THE SCHEME TO CAPTURE OR KILL THE PRESIDENT AND GEN.
SILENT.--A VILLANOUS PLOT.--THE RECKLESS AND DESPERATE
SCHEMES OF THE CONSPIRATORS.--THE PLAN REVEALED.--THE
PRESIDENT AND GEN. SILENT WARNED OF THEIR DANGER.
“I could a tale unfold, whose lightest word
Would harrow up thy soul, freeze up thy young body.”
--Shakespeare.
“The death of my son Peter and my beloved wife cast such a deep gloom
over our household that it seemed we never could rally again to do
anything for ourselves or our country. Gen. Anderson returned to his
command a sad and despondent man. He had left Ham to look after things
for us at home, our family now being reduced to Jennie Lyon, Mary
Anderson, the two children, Ham, Martha and myself. We were lonely in
the extreme, and seemed, for some cause undis-coverable to us, to be
drinking the bitter dregs from the poisoned chalice. Ham and Aunt
Martha saw my distress and tried in their honest and simple way to
pour consolation into my soul. The little children, in their childish
simplicity, seemed to be the only fountain whence I could drink draughts
of comfort in my lonely hours of distress. Seraine came to our house to
attend the funeral, as Henry could not reach home in time to be with us
and see the last of his mother and brother. I wrote him by his wife and
directed him to remain. He came to Detroit terribly broken down with
grief, and returned, sad and dejected, to Canada. He was frequently
interrogated as to the cause of his melancholy, but parried it as best
he could.
“About the 12th of February he returned to Detroit, and, bringing
Seraine with him, came to my house. Our meeting was mixed with joy and
sadness. The ladies, as well as my myself, were very much gratified at
having dear Seraine (as we all called her) with us again. She conversed
so sensibly on the subject of our misfortunes that she made us almost
feel that they must be for our good.
“As soon as we could do so, Henry and I sat down to talk over the
situation in Canada and the schemes of the conspirators. He reported to
me all he had seen or heard on the question of the war, stating in the
beginning that there was no time to lose. When he found Wintergreen
they set out for a trip through Canada. After visiting many places and
meeting various persons from the South who had been in Canada for the
purpose of aiding in carrying the Presidential election in favor of the
anti-war or Democratic party, but who had not been able to return since
the election, and were waiting, Micawber-like, for something to turn
up, they had finally arrived at Montreal, where they again met Joseph
Thomlinson and quite a number of faces to them unfamiliar. These persons
were evidently there for some purpose looking to the success of the
rebellion. Thomlinson received them kindly, inquired of Winter-green
how he felt since his return from London, and asked many questions about
certain people at Windsor. Henry was also interrogated as to how matters
looked to him, to which he answered that the signs were not so favorable
as heretofore.
“Thomlinson went into a long disquisition on the recent campaigns. He
denounced Gen. Head, who had been so utterly destroyed by Papson, as a
'brainless ass,' and spoke of Gen. Laws as having lost much of his
vigor and daring. He said that if Gen. Wall, their greatest General, was
alive, he would drive Silent out of Virginia in one month. He said that
the re-election of Lincoln was a severe blow to them; that they had been
deceived by their Northern friends. They had been led to believe that
there was no doubt of Little Mac's election, with a liberal expenditure
of money; that he had drawn checks and paid out for that purpose on
behalf of the Confederacy $1,100,000, and seemed to think that unless
measures were taken at once to strike consternation into the hearts
of the Northern people all would be lost; that the President of the
Confederacy and his Cabinet had been all along expecting some great
result from the efforts of their Northern allies, and especially from
the efforts of Valamburg and Thomas A. Strider.
“'True,' he said, 'Valamburg had been very much hampered by the
suspicions resting upon him in the minds of the people, but it was not
so with Strider. He could have done a great deal more if he had not been
so timid. He (Strider) seemed to think that he could secure the success
of the Confederacy by crippling the U. S. Government in opposing
legislation and breeding strife and jealousies in the Union armies.
'But,' he continued, 'Lincoln is an old fox, and soon smelled out those
little devices of Strider. He has completely checkmated him and his
friends who were acting on his line, by relieving from command all those
who were playing into Stridor's hands, and has put in their places a set
of fanatics, who are fighting on moral grounds alone.'
“He spoke of Silent as a man who did not value life or anything else,
saying that he was a superstitious man, who believed that he was merely
an instrument in the hands of the Almighty to wipe out slavery. Not only
so, but believed that he was guided and directed in all his movements by
the mysterious hand of Providence. So he (Thomlinson) could not see the
use of relying longer on any satisfactory result to come from the course
being pursued by their Northern friends. He said they must act
more openly, energetically and promptly, if they were to help the
Confederacy.
“There were two men present that Henry thought he had seen somewhere
before, but could not place them. One was a medium-sized man, with
rather dark complexion, dark hair, eyes and mustache. He was introduced
as a Mr. Wilkes. The other was a young man, perhaps thirty years of age,
slight, with brown hair, blue eyes and no beard, named John Page. These
two men seemed nervous and uneasy; they conversed but little. The man
Wilkes remarked that there was but one way, which was a part of every
insurrection, and he was in favor of that way. Page agreed with him,
both seeming to understand the proposition; yet it was not stated in the
conversation at that time what Wilkes meant by 'but one way.'
