CICERO

It is generally said, that Helvia, the mother of Cicero, was

both well born and lived a fair life; but of his father nothing

is reported but in extremes. For whilst some would have him the

son of a fuller, and educated in that trade, others carry back

the origin of his family to Tullus Attius, an illustrious king

of the Volscians, who waged war not without honor against the

Romans. However, he who first of that house was surnamed Cicero

seems to have been a person worthy to be remembered; since those

who succeeded him not only did not reject, but were fond of that

name, though vulgarly made a matter of reproach. For the Latins

call a vetch Cicer, and a nick or dent at the tip of his nose,

which resembled the opening in a vetch, gave him the surname of

Cicero.

Cicero, whose story I am writing, is said to have replied with

spirit to some of his friends, who recommended him to lay aside

or change the name when he first stood for office and engaged in

politics, that he would make it his endeavor to render the name

of Cicero more glorious than that of the Scauri and Catuli. And

when he was quaestor in Sicily, and was making an offering of

silver plate to the gods, and had inscribed his two names,

Marcus and Tullius, instead of the third he jestingly told the

artificer to engrave the figure of a vetch by them. Thus much

is told us about his name.

Of his birth it is reported, that his mother was delivered

without pain or labor, on the third of the new Calends, the

same day on which now the magistrates of Rome pray and sacrifice

for the emperor. It is said, also, that a vision appeared to

his nurse, and foretold the child she then suckled should

afterwards become a great benefit to the Roman States. To such

presages, which might in general be thought mere fancies and

idle talk, he himself erelong gave the credit of true

prophecies. For as soon as he was of an age to begin to have

lessons, he became so distinguished for his talent, and got such

a name and reputation amongst the boys, that their fathers would

often visit the school, that they might see young Cicero, and

might be able to say that they themselves had witnessed the

quickness and readiness in learning for which he was renowned.

And the more rude among them used to be angry with their

children, to see them, as they walked together, receiving Cicero

with respect into the middle place. And being, as Plato would

have, the scholar-like and philosophical temper, eager for every

kind of learning, and indisposed to no description of knowledge

or instruction, he showed, however, a more peculiar propensity

to poetry; and there is a poem now extant, made by him when a

boy, in tetrameter verse, called Pontius Glaucus. And

afterwards, when he applied himself more curiously to these

accomplishments, he had the name of being not only the best

orator, but also the best poet of Rome. And the glory of his

rhetoric still remains, notwithstanding the many new modes in

speaking since his time; but his verses are forgotten and out of

all repute, so many ingenious poets having followed him.

Leaving his juvenile studies, he became an auditor of Philo the

Academic, whom the Romans, above all the other scholars of

Clitomachus, admired for his eloquence and loved for his

character. He also sought the company of the Mucii, who were

eminent statesmen and leaders in the senate, and acquired from

them a knowledge of the laws. For some short time he served in

arms under Sylla, in the Marsian war. But perceiving the

commonwealth running into factions, and from faction all things

tending to an absolute monarchy, he betook himself to a retired

and contemplative life, and conversing with the learned Greeks,

devoted himself to study, till Sylla had obtained the

government, and the commonwealth was in some kind of settlement.

At this time, Chrysogonus, Sylla's emancipated slave, having

laid an information about an estate belonging to one who was

said to have been put to death by proscription, had bought it

himself for two thousand drachmas. And when Roscius, the son

and heir of the dead, complained, and demonstrated the estate to

be worth two hundred and fifty talents, Sylla took it angrily to

have his actions questioned, and preferred a process against

Roscius for the murder of his father, Chrysogonus managing the

evidence. None of the advocates durst assist him, but fearing

the cruelty of Sylla, avoided the cause. The young man, being

thus deserted, came for refuge to Cicero. Cicero's friends

encouraged him, saying he was not likely ever to have a fairer

and more honorable introduction to public life; he therefore

undertook the defense, carried the cause, and got much renown

for it.

