THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE CRIME ESTABLISHED BY THE ENQUIRY
In the following pages I shall describe the circumstances of the murder
of the Imperial family as they appear from the depositions of the
witnesses and evidence examined by the enquiry. From the six thick
manuscript volumes in which it is contained I have extracted the
essential facts of this drama about which, alas! there can be no longer
any doubt. The impression left by reading these documents is that of a
ghastly nightmare, but I do not feel justified in dwelling on the
horror.
About the middle of May, 1918, Yankel Sverdlof, President of the Central
Executive Committee at Moscow, yielding to the pressure of Germany,[75]
sent Commissary Yakovlef to Tobolsk to arrange for the transfer of the
Imperial family. He had received orders to take them to Moscow or
Petrograd. In carrying out his mission he met with resistance which he
did his best to overcome, as the enquiry has established. This
resistance had been organised by the divisional government of the Ural,
whose headquarters were at Ekaterinburg. It was they who, unknown to
Yakovlef, prepared the trap which enabled them to seize the Emperor _en
route_. But it appears to have been established that this plan had been
secretly approved by Moscow. It is more than probable, indeed, that
Sverdlof was playing a double game, and that, while pretending to accede
to the pressure of General Baron von Mirbach in Moscow, he had arranged
with the Ekaterinburg commissaries not to let the Czar escape. However
this may be, the installation of the Czar at Ekaterinburg was carried
out on the spur of the moment. In two days the merchant Ipatief was
evicted from his house and the construction of a strong wooden fencing
rising to the level of the second-floor windows begun.
To this place the Czar, Czarina, Grand-Duchess Marie Nicolaïevna, Dr.
Botkin, and three servants accompanying them were brought on April 30th.
Also Anna Demidova, the Czarina’s maid, Tchemadourof, the Czar’s valet,
and Sednief, the Grand-Duchesses’ footman.
At first the guard was formed by soldiers picked at random and
frequently changed. Later it consisted exclusively of workmen from the
Sissert workshops and the factory of Zlokazof Brothers. They were under
the command of Commissary Avdief, commandant of the “house destined for
a special purpose,” as Ipatief’s house was named.
The conditions of the imprisonment were much more severe than at
Tobolsk. Avdief was an inveterate drunkard, who gave rein to his coarse
instincts, and, with the assistance of his subordinates, showed great
ingenuity in daily inflicting fresh humiliations upon those in his
charge. There was no alternative but to accept the privations, submit to
the vexations, yield to the exactions and caprices of these low, vulgar
scoundrels.
On their arrival in Ekaterinburg on May 23rd, the Czarevitch and his
three sisters were at once taken to Ipatief’s house,
[Illustration: THE ROOM ON THE GROUND FLOOR OF IPATIEF’S HOUSE IN WHICH
THE IMPERIAL FAMILY AND THEIR COMPANIONS WERE PUT TO DEATH.
{_Facing page 282._]
where their parents were awaiting them. After the agony of separation
this reunion was a tremendous joy, in spite of the sadness of the
present and the uncertainty of the future.
A few hours later Kharitonof (the chef), old Troup (footman), and little
Leonide Sednief (scullery-boy) were also brought. General Tatichtchef,
Countess Hendrikof, Mlle. Schneider, and Volkof, the Czarina’s
_valet-de-chambre_, had been taken direct to the prison.
On the twenty-fourth, Tchemadourof, who had been taken ill, was
transferred to the prison hospital; there he was forgotten, and so,
miraculously, escaped death. A few days later Nagorny and Sednief were
also removed. The number of those who had been left with the prisoners
decreased rapidly. Fortunately Dr. Botkin, whose devotion was splendid,
was left, and also a few servants whose faithfulness was proof against
anything: Anna Demidova, Kharitonof, Troup, and little Leonide Sednief.
During these days of suffering the presence of Dr. Botkin was a great
comfort to the prisoners; he did all he could for them, acted as
intermediary between them and the commissaries, and did his best to
protect them against the coarse insults of their guards.
The Czar, Czarina, and Czarevitch occupied the room in the angle formed
by the square and Vosnessensky Lane; the four Grand-Duchesses the
adjoining room, the door of which had been removed; at first, as there
was no bed, they slept on the floor. Dr. Botkin slept in the
drawing-room and the Czarina’s maid in the room in the angle of
Vosnessensky Lane and the garden. The other prisoners were installed in
the kitchen and adjacent hall.
Alexis Nicolaïevitch’s ill-health had been aggravated by the fatigue of
the journey; he spent the greater part of the day lying down, and when
they went out to take the air it was the Czar who carried him as far as
the garden.
The family and servants took their meals with the commissaries, who
occupied the same floor as themselves, and so lived in constant
proximity with these coarse men, who more often than not were drunk.
The house had been surrounded by a second fence of boards; it had been
turned into a veritable prison fortress. There were sentries stationed
outside and within, machineguns in the building and garden. The room of
the Commissary Commandant--the first on entering the house--was occupied
by Commissary Avdief, his adjutant Mochkine, and some workmen. The rest
of the guard lived in the basement, but the men often came upstairs and
strolled into the rooms of the Imperial family as they liked. The
courage of the prisoners was, however, sustained in a remarkable way by
religion. They had kept that wonderful faith which at Tobolsk had been
the admiration of their _entourage_ and which had given them such
strength, such serenity in suffering. They were already almost entirely
detached from this world. The Czarina and Grand-Duchesses could often be
heard singing religious airs, which affected their guards in spite of
themselves.
Gradually these guards were humanised by contact with their prisoners.
They were astonished at their simplicity, attracted by their gentleness,
subdued by their serene dignity, and soon found themselves dominated by
those whom they thought they held in their power. The drunken Avdief
found himself disarmed by such greatness of soul; he grew conscious of
his own infamy. The early ferocity of these men was succeeded by
profound pity.
The Soviet authorities in Ekaterinburg comprised:
(a) _The Divisional Council of the Urals_, consisting of about thirty
members under the presidency of Commissary Bieloborodof.
(b) _The Presidium_, a sort of executive committee of several members:
Bieloborodof, Golochtchokine, Syromolotof, Safarof, Voïkof, etc.
(c) _The Tchrezvytchaïka._ The popular title of the “Extraordinary
Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Speculation,” with its
centre at Moscow and branches throughout Russia. This is a formidable
organisation which is the very foundation of the Soviet régime. Each
section receives its orders direct from Moscow and carries them out
through its own resources. Every _Tchrezvytchaïka_ of any importance
commands the services of a band of nondescript agents, generally
Austro-German prisoners of war, Letts, Chinese, etc., who are in reality
nothing more than highly-paid executioners.