“Thomlinson made no answer to Wilkes or Page, but continued by saying:
“'I have called the leading men of our organization to meet again at
St. Catharines, on the first Tuesday in February, and at that time there
must be some scheme devised and agreed upon that will turn the scale, or
all will be lost, and we will all be wandering vagabonds over the face
of the earth.'
“Henry inquired if Mr. Carey was in the city. Thomlin-son said no;
that he was in Richmond, but would be at their meeting if he could
get through the lines, in doing which they had met with no trouble
heretofore. Winter-green said that the people where he had been, who
were friendly, were now very despondent and greatly alarmed for the
safety of Richmond, as well as the Confederacy; that everything seemed
to be against them of late.
“'Yes,' replied Thomlinson, 'we have much to discourage us, and at the
same time all can be regained that we have lost if our friends will
settle upon some good plan and carry it out. But it does seem that all
our plans and schemes so far have been abortive. Our first great
scheme of burning the Northern cities failed by the burning of the
Will-o'-the-Wisp and the loss of Dr. Mears and Prof. McCul-lough; and
also of the material accumulated by Dr. Black-man. We stirred up riots
in New York city and elsewhere in opposition to the draft, with a
promise from Valamburg, Strider, McMasterson, and B. Wudd that our
friends would come to the rescue and make resistance everywhere.. But
these men failed to stand by their promises. The inaugurating of
riots and the employment of men to engage in them cost the Confederacy
$500,000. We undertook to release prisoners from all the Northern
prisons, We purchased arms and smuggled them to our friends sufficient
to have armed all the prisoners. This was all that was wanting, our
friends North stated to me; but when the time came, which was the last
night before the Presidential election, at Camp Chase the effort was too
feeble to be recognized, and at Chicago, where we were assured that the
prisoners would be released and the city burned and destroyed, what
was the result? They cut one or two water-pipes, and Wall, Greenfel and
Buckner were arrested. All our arms were found in Wall's cellar,
and taken possession of by our enemies. Mr. Eagle and Mr. N. Judy
Corn-ington were not on hand, neither as actors nor advisers; and so it
is. The arms, ammunition and hire for smuggling them through cost a
half million dollars. This kind of work will not do. It is not only
expensive, but fruitless.'
“He then stated to those present that he wished them all to attend
the next meeting, as mentioned, and to study up in the meantime, some
well-defined plan for successful operations. Henry and Wintergreen left
for other points, and returned to St. Catharines on the day appointed
for the meeting, where they met with many additional persons, strangers
to both of them. The delegates assembled in the same hall, in the rear
of the Victoria Hotel, as before. They were called to order by the Grand
Commander of the Sons of Liberty, Mr. Valamburg, of Dayburg, O. All
were seated and the roll was then called by Wintergreen, who was the
Secretary.
“Illinois was first called. Wm. Spangler and John Richardson answered;
from Indiana, Messrs. Dorsing and Bowlin; Ohio, Valamburg and Massey;
Pennsylvania, Wovelson and Moore; New York, McMasterson and B. Wudd;
Missouri, Col. Burnett and Marmalade; Kansas, Stringfelter; Iowa, Neal
Downing; Wisconsin, Domblazer; Nebraska, Martin; Arkansas, Walters;
Connecticut, Eastman; Vermont, Phillips; Massachusetts, Perry; Maine,
Pillbox; Rhode Island, no answer; New Jersey, Rogers. Prom Richmond, for
the South, there were Thomlinson and C. C. Carey, the latter having just
arrived. Other names, not remembered, save those of Messrs. Wilkes and
Page, who were admitted as representing the District of Columbia.
“After the necessary examinations were made by a committee, the persons
mentioned, with several others, were admitted to seats in the assembly.
Henry was selected by Wintergreen to assist him in his duties as
Secretary. The preliminaries being settled, the Chairman (Valamburg) was
quite severe in his strictures against Dan Bowen, Thos. A. Strider, C.
H. Eagle and N. Judy Cornington for not attending, saying he had letters
from each of those gentlemen promising to be present. He characterized
their conduct as cowardly and they as sunshine friends, which was loudly
applauded by all.
“After remarks by quite a number of delegates on the situation and
probabilities of the success of the Confederacy, which were generally
tinged with ill-forebodings, a committee of five was appointed to take
into consideration and report to the assembly ways and means by which
the rebellion could be materially assisted. This report was to be
submitted the next day at 12 o'clock. The meeting then adjourned until
that time.
“During the evening a variety of discussions were indulged in by various
delegates in favor of different schemes. Some went so far as to favor
the assassination of many of our leading men. Wilkes, Page, and quite
a number of persons from the South were in favor of assassinating the
President and Gen. Silent, with such others as the necessity of the case
demanded. And so the conversation and discussions ran until the meeting
of delegates the next day.
“At 12 o'clock the assembly was called to order by Valamburg. When the
roll had been called and all were quiet, the Chairman inquired of the
committee if they were ready to report. The Chairman, Mr. Carey,
arose with great dignity and responded that the committee, after due
consideration of the many suggestions submitted to them, were now ready
to report. He was invited to take the stand, which he did.