But fearing Sylla, he traveled into Greece, and gave it out that

he did so for the benefit of his health. And indeed he was lean

and meager, and had such a weakness in his stomach, that he

could take nothing but a spare and thin diet, and that not till

late in the evening. His voice was loud and good, but so harsh

and unmanaged that in vehemence and heat of speaking he always

raised it to so high a tone, that there seemed to be reason to

fear about his health.

When he came to Athens, he was a hearer of Antiochus of Ascalon,

with whose fluency and elegance of diction he was much taken,

although he did not approve of his innovations in doctrine. For

Antiochus had now fallen off from the New Academy, as they call

it, and forsaken the sect of Carneades, whether that he was

moved by the argument of manifestness and the senses, or, as

some say, had been led by feelings of rivalry and opposition to

the followers of Clitomachus and Philo to change his opinions,

and in most things to embrace the doctrine of the Stoics. But

Cicero rather affected and adhered to the doctrines of the New

Academy; and purposed with himself, if he should be disappointed

of any employment in the commonwealth, to retire hither from

pleading and political affairs, and to pass his life with quiet

in the study of philosophy.

But after he had received the news of Sylla's death, and his

body, strengthened again by exercise, was come to a vigorous

habit, his voice managed and rendered sweet and full to the ear

and pretty well brought into keeping with his general

constitution, his friends at Rome earnestly soliciting him by

letters, and Antiochus also urging him to return to public

affairs, he again prepared for use his orator's instrument of

rhetoric, and summoned into action his political faculties,

diligently exercising himself in declamations, and attending the

most celebrated rhetoricians of the time. He sailed from Athens

for Asia and Rhodes. Amongst the Asian masters, he conversed

with Xenocles of Adramyttium, Dionysius of Magnesia, and

Menippus of Caria; at Rhodes, he studied oratory with

Apollonius, the son of Molon, and philosophy with Posidonius.

Apollonius, we are told, not understanding Latin, requested

Cicero to declaim in Greek. He complied willingly, thinking

that his faults would thus be better pointed out to him. And

after he finished, all his other hearers were astonished, and

contended who should praise him most, but Apollonius, who had

shown no signs of excitement whilst he was hearing him, so also

now, when it was over, sat musing for some considerable time,

without any remark. And when Cicero was discomposed at this, he

said, "You have my praise and admiration, Cicero, and Greece my

pity and commiseration, since those arts and that eloquence

which are the only glories that remain to her, will now be

transferred by you to Rome."

And now when Cicero, full of expectation, was again bent upon

political affairs, a certain oracle blunted the edge of his

inclination; for consulting the god of Delphi how he should

attain most glory, the Pythoness answered, by making his own

genius and not the opinion of the people the guide of his life;

and therefore at first he passed his time in Rome cautiously,

and was very backward in pretending to public offices, so that

he was at that time in little esteem, and had got the names, so

readily given by low and ignorant people in Rome, of Greek and

Scholar. But when his own desire of fame and the eagerness of

his father and relations had made him take in earnest to

pleading, he made no slow or gentle advance to the first place,

but shone out in full luster at once, and far surpassed all the

advocates of the bar. At first, it is said, he, as well as

Demosthenes, was defective in his delivery, and on that account

paid much attention to the instructions, sometimes of Roscius

the comedian, and sometimes of Aesop the tragedian. They tell

of this Aesop, that whilst he was representing on the theater

Atreus deliberating the revenge of Thyestes, he was so

transported beyond himself in the heat of action, that he struck

with his scepter one of the servants, who was running across the

stage, so violently, that he laid him dead upon the place. And

such afterwards was Cicero's delivery, that it did not a little

contribute to render his eloquence persuasive. He used to

ridicule loud speakers, saying that they shouted because they

could not speak, like lame men who get on horseback because they

cannot walk. And his readiness and address in sarcasm, and

generally in witty sayings, was thought to suit a pleader very

well, and to be highly attractive, but his using it to excess

offended many, and gave him the repute of ill nature.

