Serbia unhesitatingly assented. To the

third demand, Serbia assented, although no evidence was given to show

that Serbian officers had taken part in the propaganda.

The Serbian Government assented to the fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and

eighth demands also.

Extraordinary as was the ninth demand, which would allow the Austrian

Government to proscribe Serbian officials, so eager for peace and

friendship was the Serbian Government that it assented to it, with the

stipulation that the Austrian Government should offer some proof of the

guilt of the proscribed officers.

The tenth demand, which in effect allowed Austrian agents to control the

police and courts of Serbia, it was not possible for Serbia to accept

without abrogating her sovereignty. However, it was not unconditionally

rejected, but the Serbian Government asked that it be made the subject

of further discussion, or be referred to arbitration. The Serbian

Government assented to the eleventh demand, on the condition that if the

explanations which would be given concerning the alleged anti-Austrian

utterances of Serbian officials would not prove satisfactory to the

Austrian Government, the matter should be submitted to mediation or

arbitration.

Behind the threat conveyed in the Austrian ultimatum was the menacing

figure of militant Germany. The veil that had hitherto concealed the

hands that worked the string, was removed when Germany, under the

pretense of localizing the quarrel to Serbian and Austrian soil,

interrogated France and England, asking them to prevent Russia from

defending Serbia in the event of an attack by Austria upon the Serbs.

England and France promptly refused to participate in a tragedy which

would deliver Serbia to Austria as Bosnia had been delivered. Russia,

bound by race and creed to Serbia, read into the ultimatum of Teutonic

kultur a determination for warfare. Mobilization of the Russian forces

along the Austrian frontier was arranged, when it was seen that Serbia's

pacific reply to Austria's demands would be contemptuously disregarded

by Germany and Austria.

During the days that intervened between the issuance of the ultimatum

and the actual declaration of war by Germany against Russia on Saturday,

August 1st, various sincere efforts were made to stave off the

world-shaking catastrophe. Arranged chronologically, these events may

thus be summarized: Russia, on July 24th, formally asked Austria if she

intended to annex Serbian territory by way of reprisal for the

assassination at Sarajevo. On the same day Austria replied that it had

no present intention to make such annexation. Russia then requested an

extension of the forty-eight-hour time-limit named in the ultimatum.

Austria, on the morning of Saturday, July 25th, refused Russia's request

for an extension of the period named in the ultimatum. On the same day,

the newspapers published in Petrograd printed an official note issued by

the Russian Government warning Europe generally that Russia would not

remain indifferent to the fate of Serbia. These newspapers also printed

the appeal of the Serbian Crown Prince to the Czar dated on the

preceding day, urging that Russia come to the rescue of the menaced

Serbs. Serbia's peaceful reply surrendering on all points except one,

and agreeing to submit that to arbitration, was sent late in the

afternoon of the same day, and that night Austria declared the reply to

be unsatisfactory and withdrew its minister from Belgrade.

England commenced its attempts at pacification on the following day,

Sunday, July 26th. Sir Edward Grey spent the entire Sabbath in the

Foreign Office and personally conducted the correspondence that was

calculated to bring the dispute to a peaceful conclusion. He did not

reckon, however, with a Germany determined upon war, a Germany whose

manufacturers, ship-owners and Junkers had combined with its militarists

to achieve "Germany's place in the sun" even though the world would be

stained in the blood of the most frightful war this earth has ever

known. Realization of this fact did not come to Sir Edward Grey until

his negotiations with Germany and with Austria-Hungary had proceeded for

some time. His first suggestion was that the dispute between Russia and

Austria be committed to the arbitration of Great Britain, France, Italy

and Germany. Russia accepted this but Germany and Austria rejected it.

Russia had previously suggested that the dispute be settled by a

conference between the diplomatic heads at Vienna and Petrograd. This

also was refused by Austria.

Sir Edward Grey renewed his efforts on Monday, July 27th, with an

invitation to Germany to present suggestions of its own, looking toward

a settlement. This note was never answered. Germany took the position

that its proposition to compel Russia to stand aside while Austria

punished Serbia had been rejected by England and France and it had

nothing further to propose.

During all this period of negotiation the German Foreign Office, to all

outward appearances at least, had been acting independently of the

Kaiser, who was in Norway on a vacation trip. He returned to Potsdam on

the night of Sunday, July 26th. On Monday morning the Czar of Russia

received a personal message from the Kaiser, urging Russia to stand

aside that Serbia might be punished. The Czar immediately replied with

the suggestion that the whole matter be submitted to The Hague. No reply

of any kind was ever made to this proposal by Germany.

[Illustration: THE GERMAN CONFEDERATION IN 1815 (Map: Baltic Sea on the

North, Adriatic Sea on the South, Eastern France and Belgium on the

West, Poland on the East.)]

All suggestions and negotiations looking forward to peace were brought

to a tragic end on the following day, Tuesday, July 28th, when Austria

declared war on Serbia, having speedily mobilized troops at strategic

points on the Serbian border. Russian mobilization, which had been

proceeding only in a tentative way, on the Austrian border, now became

general, and on July 30th, mobilization of the entire Russian army was

proclaimed.