In Ekaterinburg the _Tchrezvytchaïka_ was all-powerful. Its most
influential members were Commissaries Yourovsky, Golochtchokine, etc.
* * * * *
Avdief was under the immediate control of the other commissaries,
members of the _Presidium_ and _Tchrezvytchaïka_. They were not long in
realising the change which had come about in the feelings of the guards
towards their prisoners, and resolved to adopt drastic measures. At
Moscow, too, there was uneasiness, as was proved by the following
telegram sent from Ekaterinburg by Bieloborodof to Sverdlof and
Golochtchokine (who was then at Moscow): “Syromolotof just left for
Moscow to organise according to instructions from centre. Anxiety
unnecessary. Useless to worry. Avdief revoked. Mochkine arrested. Avdief
replaced by Yourovsky. Inside guard changed, replaced by others.”
This telegram is dated July 4th.
On this day Avdief and his adjutant Mochkine were arrested and replaced
by Commissary Yourovsky, a Jew, and his subordinate Nikouline. The guard
formed--as has already been mentioned--exclusively of Russian workmen,
was transferred to a neighbouring house, that of Popof.
Yourovsky brought with him ten men--nearly all Austro-German prisoners
of war--“selected” from among the executioners of the _Tchrezvytchaïka_.
Henceforward these formed the inside guard, the outside sentries being
still furnished by the Russian guard.
The “house destined for a special purpose” had become a branch of the
_Tchrezvytchaïka_, and the lives of the prisoners became one long
martyrdom.
* * * * *
At this time the death of the Imperial family had already been decided
upon in Moscow. The telegram quoted above proves this. Syromolotof left
for Moscow “to organise according to instructions from centre”; he was
to return with Golochtchokine, bringing instructions and directions from
Sverdlof. Meanwhile Yourovsky made his arrangements. On several days in
succession he went out on horseback. He was seen wandering about the
neighbourhood looking for a place suitable for his plans, in which he
could dispose of the bodies of his victims. And this same man, with
inconceivable cynicism, on his return visited the bedside of the
Czarevitch!
Several days pass; Golochtchokine and Syromolotof have come back. All is
ready.
[Illustration: MINE-SHAFT WHERE THE ASHES WERE THROWN.]
[Illustration: THE SEARCH IN THE MINE-SHAFT.
{_Facing page 286._]
On Sunday, July 14th, Yourovsky summons a priest, Father Storojef, and
authorises a religious service. The prisoners are already condemned to
death and must not be refused the succour of religion.
The next day he gives orders for the removal of little Leonide Sednief
to Popof’s house, where the Russian guard are quartered.
On the sixteenth, about 7 p.m., he orders Paul Medvedief, in whom he has
every confidence--Medvedief was in control of the Russian workmen--to
bring him the twelve Nagan revolvers with which the Russian guard are
armed. When this order has been carried out he tells him that all the
Imperial family will be put to death that same night, directing him to
inform the Russian guard later. Medvedief informs them about 10 p.m.
Shortly after midnight, Yourovsky enters the rooms occupied by the
members of the Imperial family, wakes them up, together with their
_entourage_, and tells them to get ready to follow him. The pretext he
alleges is that they are to be taken away, that there are disturbances
in the town, and meanwhile they will be safer on the floor below.
Everyone is soon ready. They take a few small belongings and some
cushions and then go down by the inner staircase leading to the court
from which they enter the ground-floor rooms. Yourovsky goes in front
with Nikouline, followed by the Czar, carrying Alexis Nicolaïevitch, the
Czarina, the Grand-Duchesses, Dr. Botkin, Anna Demidova, Kharitonof, and
Troup.
The prisoners remain in the room indicated by Yourovsky. They are
persuaded that the carriages or cars which are to take them away are
being fetched, and as the wait may be long they ask for chairs. Three
are brought. The Czarevitch, who cannot stand because of his leg, sits
down in the middle of the room. The Czar takes his place on his left,
Dr. Botkin standing on his right a little to the rear. The Czarina sits
down near the wall (to the right of the door by which they entered), not
far from the window. A cushion has been placed on her chair and that of
Alexis Nicolaïevitch. Behind her she has one of her daughters, probably
Tatiana. In the corner on the same side Anna Demidova--still holding two
cushions in her arms. The three other Grand-Duchesses are standing with
their backs to the wall furthest from the door, and in the corner to
their right are Kharitonof and old Troup.
The wait is prolonged. Suddenly Yourovsky re-enters the room with seven
Austro-Germans and two of his friends, Commissaries Ermakof and Vaganof,
accredited executioners of the _Tchrezvytchaïka_. Medvedief is also
present. Yourovsky comes forward and says to the Czar: “Your men have
tried to save you but haven’t succeeded, and we are forced to put you to
death.” He immediately raises his revolver and fires point-blank at the
Czar, who falls dead. This is the signal for a general discharge of
revolvers. Each of the murderers has chosen his victim. Yourovsky has
reserved for himself the Czar and Czarevitch. For most of the prisoners
death is instantaneous. But Alexis Nicolaïevitch is moaning feebly.
Yourovsky finishes him off with a shot from his revolver. Anastasie
Nicolaïevna is only wounded, and begins to scream as the murderers
approach; she is killed by their bayonets. Anna Demidova, too, has been
spared, thanks to the cushions which she holds in front of her. She
rushes about, and finally falls under the bayonets of the assassins.
The depositions of the witnesses have made it possible for the enquiry
to reconstruct the ghastly scene of the massacre in all its details.
These witnesses are Paul Medvedief,[76] one of the murderers; Anatole
Yakimof, who was certainly present at the drama, although he denies it,
and Philip Proskouriakof, who describes the crime from the story of
other spectators. All three were members of the guard at Ipatief’s
house.
* * * * *
When all is over, the commissaries remove from the victims their jewels,
and the bodies are carried, with the help of sheets and the shafts of a
sledge, to a motor-wagon which is waiting at the courtyard door, between
the two wooden fences.