“He said that, preliminary to reporting, he desired to make an
explanation, which was as follows: That on his return from Montreal to
Richmond, since the Presidential election, in viewing the many disasters
that had recently befallen the Confederacy, the authorities at Richmond
suggested to him to ascertain if he could communicate in some way with
the newly elected Vice-President, and discover his attitude towards
the people of the South. This was accomplished by sending one of the
Vice-President's old friends from North Carolina to Nashua, who being a
citizen, and not in any way connected with the Confederate army, easily
passed through the Union lines to Nashua, where the Vice-President-elect
was residing at the time. There was no difficulty in agreeing to an
interview between himself and Carey, it being understood that Carey was
to pass into Nashua in disguise and let the Vice-President know in some
way where he was stopping, and the interview was then to be arranged. In
pursuance of this agreement, Carey made the trip to Nashua disguised as
a Louis City merchant, and passing by the name of Thos. E. Hope. He had
no difficulty in getting into Nashua, but for fear of recognition,
went directly to the house of a rebel friend by the name of Hanson, and
remained in a room in the rear of the second story of the house. Through
the lady of the house the Vice-President elect was informed of the
presence of Mr. Carey.
“The next morning the Vice-President visited the house of Mr. Hanson,
and he and Carey had the contemplated interview. Carey said that in
the interview the Vice-President contended for peace on the terms of
a restored Union, but agreed with the Democrats of the North that the
restoration should be on the basis of the old Constitution. Carey
said that in answer to the question as to what he would do if he were
President, the Vice-President said that he would restore the Union if he
could on the old basis, but that the people were tired of war and taxes,
and that unless Silent could drive Laws out of Richmond, capture it,
and destroy the Confederate army during the next Spring campaign, the
Confederacy must be recognized and the war ended.
“At this the assembly heartily cheered. Carey also said that in answer
to the question as to the powers of the Vice-President, in case of the
absence of the President, if he should be so situated that he could not
return to perform the duties of the office, the Vice-President replied
that such a case as stated would certainly come under the provision
of the Constitution, wherein it is recited that in case of the death,
resignation, or inability of the President to discharge the powers and
duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President;
that under such circumstances he should at once assume the duties of
the office, but hoped that such a case would not arise while he was
Vice-President.
“Carey stated that the Vice-President said that he had always been a
Union man, but that he was a Democrat, and had never been anything else,
and did not propose to be; that he was placed on the Republican ticket
without being consulted. Therefore he did not feel under any obligations
to that party. He also stated that he recognized the fact that when it
was evident that the Union could be held together only by subjugating
the people of the South, it was statesmanship to let them go, and stop
further bloodshed. This also brought applause.
“Carey further stated that the Vice-President expressed a willingness to
meet privately with any of our leading men of the South at any time when
and where it could be done without danger to either party. With this the
interview ended. When the parties separated the Vice-President bade him
good-by and grasped his hand in the most friendly and cordial manner. He
said if Carey should experience any trouble in getting back to Richmond
to let him know.
“Carey left the next morning, and returning to Richmond reported the
interview precisely as it occurred, at which the authorities were
greatly pleased, and thought it opened a way for success, knowing
the character of the man, his stubbornness, his egotism, and that he
possessed a belief that he was destined to be President of the United
States at some time. It was not intended to say any more to him than to
ascertain his views on a given state of facts, and having accomplished
this much, the authorities at Richmond felt sure that if the President
of the United States could by some means be captured and spirited away,
and Silent also, or either of them, the success of the Confederacy would
be assured beyond question. In the event of the capture and hiding away
of the President, the Vice-President would surely assume the powers and
duties of President. The friends of the Confederacy in Congress could
then so cripple the Government that no doubt could longer exist of
success. He said it was thought that in the event the President could
not be captured, a party could be organized who could, without much
risk, surprise and capture Gen. Silent. This done, Laws would at once
assume the aggressive, drive Meador and his army back on Washington,
and continue the war beyond the next Spring, so that the friends of the
Confederacy could regain strength, and, with the Vice-President in favor
of the recognition of the Confederate Government, it could not be longer
postponed. But the great thing to be accomplished, he said, was the
capture of Mr. Lincoln; that would end all controversy.
“This seemed to strike the audience, and they cheered the proposition.
Carey then stated that this was the first proposition the committee
desired to present. He had other important ones, however, that must be
considered by the assembly. While in Richmond he found many men of great
courage and daring who were ready to do anything to bring success if
they could be sustained and protected. The authorities gave him the
proposals and directed him to lay them before this assembly.
“The second was made by a foreigner--a man of good family in Europe,
and a most daring and courageous man, an educated soldier, who had been
successful in very many daring enterprises heretofore. His proposition
was read to the assembly, being a verbatim copy of the one this party
had made to the President of the Confederacy through the Confederate
Secretary of War, which was as follows:
“'Secretary of War of the Southern Confederacy.
“'Sir: In reference to the subject upon which I had the
honor to converse with you yesterday, and on account of
which you bade me call to-day, I take herewith the freedom
to address this most respectful writing to you. Your Honor
seemed to hesitate in giving me an affirmative answer to my
statement because I was unknown to you. Permit me to remark
that, notwithstanding I can give you no references in this
country, I am, nevertheless, worthy of your high confidence.
My grandfather, Maj. Baron De Kalb, fell in the
Revolutionary War of this country. * * * I received an
education proportionate to the means of my parents, and
served in the Crimean war as Second Lieutenant of Engineers.
* * * I landed in Quebec, Canada, in November last, and
arrived in Washington, D. C, about three weeks ago. I cannot
perceive why you should require any references or
confidence, for I do not expect personally to reap any
benefit before the strict performance of what I undertake.