Germany's effort to exclude England from the war began on Thursday, July

29th. A note, sounding Sir Edward Grey on the question of British

neutrality in the event of war was received, and a curt refusal to

commit the British Empire to such a proposal was the reply. Sir Edward

Grey, in a last determined effort to avoid a world-war, suggested to

Germany, Austria, Serbia and Russia that the military operations

commenced by Austria should be recognized as merely a punitive

expedition. He further suggested that when a point in Serbian territory

previously fixed upon should have been reached, Austria would halt and

would submit her further action to arbitration in the conference of the

Powers. Russia and Serbia agreed unreservedly to this proposition.

Austria gave a half-hearted assent to the principle involved. Germany

made no reply.

The die was cast for war on the following day, July 31st, when Germany

made a dictatorial and arrogant demand upon Russia that mobilization of

that nation's military forces be stopped within twelve hours. Russia

made no reply, and on Saturday, August 1st, Germany set the world aflame

with the dread of war's horror by her declaration of war upon Russia.

Germany's responsibility for this monumental crime against the peace of

the world is eternally fixed upon her, not only by these outward and

visible acts and negotiations, not only by her years of patient

preparation for the war into which she plunged the world. The

responsibility is fastened upon her forever by the revelations of her

own ambassador to England during this fateful period. Prince Lichnowsky,

in a remarkable communication which was given to the world, laid bare

the machinations of the German High Command and its advisers. He was a

guest of the Kaiser at Kiel on board the Imperial yacht Meteor when the

message was received informing the Kaiser of the assassination at

Sarajevo. His story continues:

Being unacquainted with the Vienna viewpoint and what was going on

there, I attached no very far-reaching significance to the event; but,

looking back, I could feel sure that in the Austrian aristocracy a

feeling of relief outweighed all others. His Majesty regretted that his

efforts to win over the Archduke to his ideas had thus been frustrated

by the Archduke's assassination.

I went on to Berlin and saw the Chancellor, von Bethmann-Hollweg. I told

him that I regarded our foreign situation as very satisfactory as it was

a long time indeed since we had stood so well with England. And in

France there was a pacifist cabinet. Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg did not

seem to share my optimism.

He complained of the Russian armaments. I tried to tranquilize him with

the argument that it was not to Russia's interest to attack us, and that

such an attack would never have English or French support, as both

countries wanted peace.

I went from him to Dr. Zimmermann (the under Secretary) who was acting

for Herr von Jagow (the Foreign Secretary), and learned from him that

Russia was about to call up nine hundred thousand new troops. His words

unmistakably denoted ill-humor against Russia, who, he said, stood

everywhere in our way. In addition, there were questions of commercial

policy that had to be settled. That General von Moltke was urging war

was, of course, not told to me. I learned, however, that Herr von

Tschirschky (the German Ambassador in Vienna) had been reproved because

he said that he had advised Vienna to show moderation toward Serbia.

Prince Lichnowsky went to his summer home in Silesia, quite unaware of the

impending crisis. He continues:

When I returned from Silesia on my way to London, I stopped only a few

hours in Berlin, where I heard that Austria intended to proceed against

Serbia so as to bring to an end an unbearable state of affairs.

Unfortunately, I failed at the moment to gauge the significance of the

news. I thought that once more it would come to nothing; that even if

Russia acted threateningly, the matter could soon be settled. I now

regret that I did not stay in Berlin and declare there and then that I

would have no hand in such a policy.

There was a meeting in Potsdam, as early as July 5th, between the German

and Austrian authorities, at which meeting war was decided on. Prince

Lichnowsky says:

I learned afterwards that at the decisive discussion at Potsdam on July

5th the Austrian demand had met with the unconditional approval of all

the personages in authority; it was even added that no harm would be

done if war with Russia did come out of it. It was so stated at least in

the Austrian report received at London by Count Mensdorff (the Austrian

Ambassador to England).

At this point I received instructions to endeavor to bring the English

press to a friendly attitude in case Austria should deal the death-blow

to "Greater-Serbian" hopes. I was to use all my influence to prevent

public opinion in England from taking a stand against Austria. I

remembered England's attitude during the Bosnian annexation crisis, when

public opinion showed itself in sympathy with the Serbian claims to

Bosnia; I recalled also the benevolent promotion of nationalist hopes

that went on in the days of Lord Byron and Garibaldi; and on these and

other grounds I thought it extremely unlikely that English public

opinion would support a punitive expedition against the Archduke's

murderers. I thus felt it my duty to enter an urgent warning against the

whole project, which I characterized as venturesome and dangerous, I

recommended that counsels of moderation he given Austria, as I did not

believe that the conflict could be localized (that is to say, it could

not be limited to a war between Austria and Serbia).

[Illustration: Photographs of Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg and Prince

Maximilian.]

Photos from International Film Service.

THE GERMAN CHANCELLORS

On the right is Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg who is held responsible

in large measure for bringing on the war. On the left is Prince

Maximilian of Baden, the Kaiser's camouflage chancellor who was

appointed in a vain attempt to fool the American people into thinking

that a democratic government had been set up in Germany.