He was appointed quaestor in a great scarcity of corn, and had

Sicily for his province, where, though at first he displeased

many, by compelling them to send in their provisions to Rome,

yet after they had had experience of his care, justice, and

clemency, they honored him more than ever they did any of their

governors before. It happened, also, that some young Romans of

good and noble families, charged with neglect of discipline and

misconduct in military service, were brought before the praetor

in Sicily. Cicero undertook their defense, which he conducted

admirably, and got them acquitted. So returning to Rome with a

great opinion of himself for these things, a ludicrous incident

befell him, as he tells us himself. Meeting an eminent citizen

in Campania, whom he accounted his friend, he asked him what the

Romans said and thought of his actions, as if the whole city had

been filled with the glory of what he had done. His friend

asked him in reply, "Where is it you have been, Cicero?" This

for the time utterly mortified and cast him down, to perceive

that the report of his actions had sunk into the city of Rome as

into an immense ocean, without any visible effect or result in

reputation. And afterwards considering with himself that the

glory he contended for was an infinite thing, and that there was

no fixed end nor measure in its pursuit, he abated much of his

ambitious thoughts. Nevertheless, he was always excessively

pleased with his own praise, and continued to the very last to

be passionately fond of glory; which often interfered with the

prosecution of his wisest resolutions.

On beginning to apply himself more resolutely to public

business, he remarked it as an unreasonable and absurd thing

that artificers, using vessels and instruments inanimate, should

know the name, place, and use of every one of them, and yet the

statesman, whose instruments for carrying out public measures

are men, should be negligent and careless in the knowledge of

persons. And so he not only acquainted himself with the names,

but also knew the particular place where every one of the more

eminent citizens dwelt, what lands he possessed, the friends he

made use of, and those that were of his neighborhood, and when

he traveled on any road in Italy, he could readily name and show

the estates and seats of his friends and acquaintance. Having

so small an estate, though a sufficient competency for his own

expenses, it was much wondered at that he took neither fees nor

gifts from his clients, and more especially, that he did not do

so when he undertook the prosecution of Verres. This Verres,

who had been praetor of Sicily, and stood charged by the

Sicilians of many evil practices during his government there,

Cicero succeeded in getting condemned, not by speaking, but in a

manner by holding his tongue. For the praetors, favoring

Verres, had deferred the trial by several adjournments to the

last day, in which it was evident there could not be sufficient

time for the advocates to be heard, and the cause brought to an

issue. Cicero, therefore, came forward, and said there was no

need of speeches; and after producing and examining witnesses,

he required the judges to proceed to sentence. However, many

witty sayings are on record, as having been used by Cicero on

the occasion. When a man named Caecilius, one of the freed

slaves, who was said to be given to Jewish practices, would have

put by the Sicilians, and undertaken the prosecution of Verres

himself, Cicero asked, "What has a Jew to do with swine?"

verres being the Roman word for a boar. And when Verres began

to reproach Cicero with effeminate living, "You ought," replied

he, "to use this language at home, to your sons;" Verres having

a son who had fallen into disgraceful courses. Hortensius the

orator, not daring directly to undertake the defense of Verres,

was yet persuaded to appear for him at the laying on of the

fine, and received an ivory sphinx for his reward; and when

Cicero, in some passage of his speech, obliquely reflected on

him, and Hortensius told him he was not skillful in solving

riddles, "No," said Cicero, "and yet you have the Sphinx in your

house!"

Verres was thus convicted; though Cicero, who set the fine at

seventy-five myriads, lay under the suspicion of being

corrupted by bribery to lessen the sum. But the Sicilians, in

testimony of their gratitude, came and brought him all sorts of

presents from the island, when he was aedile; of which he made

no private profit himself, but used their generosity only to

reduce the public price of provisions.