The task I know is connected with some danger, but never
will it, in any event, become known in the North that the
Southern Confederacy had anything whatever to do with it.
“'The whole matter resolves itself, therefore, into this one
question: Does the Southern Confederacy consider the
explosion of the Federal Capitol at a time when Abe, his
myrmidons, and the Northern Congress are all assembled
together, of sufficient importance to grant me, in case of
success, a commission as Colonel of Topographical Engineers,
and the sum of $1,000,000? If so, your Honor may most
explicitly expect the transaction to be carried into
execution between the 4th and 6th of the month. * * * I
trust you will not press in regard to the manner in which I
intend to perform it, or anything connected with the
execution.
“'In case of an affirmative answer there is no time to
spare; and to show you still further my sincerity, I will
even refrain from asking for any pecuniary assistance in
carrying the project through, notwithstanding my means are,
for such an undertaking, very limited, and that some funds
would materially lighten my task, diminish the danger, and
doubly insure success. * * * I intend to throw myself at a
convenient place into Maryland and to enter Washington by
way of Baltimore.
“'Very respectfully, your obedient servant, “'
(Signed)
C. L. V. DeKalb.'
“Carey said that this man was in the employ of the Confederacy, but that
the authorities would not adopt his scheme without the indorsement of
their Northern friends, so that those friends could have warning and
not be endangered at the time. This man being a foreigner, and not
understanding the situation, regarded all Northern men alike and would
destroy one as soon as another. Therefore, those having the authority
to do so, would not accept the proposition unless due notice could be
secretly given, under the obligations of the Sons of Liberty, to
their friends in Congress. Carey said he thought this a very dangerous
undertaking on account of the friends who might be imperiled, but felt
that there was no doubt but it could be accomplished.
“Walters spoke up at this point, saying this proposition was not
feasible at all, and a number assented to his remark.
“Mr. Carey said the third proposition was also in the form of a
communication, and was placed in his hands by the authorities in
Richmond for consideration by the Northern friends, and was in the
following language, which he proceeded to read:
“'Boston P.O., Ga. “'Jefferson Davis.
“'Sir: Having a desire to be of benefit to the Southern
States is the only excuse I can offer for addressing you
this letter; and believing the best plan would be to dispose
of the leading characters of the North, for that reason I
have experimented in certain particulars that will do this
without difficulty; although it is quite an underhanded
manner of warfare, and not knowing whether it would meet
with your approbation or not, prevents me from giving you a
full account of the material used, although I believe any
one of them would take the life of a Southern man in any way
they could. If you wish, write to me and get the whole
process.
“'Hoping for your good health and future victory. “'
(Signed)
J. S. Paramore.'
“Said Carey: 'This man was sent for and closely examined as to what he
proposed, and by the experiments made by our best scientists they were
of opinion that his plan could be made a success, as the process was
without doubt effective. The question, however, was not as to the
process by which this could be done, but must we resort to it? Had all
other means failed?'
“The other proposition was on the same line, but proposing a different
mode of execution, which Carey also read:
“'Headquarters 63d Ga. Reg't.,
“'Near Savannah. “'To President Davis.
“'Mr. President: After long meditation and much reflection
on the subject of this communication, I have determined to
intrude it upon you, earnestly hoping my motives will
constitute a full vindication for such presumption on the
part of one so humble and obscure as myself, though I must
say that the evidences of your Christian humility almost
assure me. I propose, with your permission, to assist in
organizing a number of select men, say not less than 300 to
500, to go into the United States and assassinate, for
instance, Seward, Lincoln, Greeley, Prentice, and others,
considering it necessary to the chances of success at this
time. I will only say a few words as to the opinion of its
effects. I have made it a point to elicit the opinion of
many men upon this subject, in whose good sense I have great
confidence, and while a difference of opinion to some extent
is almost inevitable, most have confidence in its benefit to
us. The most plausible argument seems to be that to impress
upon the Northern mind that for men in high places there to
wield their influence in favor of the barbarisms they have
been so cruelly practicing upon us is to jeopardize their
lives; for distinguished leaders there to feel that the
moment they array hordes for our desolation, at that moment
their existence is in the utmost peril--this would produce
hesitation and confusion that would hasten peace and our
independence. With these meager suggestions upon the subject
I will leave it for this time. If you deem the matter worthy
of any encouragement, and will so apprize me, I believe I
can give you such evidences of loyalty and integrity of
character as will entitle it to your consideration. So far
as I am concerned, I will say, however, that I was born and
raised in Middle Georgia. All my relationships and
affections are purely Southern. I was opposed to secession,
but am now committed to the death against subjugation or
reunion with men of whose instincts and moral character,
till this war, I was totally ignorant. If I have insulted
any scruple or religious principle of yours I beg to be
pardoned. I neglected to state in the proper place that I
am an officer in the volunteer service.
“'Begging your respectful attention to this communication,
“I am, your Excellency's most obedient servant,
“'H. C. Durham, 63d Ga.'
“The reading of this communication was received with cheers from quite
a number of those present, principally Southern men. Carey said that the
Secretary of War had sent for Durham, and that he was then at Richmond.
He was a fine looking, intelligent man, terribly in earnest. This was
thought, although there was hesitancy about it in the Cabinet, to be a
much more feasible undertaking than the attempt to explode the Capitol
at Washington. The necessity for some radical measure to be adopted and
put into execution at once was the reason for these documents having
been taken from the archives and placed in the present hands in their
original form.