[Illustration: Photograph of ex-Emperor Charles and ex-Empress Zita.]

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY The ex-Emperor Charles and his wife, the ex-Empress

Zita, in deep conversation with Hungarian leaders who are explaining

the distressing situation confronting the country.

Herr von Jagow answered me that Russia was not prepared; that there

would be more or less of a rumpus; but that the more firmly we stood by

Austria, the more surely would Russia give way. Austria was already

blaming us for flabbiness and we could not flinch. On the other hand,

Russian sentiment was growing more unfriendly all the time, and we must

simply take the risk. I subsequently learned that this attitude was

based on advices from Count Pourtales (the German Ambassador in

Petrograd), that Russia would not stir under any circumstances;

information which prompted us to spur Count Berchtold on in his course.

On learning the attitude of the German Government I looked for salvation

through English mediation, knowing that Sir Edward Grey's influence in

Petrograd could be used in the cause of peace. I, therefore, availed

myself of my friendly relations with the Minister to ask him

confidentially to advise moderation in Russia in case Austria demanded

satisfaction from the Serbians, as it seemed likely she would.

The English press was quiet at first, and friendly to Austria, the

assassination being generally condemned. By degrees, however, more and

more voices made themselves heard, in the sense that, however necessary

it might be to take cognizance of the crime, any exploitation of it for

political ends was unjustifiable. Moderation was enjoined upon Austria.

When the ultimatum came out, all the papers, with the exception of the

Standard, were unanimous in condemning it. The whole world, outside of

Berlin and Vienna, realized that it meant war, and a world war too. The

English fleet, which happened to have been holding a naval review, was

not demobilized.

The British Government labored to make the Serbian reply conciliatory,

and "the Serbian answer was in keeping with the British efforts." Sir

Edward Grey then proposed his plan of mediation upon the two points

which Serbia had not wholly conceded. Prince Lichnowsky writes:

M. Cambon (for France), Marquis Imperiali (for Italy), and I were to

meet, with Sir Edward in the chair, and it would have been easy to work

out a formula for the debated points, which had to do with the

co-operation of imperial and royal officials in the inquiries to be

conducted at Belgrade. By the exercise of good will everything could

have been settled in one or two sittings, and the mere acceptance of the

British proposal would have relieved the strain and further improved our

relations with England. I seconded this plan with all my energies. In

vain. I was told (by Berlin) that it would be against the dignity of

Austria. Of course, all that was needed was one hint from Berlin to

Count Berchtold (the Austrian Foreign Minister); he would have satisfied

himself with a diplomatic triumph and rested on the Serbian answer. That

hint was never given. On the contrary, pressure was brought in favor of

war....

After our refusal Sir Edward asked us to come forward with our proposal.

We insisted on war. No other answer could I get (from Berlin) than that

it was a colossal condescension on the part of Austria not to

contemplate any acquisition of territory. Sir Edward justly pointed out

that one could reduce a country to vassalage without acquiring

territory; that Russia would see this, and regard it as a humiliation

not to be put up with. The impression grew stronger and stronger that we

were bent on war. Otherwise our attitude toward a question in which we

were not directly concerned was incomprehensible. The insistent requests

and well-defined declarations of M. Sasanof, the Czar's positively

humble telegrams, Sir Edward's repeated proposals, the warnings of

Marquis San Guiliano and of Bollati, my own pressing admonitions were

all of no avail. Berlin remained inflexible--Serbia must be slaughtered.

Then, on the 29th, Sir Edward decided upon his well-known warning. I

told him I had always reported (to Berlin) that we should have to reckon

with English opposition if it came to a war with France. Time and again

the Minister said to me, "If war breaks out it will be the greatest

catastrophe the world has ever seen." And now events moved rapidly.

Count Berchtold at last decided to come around, having up to that point

played the role of "Strong man" under guidance of Berlin. Thereupon we

(in answer to Russia's mobilization) sent our ultimatum and declaration

of war--after Russia had spent a whole week in fruitless negotiation and

waiting.

Thus ended my mission in London. It had suffered shipwreck, not on the

wiles of the Briton but on the wiles of our own policy. Were not those

right who saw that the German people was pervaded with the spirit of

Treitschke and Bernhardi, which glorifies war as an end instead of

holding it in abhorrence as an evil thing? Properly speaking militarism

is a school for the people and an instrument to further political ends.

But in the patriarchal absolutism of a military monarchy, militarism

exploits politics to further its own ends, and can create a situation

which a democracy freed from junkerdom would not tolerate.

That is what our enemies think; that is what they are bound to think

when they see that in spite of capitalistic industrialism, and in spite

of socialistic organizations, the living, as Nietzsche said, are still

ruled by the dead. The democratization of Germany, the first war aim

proposed by our enemies, will become a reality.

This is the frank statement of a great German statesman made long before

Germany received its knock-out blow. It was written when Germany was

sweeping all before it on land, and when the U-boat was at the height of

its murderous powers on the high seas. No one in nor out of Germany has

controverted any of its statements and it will forever remain as one of

the counts in the indictment against Germany and the sole cause of the

world's greatest misery, the war.