He had a very pleasant seat at Arpi, he had also a farm near

Naples, and another about Pompeii, but neither of any great

value. The portion of his wife, Terentia, amounted to ten

myriads, and he had a bequest valued at nine myriads of denarii;

upon these he lived in a liberal but temperate style, with the

learned Greeks and Romans that were his familiars. He rarely,

if at any time, sat down to meat till sunset, and that not so

much on account of business, as for his health and the weakness

of his stomach. He was otherwise in the care of his body nice

and delicate, appointing himself, for example, a set number of

walks and rubbings. And after this manner managing the habit

of his body, he brought it in time to be healthful, and capable

of supporting many great fatigues and trials. His father's

house he made over to his brother, living himself near the

Palatine hill, that he might not give the trouble of long

journeys to those that made suit to him. And, indeed, there

were not fewer daily appearing at his door, to do their court to

him, than there were that came to Crassus for his riches, or to

Pompey for his power amongst the soldiers, these being at that

time the two men of the greatest repute and influence in Rome.

Nay, even Pompey himself used to pay court to Cicero, and

Cicero's public actions did much to establish Pompey's authority

and reputation in the state.

Numerous distinguished competitors stood with him for the

praetor's office; but he was chosen before them all, and managed

the decision of causes with justice and integrity. It is

related that Licinius Macer, a man himself of great power in the

city, and supported also by the assistance of Crassus, was

accused before him of extortion, and that, in confidence on his

own interest and the diligence of his friends, whilst the judges

were debating about the sentence, he went to his house, where

hastily trimming his hair and putting on a clean gown, as

already acquitted, he was setting off again to go to the Forum;

but at his hall door meeting Crassus, who told him that he was

condemned by all the votes, he went in again, threw himself upon

his bed, and died immediately. This verdict was considered very

creditable to Cicero, as showing his careful management of the

courts of justice. On another occasion, Vatinius, a man of rude

manners and often insolent in court to the magistrates, who had

large swellings on his neck, came before his tribunal and made

some request, and on Cicero's desiring further time to consider

it, told him that he himself would have made no question about

it, had he been praetor. Cicero, turning quickly upon him,

answered, "But I, you see, have not the neck that you have."

When there were but two or three days remaining in his office,

Manilius was brought before him, and charged with peculation.

Manilius had the good opinion and favor of the common people,

and was thought to be prosecuted only for Pompey's sake, whose

particular friend he was. And therefore, when he asked a space

of time before his trial, and Cicero allowed him but one day,

and that the next only, the common people grew highly offended,

because it had been the custom of the praetors to allow ten days

at least to the accused: and the tribunes of the people having

called him before the people, and accused him, he, desiring to

be heard, said, that as he had always treated the accused with

equity and humanity, as far as the law allowed, so he thought it

hard to deny the same to Manilius, and that he had studiously

appointed that day of which alone, as praetor, he was master,

and that it was not the part of those that were desirous to help

him, to cast the judgment of his cause upon another praetor.

These things being said made a wonderful change in the people,

and, commending him much for it, they desired that he himself

would undertake the defense of Manilius; which he willingly

consented to, and that principally for the sake of Pompey, who

was absent. And, accordingly, taking his place before the

people again, he delivered a bold invective upon the

oligarchical party and on those who were jealous of Pompey.

Yet he was preferred to the consulship no less by the nobles

than the common people, for the good of the city; and both

parties jointly assisted his promotion, upon the following

reasons. The change of government made by Sylla, which at first

seemed a senseless one, by time and usage had now come to be

considered by the people no unsatisfactory settlement. But

there were some that endeavored to alter and subvert the whole

present state of affairs not from any good motives, but for

their own private gain; and Pompey being at this time employed

in the wars with the kings of Pontus and Armenia, there was no

sufficient force at Rome to suppress any attempts at a

revolution. These people had for their head a man of bold,

daring, and restless character, Lucius Catiline, who was

accused, besides other great offenses, of deflowering his virgin

daughter, and killing his own brother; for which latter crime,

fearing to be prosecuted at law, he persuaded Sylla to set him

down, as though he were yet alive, amongst those that were to be

put to death by proscription. This man the profligate citizens

choosing for their captain, gave faith to one another, amongst

other pledges, by sacrificing a man and eating of his flesh; and

a great part of the young men of the city were corrupted by him,

he providing for everyone pleasures, drink, and women, and

profusely supplying the expense of these debauches. Etruria,

moreover, had all been excited to revolt, as well as a great

part of Gaul within the Alps. But Rome itself was in the most

dangerous inclination to change, on account of the unequal

distribution of wealth and property, those of highest rank and

greatest spirit having impoverished themselves by shows,

entertainments, ambition of offices, and sumptuous buildings,

and the riches of the city having thus fallen into the hands of

mean and low-born persons. So that there wanted but a slight

impetus to set all in motion, it being in the power of every

daring man to overturn a sickly commonwealth.