“Lieut. W. Alston, of Sulphur Springs, Va., who was present, as stated
by Carey, also proposed to the authorities at Richmond to undertake to
rid the country of the Confederacy's most deadly enemies, and authorized
the committee to say that he, here and now, renewed his proposition; all
of which Carey submitted to the assembly for their consideration.
“The propositions having been submitted in due form, the Chairman stated
that they were before the assembly and open for consideration. Jacob
Thomlinson opened the discussion, and said that these propositions were
of the most vital importance; that the success of the Confederacy hung
upon the action of this assembly. The authorities were waiting with
bated breath until they could hear what their Northern friends would
consider proper and feasible to be at once entered upon. He wanted no
more promises without performance. He would save the Confederacy by
any means if he could, and would consider himself justified. If some
of these measures had been resorted to much earlier it would have been
better. He said that war was mere barbarism and cruelty; that plunder,
burning, pillage and assassination were merely the concomitants, and a
part of the system, of all wars; that when men make war it means crime,
rapine and murder, and those engaging in it should so understand. Each
party is expected to capture all of the enemy that can be so taken,
and to kill all that resist. It was proper to pick out and deliberately
shoot down the Generals. He asked if it would be any worse to secretly
capture Lincoln and Silent, the two leaders and commanders of all the
United States forces, or to assassinate either or both of them, than to
shoot them near our lines. He contended that if either or both of them
should be seen near the Confederate lines they would be shot down, and
the persons doing it would be rewarded with medals of honor, and would
go down into history as great patriots for performing the act. If this
were true, as all must concede, why should it be considered a dark and
damnable deed in time of war, when a great and dire necessity required,
for two such tyrants to be put out of the way in the cause of liberty?
He insisted that no difference could exist, save in the minds of
individuals morbid on the subject of human life. He said that he had
witnessed enough shamming, and heard enough shallow professions, and
wanted no more of either; that the promises of some of their Northern
friends, already broken, had cost the Confederacy millions of dollars in
coin, and had left him individually bankrupt and impoverished. There had
been nothing but a series of failures growing out of the pretenses
of some of their Northern allies. He was very severe on many of them,
especially on Cornington and Eagle, of Chicago, and Strider and Bowen,
of Indiana, all of whom he charged with getting large sums of money for
use in the late election and for other purposes. He said they neither
accounted for its disposition, nor had they entered an appearance, after
promising on their obligation to do so. This he considered the
most unwarranted course of conduct of which any one could have been
guilty--no less than the deepest-dyed perfidy. When he closed his speech
he was cheered to the echo.” Dr. Adams said: “This man Thomlinson was
a very brutal man in his instincts. He seemed also to have been out of
humor with his co-conspirators. He was certainly very angry and much
disappointed that his schemes had all failed. But how an intelligent
man could argue and justify assassination, as he seemed to do, I cannot
understand.”
Col. Bush replied: “Doctor, you must see that this man, no matter what
he may have been in former years, had become a hardened, inhuman wretch.
Do you not remember that he was the same person who employed men to
gather poisoned clothes for the distribution of disease, as well as
his attempt to have our cities burned, but was thwarted by Divine
Providence, in my judgment?”
“Yes, I remember all this, and God knows that seemed the extreme of
barbarism and inhumanity; but his last proposition in his argument was
deliberate, cold-blooded murder in order to gain a political end; and to
think of Northern men listening at any time to such propositions without
remonstrance or disapproval in any way makes me shudder.”
“They seemed to indorse it instead of manifesting disapproval,” said
Ingelsby, “and I have no doubt they favored it, and in some way assisted
in trying to have it carried out.”
“Yes, yes,” said Uncle Daniel; “the half of the treachery and diabolical
deeds of many of our Northern men, now leaders, is not known or
understood; but, my dear friends, I will continue my story:
“When Thomlinson had concluded his remarks, Valamburg followed in a like
strain, and concluded with a 'so help him God' that he was ready for
any enterprise to serve-the Confederacy, no matter how dark nor how
desperate and bloody. This was received with a wild shout, as though
some rebel victory had been announced.
“Walters, of Arkansas, then addressed the assembly. He said he was
in favor of the first proposition; that there seemed to be something
practical in it. Since their last meeting he had been all over the
North, even in Washington city, and there was not the slightest
difficulty in passing to and fro without any questions being asked. He
said he saw the President riding out beyond Georgetown with only one
person accompanying him; that there would not have been the slightest
trouble in five men capturing him and crossing the river into Virginia,
or retreating into Maryland and passing along on byways with him to
where he could have been securely kept until a chance was afforded for
conveying him to some more secure place. So far as putting him out of
the way was concerned, there would not be the slightest difficulty in
doing that, but he thought the other the best, taking all things into
consideration. The one would be considered a clean trick, and perfectly
legitimate warfare, while the other would not, and would arouse the
Northern people to more energetic measures. He said that he did not
think there would be very great difficulty in capturing Silent; that he
had made inquiry about him, and found that he seldom had anything
more than a few men as escort, and kept but a small company as his
headquarters guard; that 100 good, picked men could capture him almost
any night. If they even failed, it would only make those who attempted
it prisoners of war, so that they would be exchanged. This, if
accomplished, in case of either Lincoln or Silent, would secure the
Confederacy. With Lincoln captured, the Vice-President would only be
too glad to have an excuse for the recognition of the Confederacy.