They have to hurry for fear of the dawn. The funeral procession crosses
the still-sleeping town and makes for the forest. Commissary Vaganof
rides ahead, as a chance encounter must be avoided. Just as they are
approaching the clearing for which they are making, he sees a wagon
driven by peasants coming towards him. It is a woman of the village of
Koptiaki, who set out in the night with her son and daughter-in-law to
sell fish in the town. He orders them to turn round and go home. To make
doubly sure he goes with them, galloping alongside the cart, and forbids
them under pain of death to turn round or look behind them. But the
peasant woman has had time to catch a glimpse of the great dark object
coming up behind the horseman. When she gets back to the village she
tells what she has seen. The puzzled peasants start out to reconnoitre,
and run into a cordon of sentries stationed in the forest.
However, after great difficulties, for the roads are very bad, the
motor-wagon reaches the clearing. The bodies are placed on the ground
and partly undressed. It is then that-the commissaries discover a
quantity of jewellery that the Grand-Duchesses carry concealed under
their clothes. They at once seize them, but, in their haste, let a few
fall on the ground, where they are trodden into the soil. The bodies are
then cut in pieces and placed on great bonfires, which are made to burn
more fiercely by the application of benzine. The parts which resist the
flames are destroyed with sulphuric acid. For three days and three
nights the murderers toil at their labour of destruction under the
direction of Yourovsky and his two friends Ermakof and Vaganof. One
hundred and seventy-five kilogrammes of sulphuric acid and more than 300
litres of benzine are brought to the clearing.
At last, on July 20th, all is finished. The murderers efface all traces
of the fires, and the ashes are thrown into a mine-shaft or scattered
about the neighbourhood of the clearing, so that nothing may reveal what
has taken place.
* * * * *
Why did these men take so much trouble to efface all traces of their
deed? Why, since they professed to be acting as the servants of justice,
did they hide like criminals? And from whom were they hiding?
It is Paul Medvedief who explains this in his evidence. After the crime
Yourovsky came up to him and said, “Keep the outside sentries at their
posts in case there is trouble with the people!” And during the
following days the sentries continued to mount guard round the empty
house as if nothing had happened, as if the fences still shut in the
prisoners.
[Illustration: M. SOKOLOFF EXAMINING THE ASHES OF THE FIRE NEAREST TO
THE MINE-SHAFT.]
[Illustration: M. SOKOLOFF EXAMINING THE TRACES OF ONE OF THE FIRES AT
THE FOOT OF AN OLD PINE.
{_Facing page 290._]
Those who must be deceived, must not know, are the _Russian people_.
Another fact proves this: the precaution taken on July 4th of sending
away Avdief and the Russian guard. The commissaries no longer had
confidence in these workmen from the Sissert workshops and the factory
of Zlokazof, who had, however, rallied to their cause and enlisted
voluntarily to guard “bloody Nicholas.” They knew that none but paid
assassins, convicts, or foreigners would consent to carry through the
infamous task they were proposing. These assassins were Yourovsky (a
Jew), Medvedief, Nikouline, Ermakof, Vaganof, Russian convicts, and
seven Austro-Germans.
Yes, it was from the Russian people that they were hiding, the men whose
agents they professed to be. It was of them they were afraid; of their
vengeance.
* * * * *
At last, on July 20th, they decided to speak and announce the death of
the Emperor to the people in a proclamation published in the following
form:
DECISION
OF THE PRESIDIUM OF THE DIVISIONAL COUNCIL OF DEPUTIES OF WORKMEN,
PEASANTS, AND RED GUARDS OF THE URALS:
In view of the fact that Czecho-Slovakian bands are threatening the
Red capital of the Urals, Ekaterinburg; that the crowned
executioner may escape from the tribunal of the people (a White
Guard plot to carry off the whole Imperial family has just been
discovered), the Presidium of the Divisional Committee, in
pursuance of the will of the people, has decided that the ex-Czar
Nicholas Romanoff, guilty before the people of innumerable bloody
crimes, shall be shot.
The decision of the Presidium of the Divisional Council was carried
into execution on the night of July 16th-17th.
Romanoff’s family has been transferred from Ekaterinburg to a place
of greater safety.
THE PRESIDIUM OF THE DIVISIONAL COUNCIL
OF DEPUTIES OF WORKMEN, PEASANTS, AND
RED GUARDS OF THE URALS.
DECISION
OF THE PRESIDIUM OF THE CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF ALL THE
RUSSIAS OF JULY 18TH, a.c.
The Central Executive Committee of the Councils of Deputies of
Workmen, Peasants, Red Guards, and Cossacks, in the person of their
president, approve the action of the Presidium of the Council of
the Urals.
The President of the Central Executive Committee,
Y. SVERDLOF.
In this document mention is made of the sentence of death passed, it is
alleged, by the _Presidium_ of Ekaterinburg, on the Czar Nicholas II. A
lie! The crime, we know, was decided on in Moscow by Sverdlof, his
instructions being brought to Yourovsky by Golochtchokine and
Syromolotof.
Sverdlof was the head and Yourovsky the arm; both were Jews.
The Czar was neither condemned nor even judged--and by whom could he
have been?--he was assassinated. And what of the Czarina, the children,
Dr. Botkin, and the three servants who died with them? But what does it
matter to the murderers? They are sure of impunity; the bullet killed,
the flame destroyed, and the earth covered what the fire could not
devour. Oh, they are very easy in their minds; no one will talk, for
they are united by infamy. And it seems to be with reason that
Commissary Voïkof can exclaim, “The world will never know what we have
done with them!”
* * * * *
These men were mistaken.
After months of groping, the enquiry commission undertook methodical
investigation in the forest. Every inch of ground was searched,
scrutinised, examined, and soon the mine-shaft, the soil of the
clearing, and the grass of the vicinity revealed their secret. Hundreds
of articles and fragments, for the most part trodden into the ground,
were discovered, identified, and classified by the court of enquiry.
Amongst other things, they found in this way:
The buckle of the Czar’s belt, a fragment of his cap, the little
portable frame containing the portrait of the Czarina--the photograph
had disappeared--which the Czar always carried about him, etc.
The Czarina’s favourite ear-rings (one broken), pieces of her dress, the
glass of her spectacles, recognisable by its special shape, etc.
The buckle of the Czarevitch’s belt, some buttons, and pieces of his
cloak, etc.
A number of small articles belonging to the Grand-Duchesses: fragments
of necklaces, shoes, buttons, hooks, press-buttons, etc.
Six metal corset busks. “Six”--a number which speaks for itself when
the number of the female victims is remembered: the Czarina, the four
Grand-Duchesses, and A. Demidova, the Czarina’s maid.