Catiline, however, being desirous of procuring a strong position

to carry out his designs, stood for the consulship, and had

great hopes of success, thinking he should be appointed, with

Caius Antonius as his colleague, who was a man fit to lead

neither in a good cause nor in a bad one, but might be a

valuable accession to another's power. These things the

greatest part of the good and honest citizens apprehending, put

Cicero upon standing for the consulship; whom the people readily

receiving, Catiline was put by, so that he and Caius Antonius

were chosen, although amongst the competitors he was the only

man descended from a father of the equestrian, and not of the

senatorial order.

Though the designs of Catiline were not yet publicly known, yet

considerable preliminary troubles immediately followed upon

Cicero's entrance upon the consulship. For, on the one side,

those who were disqualified by the laws of Sylla from holding

any public offices, being neither inconsiderable in power nor in

number, came forward as candidates and caressed the people for

them; speaking many things truly and justly against the tyranny

of Sylla, only that they disturbed the government at an improper

and unseasonable time; on the other hand, the tribunes of the

people proposed laws to the same purpose, constituting a

commission of ten persons, with unlimited powers, in whom as

supreme governors should be vested the right of selling the

public lands of all Italy and Syria and Pompey's new conquests,

of judging and banishing whom they pleased, of planting

colonies, of taking moneys out of the treasury, and of levying

and paying what soldiers should be thought needful. And several

of the nobility favored this law, but especially Caius Antonius,

Cicero's colleague, in hopes of being one of the ten. But what

gave the greatest fear to the nobles was, that he was thought

privy to the conspiracy of Catiline, and not to dislike it,

because of his great debts.

Cicero, endeavoring in the first place to provide a remedy

against this danger, procured a decree assigning to him the

province of Macedonia, he himself declining that of Gaul, which

was offered to him. And this piece of favor so completely won

over Antonius, that he was ready to second and respond to, like

a hired player, whatever Cicero said for the good of the

country. And now, having made his colleague thus tame and

tractable, he could with greater courage attack the

conspirators. And, therefore, in the senate, making an oration

against the law of the ten commissioners, he so confounded those

who proposed it, that they had nothing to reply. And when they

again endeavored, and, having prepared things beforehand, had

called the consuls before the assembly of the people, Cicero,

fearing nothing, went first out, and commanded the senate to

follow him, and not only succeeded in throwing out the law, but

so entirely overpowered the tribunes by his oratory, that they

abandoned all thought of their other projects.

For Cicero, it may be said, was the one man, above all others,

who made the Romans feel how great a charm eloquence lends to

what is good, and how invincible justice is, if it be well

spoken; and that it is necessary for him who would dexterously

govern a commonwealth, in action, always to prefer that which

is honest before that which is popular, and in speaking, to free

the right and useful measure from everything that may occasion

offense. An incident occurred in the theater, during his

consulship, which showed what his speaking could do. For

whereas formerly the knights of Rome were mingled in the theater

with the common people, and took their places amongst them as it

happened, Marcus Otho, when he was praetor, was the first who

distinguished them from the other citizens, and appointed them a

proper seat, which they still enjoy as their special place in

the theater. This the common people took as an indignity done

to them, and, therefore, when Otho appeared in the theater, they

hissed him; the knights, on the contrary, received him with loud

clapping. The people repeated and increased their hissing; the

knights continued their clapping. Upon this, turning upon one

another, they broke out into insulting words, so that the

theater was in great disorder. Cicero, being informed of it,

came himself to the theater, and summoning the people into the

temple of Bellona, he so effectually chid and chastised them for

it, that, again returning into the theater, they received Otho

with loud applause, contending with the knights who should give

him the greatest demonstrations of honor and respect.