With Silent captured, Gen. Laws would again be master of the situation.
Silent was the only match for him in the United States. So far as the
Vice-President was concerned, he was in a bad humor with the whole
administration. He (Walters) had seen him and conversed with him since
the time mentioned at which Mr. Carey had his interview. Walters had
been at Nashua, and remained for several days unmolested, and had
talked freely with quite a number of persons who were intimate with
the Vice-President, and who were conversant with his views and knew
his feelings. He said that the Vice-President suggested to him to get
through the lines and go to Richmond, and say to the authorities there
that if he were President he would recognize the Southern Confederacy;
but he (Walters) did not then have full confidence in what he was
saying, as he was rather in his cups at the time. But since he had heard
what Mr. Carey had learned in his interview with him he had no further
reason to doubt his sincerity.
“Mr. Wilkes here interposed and asked whether the whole question of
recognition by the Vice-President did not entirely depend upon the
capture and successful spiriting away of Lincoln.
“Mr. Walters answered in the affirmative.
“Wilkes then said: 'Suppose this scheme should fail, what then?'
“'Walters remarked that that was a question to be determined by this
meeting, and that he did not wish to decide it in advance.
“Mr. Spangler, from Illinois, said that he did not desire to detain the
assembly with a long speech, but he wished to impress upon the minds of
the delegates present that in the State from which he came, he did not
think the assassination of Lincoln and Silent would be indorsed, as it
would raise such a storm there that all their friends would be driven
from the State. He was in favor of their capture and, in fact, anything
that was thought necessary; but as he lived in the same town with Mr.
Lincoln, he would not like to be forced to stem the torrent if he,
Lincoln, should be assassinated. He would cheerfully vote for the first
proposition, and at the same time pay $100 into the general pool for
that purpose. This brought down the house--money seemed to be the one
thing they greatly desired. He said: 'Now, Mr. Chairman, who is the
Treasurer?'
“The Chairman answered that Mr. Thomlinson had the disbursing as well as
the authority to receive all funds for the carrying out of the objects
of the meeting.
“'Then,' said Spangler, 'here is my $100.' handing it to Thomlinson.
This started the ball, and in a few minutes $5,000 were raised and
handed over to Thomlinson, who thanked the friends for their liberality.
“The debate here closed and the vote was taken on the propositions. The
Chairman said he would put the third, or last, proposition first, which
was, whether the assembly would indorse the proposition of Capt. Alston
and Mr. Durham, who proposed to organize a force and assassinate the
leading men of the North who are prominent in the war against the South,
and recommend the authorities of the Southern Confederacy to carry out
the proposed project. The question being stated, the vote was taken.
Being very close, the roll had to be called, and the proposition was
lost by three votes.
“The next proposition was the one submitted by De Kalb to the
Confederacy, to blow up the Capitol at Washington when Congress should
be in session. The vote being taken, this proposition was lost; it being
deemed inexpedient on account of the danger of destroying so many of
their own friends.
“The last proposition to be voted on was whether the assembly would
recommend to the authorities at Richmond to organize a force and capture
Lincoln and Silent, or either of them, and hold the captive or captives
until the Confederacy should be recognized. This question was taken and
carried unanimously with a great hurrah and three cheers for the man or
men who should accomplish this most desirable object.
“After the proposition had been agreed to, Mr. Page and Capt. Alston
both desired to know what was to be done, if anything, should this
attempt to capture those men fail. Quite a discussion here arose, during
which considerable feeling was shown on the part of some of the Southern
men. Finally they determined to recommend that Wilkes, Page, Alston and
Durham be put in charge and organize for the purpose mentioned, and that
they receive their instructions directly from Jacob Thomlinson. One of
these men should go to Richmond with C. C. Carey, and there meet Durham
and consult with the authorities as to the route to be adopted in
getting into and out of Washington, and the means to be resorted to for
their assistance and protection; also that, in the event of failure in
capturing either of those men, then in that case they, or some of
them, were to return to Canada and confer further with Thomlinson; and
whatever measures he and they should adopt that looked like bringing
success were to be carried out, with the understanding that the assembly
here and now assented to it; which it did, and appointed Mr. Thom-linson
with power to act as fully as if the matter had been laid before it and
agreed to by a vote.
“This concluded the business of the delegates, and they adjourned
to meet on the call of the Grand Commander at any future time when
necessary for the benefit of the cause of the Confederacy. Henry
remained a day or so in order to note any further developments. Carey
and Page left at once for Richmond, intending to make their way in
disguise by rail into West Virginia, and from there to Richmond. Wilkes
started for New York and Alston for Buffalo. They were to make their
way to Baltimore, and meet there on a certain day and remain until
Page should return from Richmond with Durham. They were then to have an
understanding as to how they should operate. Before leaving they all had
a secret meeting with Thomlin-son, but what instructions they received
of a private nature Henry did not know, except that he learned if their
scheme should fail, one or more of them were to return at once to Canada
and consult further with Thomlinson as to their future operations.
“'I required this to be written in full by Henry, and leaving him and
his wife, Seraine, with what of our family was now left, I telegraphed
to the President:
“'Stay indoors; important; am coming!
“(Signed)Daniel.'