Dr. Botkin’s false teeth, fragments of his eyeglasses, buttons from his
clothes, etc.
Finally charred bones and fragments of bones, partly destroyed by acid
and occasionally bearing the mark of a sharp instrument or saw; revolver
bullets--doubtless those which had remained embedded in the bodies--and
a fairly large quantity of melted lead.
A pathetic list of relics, leaving, alas! no hope, and showing up the
truth in all its brutality and horror. Commissary Voïkof was mistaken:
the world now knows what they did with them.
* * * * *
Meanwhile the murderers were growing uneasy. The agents they had left at
Ekaterinburg to set the enquiry on false trails kept them in touch with
its progress. This they followed step by step. And when they understood
finally that the truth was about to be revealed, that the whole world
would soon know what had happened, they became afraid, and tried to
throw on to others the responsibility for their crime. It was then that
they accused the socialist-revolutionaries of being the authors of the
crime and of having tried this means of compromising the Bolshevik
party. In September, 1919, twenty-eight persons were arrested by them at
Perm, falsely accused of having participated in the murder of the
Imperial family, and tried. Five of them were condemned to death and
executed.
This odious farce forms one more illustration of the cynicism of these
men who did not hesitate to send innocent people to
[Illustration: DR. BOTKIN, WHO WAS KILLED WITH THE IMPERIAL FAMILY.]
[Illustration: GROUP TAKEN AT TOBOLSK, WHEN WE WERE COMPELLED TO BE
PHOTOGRAPHED.
Left to right, in front: Mlle. Schneider and Countess Hendrikof (shot at
Perm). Behind: General Tatichtchef (shot at Ekaterinburg), the author,
Prince Dolgorouky (shot at Ekaterinburg).
{_Facing page 294._]
their death rather than incur the responsibility for one of the greatest
crimes of history.
* * * * *
It remains to mention the tragedy of Alapaevsk, which is closely
connected with that of Ekaterinburg, and caused the death of several
other members of the Imperial family.
The Grand-Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna, sister of the Czarina, the
Grand-Duke Sergius Michaïlovitch, cousin of the Czar, Princes Jean,
Constantin, and Igor, sons of the Grand-Duke Constantin, and Prince
Palée, son of the Grand-Duke Paul, had been arrested in the spring of
1918 and taken to the little town of Alapaevsk, situated 150 versts
north of Ekaterinburg. A nun, Barbe Yakovlef, the Grand-Duchess’s
companion, and S. Remes, secretary of the Grand-Duke Sergius, shared
their captivity. Their prison was the school-house.
In the night of July 17th-18th, twenty-four hours after the Ekaterinburg
crime, they were fetched and, under pretext of being removed to another
town, were driven about twelve versts from Alapaevsk. There, in a
forest, they were put to death. Their bodies were thrown into the shaft
of an abandoned mine, where they were found, in October, 1918, covered
with the earth thrown up by the explosion of hand-grenades by which the
sufferings of the victims had been terminated.
The autopsy revealed traces of death by shooting only on the body of the
Grand-Duke Sergius, and the enquiry has failed to establish exactly how
his companions were killed. It is probable that they were beaten down
with rifle-butts.
This crime of unexampled brutality was the work of Commissary Safarof,
member of the Ekaterinburg _Presidium_, who, however, was acting
entirely on the orders of Moscow.
* * * * *
Some days after the capture of Ekaterinburg, when order was being
restored in the town and the dead buried, two bodies were found not far
from the prison. On one of them was found a receipt for 80,000 roubles
made out to Citizen Dolgorouky, and, according to the descriptions of
witnesses, it seems certain that this was the body of Prince Dolgorouky.
There is every reason to believe that the other was the body of General
Tatichtchef.
Both died, as they had expected, for their Czar. General Tatichtchef
said to me one day at Tobolsk: “I know I shan’t come out alive. I only
ask one thing, not to be separated from the Czar and to be allowed to
die with him.” Even this supreme consolation was denied him.
Countess Hendrikof and Mlle. Schneider were removed from Ekaterinburg a
few days after the murder of the Imperial family and taken to Perm.
There they were shot in the night of September 3rd-4th, 1918. Their
bodies were found and identified in May, 1919.
As for Nagorny, Alexis Nicolaïevitch’s sailor, and the footman, Ivan
Sednief, they were put to death in the neighbourhood of Ekaterinburg in
the beginning of June, 1918. Their bodies were found two months later at
the place of execution.
All, from General to seaman, did not hesitate to sacrifice their lives
and go bravely to meet death. This seaman, however, a humble peasant
from the Ukraine, had only to say one word to be saved. He had only to
deny his Czar. This word remained unspoken.
For a long time, with simple and sincere faith, they had devoted their
lives to those they loved, who had been able to inspire those who
surrounded them with so much affection, courage, and self-sacrifice.
EPILOGUE
The summer of 1919 was marked by the great reverses which were to bring,
a few months later, the downfall of Admiral Koltchak’s government. The
Bolshevik troops had retaken Perm and were threatening Ekaterinburg. The
work undertaken in the clearing at Koptiaki had to be abandoned before
its completion. On July 12th, N. Sokolof, heart-broken, decided to leave
for Omsk. There he spent the month of August, and then, seeing that the
situation was growing still worse, he went on to Tchita, whilst I
remained at Omsk.
A few weeks after his departure, two Russian officers came to the French
Military Mission and asked to speak to me. They told me that General
D---- had an important communication to make to me, and begged me to be
so kind as to go and see him. We got into the car which was waiting, and
a few moments later I found myself in his presence.
General D---- informed me that he wanted to show me a boy who claimed to
be the Czarevitch. I knew in fact that a rumour was spreading in Omsk
that the Czarevitch was still alive. He was announced to be in a small
town of Altaï. I had been told that the inhabitants had greeted him with
enthusiasm, the schoolchildren had made a collection on his behalf, and
the governor of the station had offered him, on his knees, bread and
salt. In addition, Admiral Koltchak had received a telegram asking him
to come to the assistance of the pretended Czarevitch. I had paid no
attention to these stories.
Fearing that these circumstances might give rise to difficulties, the
Admiral had had the “Pretender” brought to Omsk; and General D---- had
called for me, thinking that my evidence would settle the difficulty and
put a stop to the legend that was beginning to grow up.