America's outstanding authority on matters of international conduct,

former Secretary of State Elihu Root declared that the World War was a

mighty and all-embracing struggle between two conflicting principles of

human right and human duty; it was a conflict between the divine right

of kings to govern mankind through armies and nobles, and the right of

the peoples of the earth who toil and endure and aspire to govern

themselves by law under justice, and in the freedom of individual

manhood.

After the declaration of war against Russia by Germany, events marched

rapidly and inevitably toward the general conflagration. Germany's most

strenuous efforts were directed toward keeping England out of the

conflict. We have seen in the revelations of Prince Lichnowsky how eager

was England to divert Germany's murderous purpose. There are some

details, however, required to fill in the diplomatic picture.

President Poincare, of the French Republic, on July 30th, asked the

British Ambassador in Paris for an assurance of British support. On the

following day he addressed a similar letter to King George of England.

Both requests were qualifiedly refused on the ground that England wished

to be free to continue negotiations with Germany for the purpose of

averting the war. In the meantime, the German Government addressed a

note to England offering guarantees for Belgian integrity, providing

Belgium did not side with France, offering to respect the neutrality of

Holland and giving assurance that no French territory in Europe would be

annexed if Germany won the war. Sir Edward Grey described this as a

"shameful proposal," and rejected it on July 30th.

On July 31st England sent a note to France and Germany asking for a

statement of purpose concerning Belgian neutrality. France immediately

announced that it would respect the treaty of 1839 and its reaffirmation

in 1870 guaranteeing Belgium's neutrality. This treaty was entered into

by Germany, England, France, Austria and Russia. Germany's reply on

August 1st was a proposal that she would respect the neutrality of

Belgium if England would stay out of the war. This was promptly

declined. On August 2d the British cabinet agreed that if the German

fleet attempted to attack the coast of France the British fleet would

intervene. Germany, the next day, sent a note agreeing to refrain from

naval attacks on France provided England would remain neutral, but

declined to commit herself as to the neutrality of Belgium. Before this,

however, on August 2d, Germany had announced to Belgium its intention to

enter Belgium for the purpose of attacking France. The Belgian Minister

in London made an appeal to the British Foreign Office and was informed

that invasion of Belgium by Germany would be followed by England's

declaration of war. Monday, August 3d, was signalized by Belgium's

declaration of its neutrality and its firm purpose to defend its soil

against invasion by France, England, Germany or any other nation.

The actual invasion of Belgium commenced on the morning of August 4th,

when twelve regiments of Uhlans crossed the frontier near Vise, and came

in contact with a Belgian force driving it back upon Liege. King Albert

of Belgium promptly appealed to England, Russia and France for aid in

repelling the invader. England sent an ultimatum to Germany fixing

midnight of August 4th as the time for expiration of the ultimatum. This

demanded that satisfactory assurances be furnished immediately that

Germany would respect the neutrality of Belgium. No reply was made by

Germany and England's declaration of war followed.

Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg, of the German Empire, wrote Germany's

infamy into history when, in a formal statement, he acknowledged that

the invasion of Belgium was "a wrong that we will try to make good again

as soon as our military ends have been reached." To Sir Edward Vochen,

British Ambassador to Germany, he addressed the inquiry: "Is it the

purpose of your country to make war upon Germany for the sake of a scrap

of paper?" The treaty of 1839-1870 guaranteeing Belgium's neutrality was

the scrap of paper.

[Illustration: Photographs]

KING ALBERT I, QUEEN ELIZABETH, THE HEROIC RULERS OF BELGIUM

[Illustration: Photograph showing bombed out shells of buildings. In the

foreground a building has been leveled to the ground.]

THE RED RUINS OF YPRES

Ypres, the British soldiers "Wipers," was the scene of much of the

bloodiest fighting of the war. Three great battles were fought for its

possession. The photograph shows what was once the market place.

With the entrance of England into the war, the issue between autocracy

and democracy was made plain before the people of the world. Austria,

and later Turkey, joined with Germany; France, and Japan, by reason of

their respective treaty obligations joined England and Russia. Italy for

the time preferred to remain neutral, ignoring her implied alliance with

the Teutonic empires. How other nations lined up on the one side and the

other is indicated by the State Department's list of war declarations,

and diplomatic severances, which follows:

Austria against Belgium, Aug. 28, 1914.

Austria against Japan, Aug. 27, 1914.

Austria against Montenegro, Aug. 9, 1914.

Austria against Russia, Aug. 6, 1914.

Austria against Serbia, July 28, 1914.

Belgium against Germany, Aug. 4, 1914.

Brazil against Germany, Oct. 26, 1917.

Bulgaria against Serbia, Oct. 14, 1915.

China against Austria, Aug. 14, 1917.

China against Germany, Aug. 14, 1917.

Costa Rica against Germany, May 23, 1918.

Cuba against Germany, April 7, 1917.

Cuba against Austria-Hungary, Dec. 16, 1917.

France against Austria, Aug. 13, 1914.

France against Bulgaria, Oct. 16, 1915.

France against Germany, Aug. 3, 1914.

France against Turkey, Nov. 5, 1914.