“'I at once left for Washington, feeling that time was important.
The desperation of these men was such that they would undertake an
enterprise of any kind, and the condition of the Confederacy such that
nothing less than some heroic remedy would avail anything.
“When I arrived at Washington it was early in the morning. I directed
my steps toward the Executive Mansion. On arriving at the door the usher
recognized me, but said that the President had not been to breakfast.
“'I said: 'I do not wish to disturb him, but it is very important that I
see him before a crowd comes in. I will remain here.'
“He stepped in and very soon returned, and at once showed me to the
President's office up-stairs. He was waiting for me, and as I entered he
came forward with both hands extended, and said, 'My dear friend Lyon,
how are you?'
“I answered him as to my health in a sad tone. He spoke of my great
afflictions in the most tender manner, and inquired as to the telegram.
“'I said: 'Mr. President, this paper,' handing him Henry's report, 'will
explain it.'
“He said: 'This is a long paper--as long as a President's message,' and
laughed, saying, 'I expect you have been writing one for me?'
“'I replied that it was an important message for a President. At this he
laughed, and said:
“'That is quite good, and is a very wise distinction; but,' said he, 'we
will not read it now. When we get our breakfast, that will do, will it
not?'
“I replied: 'Yes, perhaps it will.'
“He would have me take breakfast with him. His family only were present,
and we all conversed freely, but principally about the late election
and our success in the West against Head, and the prospects of Silent
against Laws. He was feeling very happy and confident of final victory.
He told me about having just returned with the Secretary of State from
Hampton Roads, where they had met the Vice-President of the Southern
Confederacy and others on a peace mission; 'but,' said he, 'it was
the same kind of peace that the Copperheads have been preaching, under
instructions from Richmond and the rebel agents in Canada, for three
years.'
“After breakfast we returned to his office. He instructed his usher that
he could see no one for the present. Being seated, he drew the paper
that I had given him from his side pocket and commenced reading. Very
soon he exhibited some little excitement, rang his bell and sent for the
Secretary of War, who soon came in. After the Secretary had exchanged
compliments with me, the President continued reading. When he had
finished he turned to me and said:
“'This is the most extraordinary thing that I have ever read or heard
of, in or out of history. Mr. Secretary, please read this.'
[Illustration: Uncle Daniel conferring with Lincoln and Stanton 404]
“The Secretary read it very carefully and remarked: 'This is what they
are coming to; they will stop at nothing. But the most surprising part
of all is the attitude of your Vice-President. What can he mean by
hobnobbing with those traitors and having interviews with one of their
principal leaders inside of our lines?' “'Yes,' said the President;
'this is strange, indeed.' “After further conversation it was determined
to have the Cabinet officers meet that day. The President also directed
the Secretary of War to ask Gen. Silent to be at the Executive Mansion
the next morning. He asked me to remain in Washington and come to see
him the next day at 10 o'clock, and not to fail. I left, went to the
Owen House and took a room.
“While there I met a man in rather delicate health, who said his name
was Alston, that he was a Canadian, and had come to Washington on
account of the mildness of the climate. He was about five feet ten
inches in height, hazel eyes, light hair, with small goatee; was quite
a nervous man, moving his hands, or sitting down and immediately rising
again, picking his teeth, or pulling his goatee. I remembered the man's
name as that of one of the conspirators, and marked him well. On inquiry
I found he had arrived the day before and was intending, as he said, to
remain for some time in order to test the climate in his case. I stepped
up to the War Department, and finding my friend, the Secretary, in, I
asked him to send a detective with me, and he did so. I put him on the
man and said no more to any one until I met the President and others the
next day.
“At 10 o'clock the following morning, I appeared at the Mansion and was
admitted at once. On entering the President's office I met Gen. Silent.
Having previously met him at Chatteraugus and elsewhere, he recognized
me, and after the usual compliments asked about Gen. Anderson. I told
him about my misfortunes, the last of which he was not aware of. He said
no more for a short time; he then asked me if Gen. Anderson would not
like to come East and have a better command. He said he did not think he
had been given a command equal to his ability; that he would order
him East if agreeable. I wrote the General as soon as I returned to my
hotel.
“The conversation was then turned to the report of Henry. The
President seemed serious, and said the astounding statement about the
Vice-President worried him, and yet, he said, it was almost incredible.
“Gen. Silent said he could believe it, but was very much surprised at
his having the interview and disclosing his opinions to our enemies.
Silent said he made some curious statements to him while he was making
his headquarters at Nashua, but he attributed it to Tennessee whisky
more than to any wrong motive in his mind, until he repeated the same
things over more than once. He thought strange of it, but did not
mention the conversation.
“'But,' said the Secretary, 'what do you say to the attempt they are to
make to capture you two gentlemen?'
“Silent said: 'That scheme has already failed. Our knowledge of the fact
defeats it. You must have a guard of at least one company of infantry
at or near the White House, and the officers must be notified, in
confidence, why they are placed here. There must be a company of cavalry
ordered here for escort to the President, and he must not go out of call
of the guards without an escort.'
“The President said: 'This will not look well, but I suppose I must do
it for safety. I do not like this Vice-President's talk; it worries me.
But how about yourself, Gen. Silent; they seem to be after you as well.'
“'Yes,' said the General; 'but you must remember that I am surrounded by
an army, and this notice protects me. I will look after that hereafter.