The door of the next room was opened a little, and I was able to
observe, unknown to him, a boy, taller and stronger than the Czarevitch,
who seemed to me fifteen or sixteen years old. His sailor’s costume, the
colour of his hair, and the way it was arranged were vaguely reminiscent
of Alexis Nicolaïevitch. There the resemblance ended.
I told General D---- the result of my observations. The boy was
introduced to me. I put several questions to him in French: he remained
dumb. When a reply was insisted upon he said that he understood
everything I had said but had his own reasons for only speaking Russian.
I then addressed him in that language. This, too, brought no results. He
said he had decided to answer no one but Admiral Koltchak himself. So
our interview ended.[77]
Chance had brought across my path the first of the countless pretenders
who doubtless for many years to come will be a source of trouble and
agitation among the ignorant and credulous masses of the Russian
peasantry.
* * * * *
In March, 1920, I rejoined General Ditériks and N. Sokolof at Kharbine,
whither they had drifted, like myself, after the collapse of Admiral
Koltchak’s government. They were in a state of great agitation, for the
situation in Manchuria was growing daily more precarious, and it was
expected that at any moment the Chinese eastern railway might fall into
the hands of the Reds. Bolshevik spies were already beginning to swarm
over the station and its surroundings. What was to be done with the
documents of the enquiry? Where could they be put in safety? General
Ditériks and N. Sokolof had appealed to the British High Commissioner
before his departure for Pekin, asking him to take to Europe the relics
of the Imperial family and the evidence of the enquiry. He had asked for
instructions from his Government. The reply was a long time coming. It
came at last.... It was in the negative!
I then appealed personally to General Janin, informing him of the
situation.[78]
“I am quite ready to help you,” he told me. “I can do it on my own
responsibility, as there is not time to refer the matter to my
Government. But it shall not be said that a French General refused the
relics of one who was the faithful ally of France. Ask General Ditériks
to furnish me with a written request expressing his certainty of my
consent; I should consider doubt as a reflection on me.”
The letter was sent, and General Ditériks came to an understanding with
General Janin as to the arrangements for transmitting the precious
objects to the person named by him in Europe.
Two days later, General Ditériks, his two orderly officers, N. Sokolof,
and myself took on our shoulders the heavy valises prepared beforehand
and carried them to General Janin’s train, which was standing a short
distance from the station. In single file we were approaching the
platform when those in the rear suddenly saw several figures start up
out of the shadows and accost us, shouting: “Where are you going? What
have you got in those bags?” As we hurried on without reply they made as
if to stop us and ordered us to open our valises. The distance that
remained was fortunately not very great; we dashed forward at full
speed, and a moment later reached the General’s carriage, the sentries
having already run up to meet us.
At last all the evidence was in safety. It was time, for, as had just
been proved, we were marked down. An hour later we slipped out of the
train one after the other and made our way unobserved between the
carriages of others standing near.
On the next day General Ditériks brought General Janin the box
containing the relics of the Imperial family.
This happened on March 19th, 1920.
* * * * *
There was nothing now to keep me in Siberia. I felt that I had fulfilled
the last duty towards those to whom I was attached by such poignant
memories. More than two years had passed since I had been separated from
them at Ekaterinburg.
Ekaterinburg! As I was leaving Russia, with what emotion I lived again,
down to the least details, the painful scenes which this name called up
in my mind! Ekaterinburg to me meant the despair of feeling my every
effort vain; cruel and brutal separation; for them it was to be the last
stage of their long Calvary, two months of suffering to be endured
before the supreme deliverance.
It was the period when Germany was determined to triumph at any price
and believed that victory was at last within her grasp; and while
William fraternised with Lenin, his armies were making one more thrust
at Paris.
In this total collapse of Russia there were still two points of
resistance; in this abysmal night two fires remained where the flame of
faith still burned bright. There was, on the one hand, General
Alexeief’s gallant little army of volunteers, struggling desperately
against the Soviet regiments stiffened by German officers. On the other,
behind the wooden enclosures which imprisoned him, the Czar, too, was
leading his last fight. Supported by the Czarina, he had refused all
compromise. Nothing remained but to sacrifice their lives; they were
ready to do this rather than bargain with the enemy who had ruined their
country by violating its honour.
And death came, but death refused to separate those whom life had so
closely bound together, and it took them all seven, united in one faith
and one love.
I feel that events have spoken for themselves. Anything I might be able
to add now--intensely as my feelings have been quickened by recalling
those days of anguish relived sometimes from hour to hour--would appear
mere vain literature and misplaced sentimentality compared with the
poignant significance of the facts.
I must, however, assert here this conviction: it is impossible that
those of whom I have spoken should have suffered their martyrdom in
vain. I know not when it will be, nor how; but one day or other, without
any doubt, when brutality has bled itself to death in the excess of its
fury, humanity will draw from the memory of their sufferings an
invincible force for moral reparation.
Whatever revolt may rankle in the heart, and however just vengeance may
be, to hope for an expiation in blood would be an insult to their
memory.
The Czar and Czarina died believing themselves martyrs to their country:
they have died martyrs to humanity. Their real greatness is not to be
measured by the prestige of their Imperial dignity, but by the wonderful
moral heights to which they gradually attained. They have become a
force, an ideal; and in the very outrage they have suffered we find a
touching testimony to that wonderful serenity of soul against which
violence and passion can avail nothing and which triumphs unto death.
THE END
PRINTED BY THE ANCHOR PRESS, LTD., TIPTREE, ESSEX, ENGLAND
FOOTNOTES:
[1] To give some idea of what I mean, it is only necessary to record
that in one of these books (which is based on the evidence of an
_eyewitness_ of the drama of Ekaterinburg, the authenticity of which is
guaranteed) there is a description of my death! All the rest is on a
par.
Everyone desiring information about the end of the reign of Nicholas
II. should read the remarkable articles recently published in the
_Revue des Deux Mondes_ by M. Paleologue, the French Ambassador at
Petrograd.
[2] It was in 1909 that my duties as tutor to Duke Sergius of
Leuchtenberg came to an end. I had thus more time for my duties at the
Court.
[3] An Imperial sporting estate in the Government of Grodno. This
forest and the Caucasus are the only places where the aurochs, or
European bison, is found. They still rove these immense forests, which
occupy an area of more than three thousand acres.
[4] An ancient hunting-seat of the kings of Poland.
[5] He was generally carried by Derevenko, formerly a sailor on the
Imperial yacht _Standard_, to whom this duty had been assigned several
years before.