Germany against Belgium, Aug. 4, 1914.

Germany against France, Aug. 3, 1914.

Germany against Portugal, March 9, 1916.

Germany against Roumania, Sept. 14, 1916.

Germany against Russia, Aug. 1, 1914.

Great Britain against Austria, Aug. 13, 1914.

Great Britain against Bulgaria, Oct. 15, 1915.

Great Britain against Germany, Aug. 4, 1914.

Great Britain against Turkey, Nov. 5, 1914.

Greece against Bulgaria, Nov. 28, 1916. (Provisional Government.)

Greece against Bulgaria, July 2, 1917. (Government of Alexander.)

Greece against Germany, Nov. 28, 1916. (Provisional Government.)

Greece against Germany, July 2, 1917. (Government of Alexander.)

Guatemala against Germany and Austria-Hungary, April 22, 1918.

Haiti against Germany, July 15, 1918.

Honduras against Germany, July 19, 1918.

Italy against Austria, May 24, 1915.

Italy against Bulgaria, Oct. 19, 1915.

Italy against Germany, Aug. 28, 1916.

Italy against Turkey, Aug. 21, 1915.

Japan against Germany, Aug. 23, 1914.

Liberia against Germany, Aug. 4, 1917.

Montenegro against Austria, Aug. 8, 1914.

Montenegro against Germany, Aug. 9, 1914.

Nicaragua against Germany, May 24, 1918.

Panama against Germany, April 7,1917.

Panama against Austria, Dec. 10, 1917.

Portugal against Germany, Nov. 23, 1914. (Resolution passed authorizing

military intervention as ally

of England)

Portugal against Germany, May 19, 1915. (Military aid granted.)

Roumania against Austria, Aug. 27, 1916. (Allies of Austria also

consider it a declaration.)

Russia against Germany, Aug. 7, 1914.

Russia against Bulgaria, Oct. 19, 1915.

Russia against Turkey, Nov. 3, 1914.

San Marino against Austria, May 24, 1915.

Serbia against Bulgaria, Oct. 16, 1915.

Serbia against Germany, Aug. 6, 1914.

Serbia against Turkey, Dec. 2, 1914.

Siam against Austria, July 22, 1917.

Siam against Germany, July 22, 1917.

Turkey against Allies, Nov. 23, 1914.

Turkey against Roumania, Aug. 29, 1916.

United States against Germany, April 6, 1917.

United States against Austria-Hungary, Dec. 7, 1917.

SEVERANCE OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS

The Nations that formally severed relations whether afterward declaring

war or not, are as follows:

Austria against Japan, Aug. 26, 1914.

Austria against Portugal, March 16, 1916.

Austria against Serbia, July 26, 1914.

Austria against United States, April 8, 1917.

Bolivia against Germany, April 14, 1917.

Brazil against Germany, April 11, 1917.

China against Germany, March 14, 1917.

Costa Rica against Germany, Sept. 21, 1917.

Ecuador against Germany, Dec. 7, 1917.

Egypt against Germany, Aug. 13, 1914.

France against Austria, Aug. 10, 1914.

Greece against Turkey, July 2, 1917. (Government of Alexander.)

Greece against Austria, July 2, 1917. (Government of Alexander.)

Guatemala against Germany, April 27,1917.

Haiti against Germany, June 17, 1917.

Honduras against Germany, May 17, 1917.

Nicaragua against Germany, May 18, 1917.

Peru against Germany, Oct. 6, 1917.

Santo Domingo against Germany, June 8, 1917.

Turkey against United States, April 20, 1917.

United States against Germany, Feb. 3,1917.

Uruguay against Germany, Oct. 7, 1917.

CHAPTER V

THE GREAT WAR BEGINS

Years before 1914, when Germany declared war against civilization, it

was decided by the German General Staff to strike at France through

Belgium. The records of the German Foreign Office prove that fact. The

reason for this lay in the long line of powerful fortresses along the

line that divides France from Germany and the sparsely spaced and

comparatively out-of-date forts on the border between Germany and

Belgium. True, there was a treaty guaranteeing the inviolability of

Belgian territory to which Germany was a signatory party. Some of the

clauses of that treaty were:

Article 9. Belgium, within the limits traced in conformity with the

principles laid down in the present preliminaries, shall form a

perpetually neutral state. The five powers (England, France, Austria,

Prussia and Russia), without wishing to intervene in the internal

affairs of Belgium, guarantee her that perpetual neutrality as well as

the integrity and inviolability of her territory in the limits mentioned

in the present article.

Article 10. By just reciprocity Belgium shall be held to observe this

same neutrality toward all the other states and to make no attack on

their internal or external tranquillity while always preserving the

right to defend herself against any foreign aggression.

This agreement was followed on January 23, 1839, by a definitive treaty,

accepted by Belgium and by the Netherlands, which treaty regulates

Belgium's neutrality as follows:

Article 7. Belgium, within the limits defined in Articles 1, 2 and 4

shall form an independent and perpetually neutral state. She is

obligated to preserve this neutrality against all the other states.