The truth is, they might have caught me napping, as I have heretofore
had but a small guard. I will make it large enough when I return. My
fears, however, are very much increased, as I see that there were many
of those conspirators in favor of taking the proposition to assassinate
instead of capture. That can be done in spite of guards, by reckless men
who will take desperate chances. This is what we must look out for. I
see that they are to take orders from Jacob Thomlinson, who is a most
reckless man, without any of the instincts of humanity, and utterly
without any regard for the rules of civilized warfare. He is a very
dangerous man if he has about him those who will do his bidding. So look
out, Mr. President; my judgment is that you will be in imminent peril.'
“'Yes,' said the President. 'Gen. Silent do you remember the dream I
repeated to you when you came to Washington?'
“'Oh, yes,' said Gen. Silent, 'perfectly; and in that dream I was to
be murdered as soon as the rebellion should be ended. But I do not
feel alarmed about myself; dreams, you know, Mr. President, go by
contraries.'
“'Yes,' said the President, 'I will not say that I believe in dreams,
neither do I; yet they make an impression on my mind.'
“Gen. Silent said no more on the subject, and the conversation on that
topic was dropped.
“'I was asked if I would send Henry back to Canada to watch further
developments. I assented. They all thought that perhaps in this way we
would be able to head off any further scheme as the one reported had
been.
“I then related what I had discovered at the Owen House, and suggested
a close watch on this man Alston. The President took up the report, and
finding the name, thought there might be something in my suggestion.
They sent for the detective that I had placed to watch him, and he
informed us that this man drank pretty freely, and had disclosed to him
while in his cups the night before that he was from St. Catharine's,
Canada; that he had plenty of money in gold, and was desirous of finding
some five or six good, active, bold and daring young men, who would be
likely to be fond of an adventure. The detective was sent back at
once with instructions to arrest him and have him taken to Old Capitol
Prison. If any questions should be asked, he was to answer that the
Secretary of War had directed it. The next morning it was telegraphed
all over the country that a Mr. Alston was arrested in Washington for
attempting to hire men to kidnap the President; and so the scheme, was
exploded.
“The next day I bade the President and the Secretary good-by, at the
same time warning the President of his great danger. He could not thank
me enough, he said, for my interest. Silent had left for the army. Just
as I was leaving, the President said to me in a whisper:
“'Look out for a great battle soon, and with it you will hear of the
fall of Richmond.'
“I thanked him for his confidence in me and left. On arriving at home
I found all well and very anxious to see me, as this had been my first
absence since the death of my wife and Peter. Henry had seen the notice
of Alston's arrest, and when I described him he said he was the right
man. I wrote to the President what Henry said, and Alston remained in
prison.
“In a short time I heard from Gen. Anderson. He was willing to go East.
I telegraphed Gen. Silent and he ordered him to report at once. He came
by home on his way and remained over several days. Lieut. Whitcomb was
with him. While there I related all that had taken place. He thought
Henry should return at once to Canada, leaving Seraine with us. He said
it would be dangerous since Alston's arrest to risk writing, so Henry
would have to come to my house with any information that he might have.
Henry left at once and the General the next day.
“We were alone again. The women and children were weeping over the
departure of Henry and the General. Aunt Martha came in and said:
“'Bress de good Laud, chil'n, what is you cryin' 'bout. De Gen! all
right; dars no danger 'bout him; he am safe. De Laud protect him. He dun
sabe him all dis time for good. Don't you see de Sesh git whip whareber
he goes? Dey all done killed down whar he bin, and now dey jest' take
him ober by whar Marsa Linkum am, and de Sesh all git smash up ober dar
de same way as what dey is down whar he bin afore.'
“Old Ham chimed in: 'Yas, Marfa, dat am de fac\ You see, when I goes wid
Marsa Gen'l, he gets shotted nearly ebery time. I not understand dis,
but he not git any time hurt when I's away. How is dat, Marfa? Guess it
best for me not be wid him. I tell you I guess I see it all now; de Laud
want me to stay here wid dese womens and dese chil'ns, and Marsa Gen'l
he not t'ink ob dat, so de Laud jes' let him git hurted, so he hab to
come and stay wid de folks and hab me heah? Is dat it, Marfa?'
“'Yes, dat am de case; and I 'spec you is glad, kase you is a powerful
coward, Ham; you knows you is.'
“'Marfa, you neber see me fightin' dem Sesh. Else you not say dem hard
words 'bout Ham. No, indeed, you not know 'bout me.'
“'I 'specs dat's so, Ham. How many of de Sesh does you 'specs you is
killed?'
“'Don' know, don' know. I neber counted em; war too busy, Marfa.'
“This was getting Ham into a close place, and he retired.
“In a few days Henry returned and reported that the arrest of Alston
had alarmed the conspirators in Canada very greatly. Carey and Page
were still in Richmond. Wilkes had returned to Canada and had been at
Montreal with Thomlinson, but Henry could get nothing out of him, as
Thomlinson thought it best not to have any one know what was to be
attempted unless they could aid in carrying it out; but he said the
country would be startled very soon. Henry surmised what he meant, and
as soon as he could get away from Wintergreen he left for home.
“I sent him to the President with this information, also a letter
calling the President's attention to his great danger, and the danger in
which the country would be in the event that anything should occur that
would put the Vice-President in power. This was the last communication I
ever had with the best of all Presidents.”