[6] He had the same surname as Derevenko, the sailor whom I have
mentioned above. A constant cause of confusion.
[7] About 85 per cent. of bleeders die in their childhood or early
youth. The chances of a fatal issue diminish greatly as they attain
manhood. That is easily understood. An adult knows how to exercise the
care his condition requires, and the causes of trauma are thus greatly
lessened. Although hæmophilia is incurable, it does not prevent many of
its victims from reaching an advanced old age. The children of Alexis
Nicolaïevitch would not have been affected by this terrible malady, as
it is only transmitted by women.
[8] Queen Victoria did not like the Germans and had a particular
aversion for the Emperor William II., which she handed on to her
granddaughter, who always preferred England, her country on her
mother’s side, to Germany. Yet she always remained greatly attached to
the friends and relations she had left there.
[9] She was extremely anxious to improve the lot of poor women by
building maternity and other hospitals. She hoped to establish
professional schools, and so on.
[10] Her continual fear of an attempt on the life of the Czar or her
son always helped to wear down the Czarina’s nervous vitality.
[11] Relations between the Czarina and Mlle. Tioutcheva were never
again what they had been, and the latter resigned her post in the
spring of 1912.
[12] Son of the famous Professor Sergius Botkin and Court Physician.
[13] The regiment which acted as the Czar’s bodyguard. It comprised
representatives of all the regiments of the Guard.
[14] At the time my pupil was learning Russian, French, arithmetic,
history, geography and religious knowledge. He did not begin English
until later, and never had German lessons.
[15] Her Majesty talked English with them, the Czar Russian only. The
Czarina talked English or French with the members of her suite. She
never spoke in Russian (though she spoke it pretty well ultimately)
except to those who knew no other language. During the whole period of
my residence with the Imperial family I never heard one of them utter a
word of German, except when it was inevitable, as at receptions, etc.
[16] It was thus that I learned that from January 1st, 1914, to the day
of his death in December, 1916, Rasputin only saw Alexis Nicolaïevitch
three times.
[17] Kerensky’s “Extraordinary Commission of Enquiry” established the
falsity of the libellous reports about her relations with Rasputin. In
this connection see the report of M. Roudnief, one of the members of
that Commission: “La vérité sur la famille russe” (Paris, 1920). What
he says was confirmed during our captivity at Tsarskoïe-Selo by Colonel
Korovitchenko, who will come into this book later on.
[18] Now Crown Prince of Rumania.
[19] Now Queen of Rumania.
[20] Now King of Rumania.
[21] Who could have foreseen that if the marriage had taken place she
would have escaped the dreadful fate in store for her!
[22] A few weeks later the King of Saxony was the only prince in the
German Confederation--with the exception of the Grand-Duke of Hesse,
the Czarina’s brother--who tried to prevent a rupture with Russia. He
was averse to associating himself with any employment of force against
a nation whose guest he had just been. Yet it did not prevent him from
indulging in the most fiery speeches once war had been declared.
[23] A small steam-yacht with paddles. The draught of the _Standard_
was too great to allow her to fetch us from Peterhof.
[24] This subcutaneous hæmorrhage is particularly painful when it
occurs in a joint.
[25] Rasputin was taken to the hospital at Tioumen and operated upon by
a specialist sent from St. Petersburg. The operation was a wonderful
success, and a week later the patient was out of danger. His recovery
was considered miraculous. Neither fire not steel could avail against
one who was obviously under the direct protection of the Almighty!
[26] The Czar used to say that diplomacy is the art of making white
appear black. _Apropos_ of this subject, he once quoted me Bismarck’s
definition of an ambassador, “A man sent to another country to tell
lies for the benefit of his own,” and he added: “Thank Heaven they’re
not all trained in _his_ school, but diplomats have a gift for
complicating the most simple questions.”
[27] Austria delayed the issue of the ultimatum until it was a
practical impossibility for news of it to reach St. Petersburg before
M. Poincaré left.
[28] In the winter of 1918, when I was at Tioumen, I saw copies of
these very telegrams. Later on I found it impossible to get hold of the
text again.
[29] The German General Staff knew only too well that in view of the
extreme complexity of the Russian mobilisation (the immense size of
the country, the poor railways, etc.), it could not be countermanded
without such a disorganisation of the services as would prevent it
being resumed for three weeks. A start of three weeks for Germany meant
certain victory.
[30] I had these details from the Grand-Duchess Anastasie Nicolaïevna,
who described the scene to me next morning.
[31] Alexis Nicolaïevitch had not recovered from his accident when he
made his condition worse by an imprudent act. He was thus unable to
accompany his parents to St. Petersburg--a great blow to them.
[32] I cannot say that the Czarina had any personal affection for
France, a country with which she had no ties and no particular
temperamental affinity. She did not understand the French mind,
and took all the literary acrobatics of our “_immoralistes_” quite
seriously. On the other hand, she thoroughly enjoyed the great
nineteenth-century poets.
[33] He was the grandson of the Czar Nicholas I., and had been
appointed Generalissimo of the Russian armies immediately after the
declaration of war.
[34] This is the gate by which the Czars always entered to go to the
Kremlin when they visited Moscow. It leads from the city to the Red
Square, which lies against the eastern wall of the Kremlin.
[35] In the 39 Governments of Russia the executive authorities were
assisted by the provincial assemblies (_zemstvos_), who looked after
the economic interests of the Government, the establishment of schools,
hospitals, etc. There were also district _zemstvos_ in the same
Governments.
[36] Madame Wyroubova survived her injuries, but her convalescence was
a very long and dreary process and she was always a cripple after her
accident.
[37] By a ukase of August 31st, 1914, the Czar had decreed that St.
Petersburg should henceforth be called Petrograd.
[38] It was the same sentiment which made him say to an officer of
his suite after his abdication: “Just to think that, now I am Czar no
longer, they won’t even let me fight for my country!” The words reveal
the very depths of his soul.
[39] The French army in its march on Moscow occupied Mohileff on July
19th, and Marshal Davout lived for several days in the same house which
the Czar and Czarevitch had made their quarters.
[40] Professor Fiodrof accompanied the Czar on all his journeys after
the latter took over the supreme command. Dr. Botkin and Dr. Derevenko
had remained behind at Tsarskoïe-Selo.