To convert this solemn covenant into a "scrap of paper" it was necessary

that Germany should find an excuse for tearing it to pieces. There was

absolutely no provocation in sight, but that did not deter the German

High Command. That august body with no information whatever to afford an

excuse, alleged in a formal note to the Belgian Government that the

French army intended to invade Germany through Belgian territory. This

hypocritical and mendacious note and Belgium's vigorous reply follow:

Note handed in on August 2, 1914, at 7 o'clock P. M., by Herr von

Below-Saleske, German Minister, to M. Davignon, Belgian Minister for

Foreign Affairs.

BRUSSELS, 2d August, 1914.

IMPERIAL GERMAN LEGATION IN BELGIUM

(Highly confidential)

The German Government has received reliable information according to

which the French forces intend to march on the Meuse, by way of Givet

and Namur. This information leaves no doubt as to the intention of

France of marching on Germany through Belgian territory. The Imperial

Government cannot avoid the fear that Belgium, in spite of its best

will, will be in no position to repulse such a largely developed French

march without aid. In this fact there is sufficient certainty of a

threat directed against Germany.

It is an imperative duty for the preservation of Germany to forestall

this attack of the enemy.

The German Government would feel keen regret if Belgium should regard as

an act of hostility against herself the fact that the measures of the

enemies of Germany oblige her on her part to violate Belgian territory.

In order to dissipate any misunderstanding the German Government

declares as follows:

1. Germany does not contemplate any act of hostility against Belgium. If

Belgium consents in the war about to commence to take up an attitude of

friendly neutrality toward Germany, the German Government on its part

undertakes, on the declaration of peace, to guarantee the kingdom and

its possessions in their whole extent.

2. Germany undertakes under the conditions laid down to evacuate Belgian

territory as soon as peace is concluded.

3. If Belgium preserves a friendly attitude, Germany is prepared, in

agreement with the authorities of the Belgian Government, to buy against

cash all that is required by her troops, and to give indemnity for the

damages caused in Belgium.

4. If Belgium behaves in a hostile manner toward the German troops, and

in particular raises difficulties against their advance by the

opposition of the fortifications of the Meuse, or by destroying roads,

railways, tunnels, or other engineering works, Germany will be compelled

to consider Belgium as an enemy.

In this case Germany will take no engagements toward Belgium, but she

will leave the later settlement of relations of the two states toward

one another to the decision of arms. The German Government has a

justified hope that this contingency will not arise and that the Belgian

Government will know how to take suitable measures to hinder its taking

place. In this case the friendly relations which unite the two

neighboring states will become closer and more lasting.

THE REPLY BY BELGIUM

Note handed in by M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Herr von

Below-Saleske, German Minister.

BRUSSELS, 3d August, 1914.

(7 o'clock in the morning.)

By the note of the 2d August, 1914, the German Government has made known

that according to certain intelligence the French forces intend to march

on the Meuse via Givet and Namur and that Belgium, in spite of her

good-will, would not be able without help to beat off an advance of the

French troops.

The German Government felt it to be its duty to forestall this attack

and to violate Belgian territory. Under these conditions Germany

proposes to the King's Government to take up a friendly attitude, and

undertakes at the moment of peace to guarantee the integrity of the

kingdom and of her possessions in their whole extent. The note adds that

if Belgium raises difficulties to the forward march of the German troops

Germany will be compelled to consider her as an enemy and to leave the

later settlement of the two states toward one another to the decision of

arms.

This note caused profound and painful surprise to the King's Government.

The intentions which it attributed to France are in contradiction with

the express declarations which were made to us on the 1st of August, in

the name of the government of the republic.

Moreover, if, contrary to our expectation, a violation of Belgian

neutrality were to be committed by France, Belgium would fulfil all her

international duties and her army would offer the most vigorous

opposition to the invader.

The treaties of 1839, confirmed by the treaties of 1870, establish the

independence and the neutrality of Belgium under the guarantee of the

powers, and particularly of the Government of his Majesty the King of

Prussia.

Belgium has always been faithful to her international obligations; she

has fulfilled her duties in a spirit of loyal impartiality; she has

neglected no effort to maintain her neutrality or to make it respected.

The attempt against her independence with which the German Government

threatens her would constitute a flagrant violation of international

law. No strategic interest justifies the violation of that law.

The Belgian Government would, by accepting the propositions which are

notified to her, sacrifice the honor of the nation while at the same

time betraying her duties toward Europe.

Conscious of the part Belgium has played for more than eighty years in

the civilization of the world, she refuses to believe that the

independence of Belgium can be preserved only at the expense of the

violation of her neutrality.

If this hope were disappointed the Belgian Government has firmly

resolved to repulse by every means in her power any attack upon her

rights.

The German attack upon Belgium and France came with terrible force and

suddenness. Twenty-four army corps, divided into three armies clad in a

specially designed and colored gray-green uniform, swept in three mighty

streams over the German borders with their objective the heart of

France. The Army of the Meuse was given the route through Liege, Namur

and Maubeuge. The Army of the Moselle violated the Duchy of Luxemburg,

which, under a treaty guaranteeing its independence and neutrality, was

not permitted to maintain an army. Germany was a signatory party to this

treaty also. The Army of the Rhine cut through the Vosges Mountains and

its route lay between the French cities of Nancy and Toul.