[41] I should like to record a slight incident at the beginning of
spring when the Czar was at Tsarskoïe-Selo between his visits to the
front. It illustrates the kind of feelings the Czar entertained for
Germany and tried to instil into his son. The Czarevitch was playing
in the park that day, and the Czar and the Grand-Duchesses were also
there. He slipped behind his youngest sister, who had not seen him
coming, and threw a huge snowball at her. His father had witnessed the
act. He called the boy to him and talked to him severely. “You ought
to be ashamed of yourself, Alexis! You’re behaving like a German, to
attack anyone from behind when they can’t defend themselves. It’s
horrid and cowardly. Leave that sort of behaviour to the Germans!”
[42] I was able to ascertain this for myself at the end of 1915. At the
house of some friends one day I met a young officer whose political
opinions were favourable to the Court. He told us with intense
indignation that on the Czarina’s orders someone had taken gifts and
money to the German officers being treated at the same hospital as he
had been in. This envoy had not even entered the rooms occupied by the
Russian officers. Astonished at his story, I asked for details. An
enquiry was ordered. It completely confirmed the story I had been told,
but it was impossible to trace the individual who had succeeded, by
the use of forged papers, in making the authorities believe he had an
official mission. Pure chance had brought me into contact with one of
the many provocations organised by German spies with German money.
[43] At the time I am writing I find what I have said fully confirmed
in the following passage from an article by M. Paleologue, French
Ambassador at Petrograd: _La Russie des Tsars pendant la Grande Guerre_
(_Revue des Deux Mondes_ of March 15th, 1921):
“I have several times heard the Czarina charged with having preserved
sympathies, predilections, and a warm corner for Germany when she
was on the throne. The unfortunate woman in no way merited these
strictures, which she knew of and made her so unhappy. Alexandra
Feodorovna was German neither in spirit nor in sentiment. She never
was.”
Further on he says:
“Her education, bringing-up, her intellectual and moral outlook were
entirely English. She was English in appearance and bearing, in a
certain element of reserve and Puritanism, in the intractable and
militant austerity of her conscience, and, lastly, in many of her
personal habits. In any case, that was all that was left of her Western
origin. The basis of her character had become entirely Russian. In
spite of the hostile legend which was growing up round her name, I did
not doubt her patriotism. She had a fervent love of Russia.”
[44] It was only subsequently that I learned that, to overcome the
resistance he met with at Bucharest, the Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Sturmer (who had succeeded Sazonoff), had promised that Russian troops
would be sent to Rumania. He had not referred to G.H.Q. first.
[45] History will one day settle what part Sturmer played. If he did
not actually work for a _rapprochement_ with Germany, though everything
seems to show that he did, he none the less did his country irreparable
harm through his criminal negligence and utter lack of scruples.
[46] The very education of a sovereign makes him entirely unfitted
for the task before him, and yet it is impossible to make good the
defect afterwards. The larger the part he plays in government the less
he knows of what is going on. To keep him away from his people he is
given nothing but mutilated, distorted, and “cooked” reports. No one
can realise the resisting power of those about a throne, the invincible
apathy of a bureaucracy steeped in traditional observance and routine!
Whatever strength of mind, whatever tenacity a sovereign may display in
finding out the truth, does he ever really succeed? Napoleon had been
through the school of life, and raised himself to a throne by sheer
genius and audacity, but his fate was the same as that of other rulers.
In the last years of his reign did he still know what was happening in
France? Had he still a sense of reality?
[47] It really seems that a perverse fate intervened to protect
Rasputin. One day the Czar was given a document in which the excesses
of the _staretz_ were set forth highly circumstantially. In reading it
the Czar observed that on the day and hour at which one of the acts
mentioned in the document were alleged to have taken place Rasputin had
actually been at Tsarskoïe-Selo. Nothing more was required to convince
the Czar that the whole report was simply a tissue of lies.
[48] The Grand-Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna had founded a small
religious community, of which she was the Superior, at Moscow. She
lived there retired from the world, devoting all her time to prayer and
good works.
[49] I had all these details from the lips of Mlle. Schneider, reader
to the Czarina, who had once been in the household of the Grand-Duchess
Elizabeth, who had always remained very fond of her.
[50] The circumstances of Rasputin’s death are to be found in the
newspapers of the time. I will briefly recapitulate them here. His
death was the result of a plot in which some of the participants were
the Grand-Duke Dimitri Pavlovitch, first cousin of the Czar, Prince
Yussoupoff, whose wife was the niece of Nicholas II., M. Purichkevitch,
a monarchist deputy in the Duma, and Dr. Lazarevsky, who accompanied
him. The Grand-Duke wished to show by his presence that it was not a
case of an act of rebellion against the Czar, but merely the execution
of a miscreant whom the nation had judged and found guilty of abusing
the confidence of his sovereign.
Rasputin was killed on the night of December 30th. Prince Yussoupoff
had gone to fetch him in his car very late in the evening, and brought
him to his house. They first tried to poison him, but as the poison was
slow in taking effect, Prince Yussoupoff and the deputy killed him with
revolvers. His corpse was thrown into the Neva and was picked up two
days later.
[51] I am referring, of course, to the articulate portion of the
nation. The untutored masses cared nothing about him, and among those
who knew of his existence a large number were favourable to him. Many
considered his death an act of vengeance on the part of the courtiers
who were jealous of their privileges. “The first time that one of
ourselves gets to the Czar, he is killed by the courtiers,” they said.
To the _moujik_ the great criminals were those who came between the
sovereign and his people, and prevented him from extending his favours
to them. There was a popular saying that “the Czar gives, but his
servants withhold,” in which the peasant expressed his faith in the
goodness of his Czar and his hatred of those around him.
[52] Ludendorff, _My War Memories_, vol. ii. (Hutchinson and Co.,
London). What Ludendorff did not mention, and for good reason, was the
untiring efforts Germany had made to produce this revolution which had
broken out so unexpectedly.
[53] Is not this idea illustrated in the popular saying which betrays
the simple faith of the Russian peasant and his feeling of impotence:
“God is a very long way up; the Czar a very long way off.”
[54] Ludendorff exaggerates the _rôle_ of the Entente in the Russian
Revolution when he writes: “In March, 1917, a Revolution, the work of
the Entente, overthrew the Czar.” The movement was supported by the
Allies, but it was not their work. Ludendorff shows well enough what
were its immediate results for Germany. “The Revolution meant a fatal
loss of military power to Russia, weakened the Entente and gave us
considerable relief in our heavy task. The General Staff could at once
effect important economies of troops and ammunition, and could also
exchange divisions on a much greater scale.” And further on: “In April
and May, 1917, it was the Russian Revolution which saved us in spite
of our victory on the Aisne and in Champagne.” (Ludendorff, _My War
Memories_, vol. ii.).
Thus, by the admission of the Germans themselves, if there had been
no Russian Revolution the war would have ended in the autumn of 1917
and millions of human lives would have been spared. Do we realise what
would have been the force of a treaty of Versailles signed by the
Entente, including Russia! Germany, seized in a vice, would not have
been able to escape the fate of the vanquished. The consequences of the
Russian Revolution (Bolshevism) have thrown Russia into the arms of
Germany. She is still there. Germany alone is in a position to organise
and exploit her immense resources. It is in Russia that Germany is
preparing her revenge against the Entente.
[55] Russia had been engaged in a reorganisation of the army which
increased the number of her divisions and greatly augmented her
striking force.
[56] Professor Fiodorof, realising that every hour’s delay meant less
chance of averting imminent disaster, went to find General V----, who
was one of the most prominent members of the Czar’s staff. He found
him perched on a ladder engaged in fixing a nail in the wall on which
to hang a picture. Fiodorof told him his fears and begged him to see
the Czar at once. But the General called him a “revolution maniac,”
and, picking up his hammer, continued the operation which had been
interrupted by his tiresome visitor.
[57] It was a great misfortune for the Czar Nicholas II. and the
Czarina Alexandra Feodorovna that they ascended the throne so young.
Like Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette, they could have said, “Guard us,
protect us, O God! We are reigning too young!”
History will ultimately give them their due. What was not written about
Louis XVI. at the time of the French Revolution? What accusations were
levelled against him? Was there any calumny of which he was not the
victim? Yet the children in France learn to-day that “he was honest
and kind, and desired to do good” (Malet, _Révolution et Empire_, p.
312). It will be the same with Nicholas II., with the difference that
he was a victim to his devotion to his country because he rejected all
compromise with the enemy.
[58] Another Imperial residence, twelve miles south-west of Petrograd.
[59] No one can have any idea of what the Czarina suffered during these
days when she was despairing at her son’s bedside and had no news of
the Czar. She reached the extreme limits of human resistance in this
last trial, in which originated that wonderful and radiant serenity
which was to sustain her and her family to the day of their death.
[60] Colonel Kobylinsky shortly before had replaced Colonel
Korovitchenko as Commandant of the palace.
[61] These were Count and Countess Benckendorf, whom their great age
and uncertain state of health prevented from following us; Baroness
Buxhœveden, who was kept back by illness and was to join us at Tobolsk
as soon as she could, and a certain number of servants. Kerensky had
asked the Czar whether he wished Count Benckendorf to be replaced. The
Czar had replied that he would be very glad for General Tatichtchef
to come and share his captivity. On learning his Czar’s wish General
Tatichtchef only allowed himself time to put his affairs in order, and
a few hours later started, valise in hand, for Tsarskoïe-Selo. We found
him in the train at the moment of departure. General Tatichtchef held
no Court appointment; he was one of the Czar’s numerous aides-de-camp.
[62] The four nuns who used to come to sing at first had been replaced
by the choir of one of the Tobolsk churches.
[63] For this tea, which the Czarina poured out herself, Their
Majesties were attended by Countess Hendrikof, lady-in-waiting, General
Tatichtchef, Prince Dolgorouky, and, when their duties permitted,
Mlle. Schneider and Doctor Botkin. I am now the sole survivor of these
evening tea-parties at Tobolsk.
[64] At that time the value of the rouble was about one-fifth of the
normal.
[65] My colleague Mr. Gibbes had joined us at Tobolsk during September.
[66] The Czarina was alluding to the Czar’s abdication.
[67] When the thaw set in the river was impassable for several days; it
was some time before the ferry could be re-started.
[68] Vehicles used by the peasants, and consisting of a large wicker
basket hung from two long poles which take the place of springs. There
are no seats; the passengers sit or lie on the floor.
[69] House belonging to a rich merchant of the town.
[70] I must pay a tribute to the very courageous conduct of the British
consul, Mr. Preston, who did not shrink from open conflict with the
Bolshevik authorities at the risk of compromising his personal safety.
[71] In May, 1918, the Czecho-Slovakian troops (consisting of
volunteers, former prisoners of war), who had by then been developed
by Kerensky into two strong divisions, were strung along the
Trans-Siberian railway between Samara and Vladivostok; preparations
were being made to pass them into France. The German G.H.Q., in an
attempt to prevent these troops from rejoining the allied forces
in Europe, ordered the Bolsheviks to disarm them. Following on
an ultimatum that was rejected by the Czechs, fighting broke out
between them and the Bolshevik troops under German officers. The
Russian volunteer formations lost no time in joining up with the
Czecho-Slovakian troops. Such was the origin of the movement which
began at Omsk and soon spread over the whole of Siberia.
[72] The swastika is an Indian religious symbol consisting of a cross
of equal limbs, their extremities bent to the left.
[73] The Allies had resolved to exploit the anti-Bolshevik movement
which had developed in Siberia and to make immediate use of the
Czecho-Slovakian troops by creating on the Volga a new front against
the Germano-Bolshevik troops, which might create a diversion and hold
back part of the German forces freed by the treaty of Brest-Litovsk.
Hence the despatch by France and England of civil and military missions
to Siberia. The anti-Bolshevik Government of Omsk was at that time
controlled by Admiral Koltchak.
[74] There were three categories of Examining Magistrates: (_a_)
Examining Magistrates for ordinary business; (_b_) Examining
Magistrates for important business; (_c_) Examining Magistrates for
business of particular importance.
[75] Germany’s aim was the restoration of the monarchy in favour of the
Czar or Czarevitch, on condition that the treaty of Brest-Litovsk was
recognised and Russia should become Germany’s ally. This plan failed,
thanks to the resistance of the Czar Nicholas II., who was probably the
victim of his fidelity to his allies.
[76] Medvedief was taken prisoner at the capture of Perm by the
anti-Bolshevik troops in February, 1919. He died a month later at
Ekaterinburg of exanthematic typhus. He claimed to have been present at
only part of the drama and not to have fired himself. (Other witnesses
affirm the contrary.) It is the classic defence of all the assassins.
[77] Shortly after my departure the bogus Czarevitch ultimately
confessed the imposture.
[78] The French Military Mission had been gradually evacuated eastwards
and was then at Kharbine.