The heroic defense of the Belgian army at Liege against the Army of the

Meuse delayed the operation of Germany's plans and in all probability

saved Paris. It was the first of many similar disappointments and checks

that Germany encountered during the war.

The defense of Liege continued for ten heroic days. Within that interval

the first British Expeditionary Forces were landed in France and

Belgium, the French army was mobilized to full strength. The little

Belgian army falling back northward on Antwerp, Louvain and Brussels,

threatened the German flank and approximately 200,000 German soldiers

were compelled to remain in the conquered section of Belgium to garrison

it effectively.

Liege fortifications were the design of the celebrated strategist

Brialmont. They consisted of twelve isolated fortresses which had been

permitted to become out of repair. No field works of any kind connected

them and they were without provision for defense against encircling

tactics and against modern artillery.

The huge 42-centimeter guns, the first of Germany's terrible surprises,

were brought into action against these forts, and their concrete and

armored steel turrets were cracked as walnuts are cracked between the

jaws of a nut-cracker. The Army of the Meuse then made its way like a

gray-green cloud of poison gas through Belgium. A cavalry screen of

crack Uhlan regiments preceded it, and it made no halt worthy of note

until it confronted the Belgian army on the line running from Louvain to

Namur. The Belgians were forced back before Louvain on August 20th, the

Belgian Government removed the capital from Brussels to Antwerp, and the

German hosts entered evacuated Brussels.

During this advance of the Army of the Meuse, strong French detachments

invaded German soil, pouring into Alsace through the Belfort Gap. Brief

successes attended the bold stroke. Mulhausen was captured and the

Metz-Strassburg Railroad was cut in several places. The French suffered

a defeat almost immediately following this first flush of victory, both

in Alsace and in Lorraine, where a French detachment had engaged with

the Army of the Moselle. The French army thereupon retreated to the

strong line of forts and earthworks defending the border between France

and Germany.

England's first expeditionary force landed at Ostend, Calais and Dunkirk

on August 7th. It was dubbed England's "contemptible little army" by the

German General Staff. That name was seized upon gladly by England as a

spur to volunteering. It brought to the surface national pride and a

fierce determination to compel Germany to recognize and to reckon with

the "contemptible little army."

The contact between the French, Belgian and British forces was speedily

established and something like concerted resistance to the advance of

the enemy was made possible. The German army, however, followed by a

huge equipment of motor kitchens, munition trains, and other motor

transport evidencing great care in preparation for the movement, swept

resistlessly forward until it encountered the French and British on a

line running from Mons to Charleroi.

The British army was assigned to a position between two French armies.

By some miscalculation, the French army that was to have taken its

position on the British left, never appeared. The French army on the

right was attacked and defeated at Charleroi, falling back in some

confusion. The German Army of the Moselle co-operating with the Army of

the Meuse then attacked the British and French, and a great flanking

movement by the German joint commands developed.

This was directed mainly at the British under command of Sir John

French. There followed a retreat that for sheer heroism and dogged

determination has become one of the great battles of all time. The

British, outflanked and outnumbered three to one, fought and marched

without cessation for six days and nights. Time after time envelopment

and disaster threatened them, but with a determination that would not be

beaten they fought off the best that Germany could send against them,

maintained contact with the French army on their right, and delayed the

German advance so effectively that a complete disarrangement of all the

German plans ensued. This was the second great disappointment to

Germany. It made possible the victory of the Marne and the victorious

peace of 1918. The story of that immortal retreat is best told in the

words of Sir John French, transmitting the report of this encounter to

the British War Office:

"The transport of the troops from England both by sea and by rail was

effected in the best order and without a check. Each unit arrived at its

destination well within the scheduled time.

"The concentration was practically complete on the evening of Friday,

the 21st ultimo, and I was able to make dispositions to move the force

during Saturday, the 22d, to positions I considered most favorable from

which to commence operations which the French commander-in-chief,

General Joffre, requested me to undertake in pursuance of his plans in

prosecution of the campaign.

"The line taken up extended along the line of the canal from Conde on

the west, through Mons and Binche on the east. This line was taken up as

follows:

"From Conde to Mons, inclusive, was assigned to the Second Corps, and to

the right of the Second Corps from Mons the First Corps was posted. The

Fifth Cavalry Brigade was placed at Binche.

"In the absence of my Third Army Corps I desired to keep the cavalry

divisions as much as possible as a reserve to act on my outer flank, or

move in support of any threatened part of the line. The forward

reconnoissance was intrusted to Brig.-Gen. Sir Philip Chetwode, with the

Fifth Cavalry Brigade, but I directed General Allenby to send forward a

few squadrons to assist in this work.

"During the 22d and 23d these advanced squadrons did some excellent

work, some of them penetrating as far as Soignies, and several

encounters took place in which our troops showed to great advantage.

"2. At 6 A. M., on August 23d, I assembled the commanders of the First

and Second Corps and cavalry division at a point close to the position

and explained the general situation of the Allies, and what I understood

to be General Joffre's plan. I discussed with them at some length the

immediate situation in front of us.

"From information I received from French headquarters I understood that

little more than one, or at most two, of the enemy's army corps, with

perhaps one cavalry division, were in front of my position; and I was

aware of no attempted outflanking movement by the enemy. I was confirmed

in this opinion by the fact that my patrols encountered no undue

opposition in their reconnoitering operations. The observations of my

airplanes seemed to bear out this estimate.

"About 3 P. M. on Sunday, the 23d, reports began coming in to the effect

that the enemy was commencing an attack on the Mons line, apparently in

some strength, but that the right of the position from Mons and Bray was

being particularly threatened.

"The commander of the First Corps had pushed his flank back to some high

ground south of Bray, and the Fifth Cavalry Brigade evacuated Binche,

moving slightly south; the enemy thereupon occupied Binche.

"The right of the Third Division, under General Hamilton, was at Mons,

which formed a somewhat dangerous salient; and I directed the commander

of the Second Corps to be careful not to keep the troops on this salient

too long, but, if threatened seriously, to draw back the center behind

Mons. This was done before dark. In the meantime, about 5 P. M., I

received a most unexpected message from General Joffre by telegraph,

telling me that at least three German corps, viz., a reserve corps, the

Fourth Corps and the Ninth Corps, were moving on my position in front,

and that the Second Corps was engaged in a turning movement from the

direction of Tournay. He also informed me that the two reserve French

divisions and the Fifth French army on my right were retiring, the

Germans having on the previous day gained possession of the passages of

the Sambre, between Charleroi and Namur.

"3. In view of the possibility of my being driven from the Mons

position, I had previously ordered a position in rear to be

reconnoitered. This position rested on the fortress of Maubeuge on the

right and extended west to Jenlain, southeast to Valenciennes, on the

left. The position was reported difficult to hold, because standing

crops and buildings made the placing of trenches very difficult and

limited the field of fire in many important localities. It nevertheless

afforded a few good artillery positions.

"When the news of the retirement of the French and the heavy German

threatening on my front reached me, I endeavored to confirm it by

airplane reconnoissance; and as a result of this I determined to effect

a retirement to the Maubeuge position at daybreak on the 24th.

"A certain amount of fighting continued along the whole line throughout

the night and at daybreak on the 24th the Second Division from the

neighborhood of Harmignies made a powerful demonstration as if to retake

Binche. This was supported by the artillery of both the First and Second

Divisions, while the First Division took up a supporting position in the

neighborhood of Peissant. Under cover of this demonstration the Second

Corps retired on the line Dour-Quarouble-Frameries. The Third Division

on the right of the corps suffered considerable loss in this operation

from the enemy, who had retaken Mons.

"The Second Corps halted on this line, where they partially intrenched

themselves, enabling Sir Douglas Haig with the First Corps gradually to

withdraw to the new position; and he effected this without much further

loss, reaching the line Bavai-Maubeuge about 7 P. M. Toward midday the

enemy appeared to be directing his principal effort against our left.

"I had previously ordered General Allenby with the cavalry to act

vigorously in advance of my left front and endeavor to take the pressure

off.

"About 7.30 A. M. General Allenby received a message from Sir Charles

Ferguson, commanding the Fifth Division, saying that he was very hard

pressed and in urgent need of support. On receipt of this message

General Allenby drew in the cavalry and endeavored to bring direct

support to the Fifth Division.

"During the course of this operation General De Lisle, of the Second

Cavalry Brigade, thought he saw a good opportunity to paralyze the

further advance of the enemy's infantry by making a mounted attack on

his flank. He formed up and advanced for this purpose, but was held up

by wire about five hundred yards from his objective, and the Ninth

Lancers and the Eighteenth Hussars suffered severely in the retirement

of the brigade.

"The Nineteenth Infantry Brigade, which had been guarding the line of

communications, was brought up by rail to Valenciennes on the 22d and

23d. On the morning of the 24th they were moved out to a position south

of Quarouble to support the left flank of the Second Corps.

"With the assistance of the cavalry Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien was enabled

to effect his retreat to a new position; although, having two corps of

the enemy on his front and one threatening his flank, he suffered great

losses in doing so.

"At nightfall the position was occupied by the Second Corps to the west

of Bavai, the First Corps to the right. The right was protected by the

Fortress of Maubeuge, the left by the Nineteenth Brigade in position

between Jenlain and Bry, and the cavalry on the outer flank.

"4. The French were still retiring, and I had no support except such as

was afforded by the Fortress of Maubeuge; and the determined attempts of

the enemy to get round my left flank assured me that it was his

intention to hem me against that place and surround me. I felt that not

a moment must be lost in retiring to another position.

"I had every reason to believe that the enemy's forces were somewhat

exhausted and I knew that they had suffered heavy losses. I hoped,

therefore, that his pursuit would not be too vigorous to prevent me

effecting my object.

"The operation, however, was full of danger and difficulty, not only

owing to the very superior force in my front, but also to the exhaustion

of the troops.

CHAPTER LIX. PRESIDENT WILSON'S REVIEW OF THE WAR