The conspirators with Catiline, at first cowed and disheartened,

began presently to take courage again. And assembling

themselves together, they exhorted one another boldly to

undertake the design before Pompey's return, who, as it was

said, was now on his march with his forces for Rome. But the

old soldiers of Sylla were Catiline's chief stimulus to action.

They had been disbanded all about Italy, but the greatest number

and the fiercest of them lay scattered among the cities of

Etruria, entertaining themselves with dreams of new plunder and

rapine amongst the hoarded riches of Italy. These, having for

their leader Manlius, who had served with distinction in the

wars under Sylla, joined themselves to Catiline, and came to

Rome to assist him with their suffrages at the election. For he

again pretended to the consulship, having resolved to kill

Cicero in a tumult at the elections. Also, the divine powers

seemed to give intimation of the coming troubles, by

earthquakes, thunderbolts, and strange appearances. Nor was

human evidence wanting, certain enough in itself, though not

sufficient for the conviction of the noble and powerful

Catiline. Therefore Cicero, deferring the day of election,

summoned Catiline into the senate, and questioned him as to the

charges made against him. Catiline, believing there were many

in the senate desirous of change, and to give a specimen of

himself to the conspirators present, returned an audacious

answer, "What harm," said he, "when I see two bodies, the one

lean and consumptive with a head, the other great and strong

without one, if I put a head to that body which wants one?"

This covert representation of the senate and the people excited

yet greater apprehensions in Cicero. He put on armor, and was

attended from his house by the noble citizens in a body; and a

number of the young men went with him into the Plain. Here,

designedly letting his tunic slip partly off from his shoulders,

he showed his armor underneath, and discovered his danger to the

spectators; who, being much moved at it, gathered round about

him for his defense. At length, Catiline was by a general

suffrage again put by, and Silanus and Murena chosen consuls.

Not long after this, Catiline's soldiers got together in a body

in Etruria, and began to form themselves into companies, the day

appointed for the design being near at hand. About midnight,

some of the principal and most powerful citizens of Rome, Marcus

Crassus, Marcus Marcellus, and Scipio Metellus went to Cicero's

house, where, knocking at the gate, and calling up the porter,

they commended him to awake Cicero, and tell him they were

there. The business was this: Crassus's porter after supper

had delivered to him letters brought by an unknown person. Some

of them were directed to others, but one to Crassus, without a

name; this only Crassus read, which informed him that there was

a great slaughter intended by Catiline, and advised him to leave

the city. The others he did not open, but went with them

immediately to Cicero, being affrighted at the danger, and to

free himself of the suspicion he lay under for his familiarity

with Catiline. Cicero, considering the matter, summoned the

senate at break of day. The letters he brought with him, and

delivered them to those to whom they were directed, commanding

them to read them publicly; they all alike contained an account

of the conspiracy. And when Quintus Arrius, a man of praetorian

dignity, recounted to them, how soldiers were collecting in

companies in Etruria, and Manlius stated to be in motion with a

large force, hovering about those cities, in expectation of

intelligence from Rome, the senate made a decree, to place all

in the hands of the consuls, who should undertake the conduct of

everything, and do their best to save the state. This was not

a common thing, but only done by the senate in case of imminent

danger.

After Cicero had received this power, he committed all affairs

outside to Quintus Metellus, but the management of the city he

kept in his own hands. Such a numerous attendance guarded him

every day when he went abroad, that the greatest part of the

market-place was filled with his train when he entered it.

Catiline, impatient of further delay, resolved himself to break

forth and go to Manlius, but he commanded Marcius and Cethegus

to take their swords, and go early in the morning to Cicero's

gates, as if only intending to salute him, and then to fall upon

him and slay him. This a noble lady, Fulvia, coming by night,

discovered to Cicero, bidding him beware of Cethegus and

Marcius. They came by break of day, and being denied entrance,

made an outcry and disturbance at the gates, which excited all

the more suspicion. But Cicero, going forth, summoned the

senate into the temple of Jupiter Stator, which stands at the

end of the Sacred Street, going up to the Palatine. And when

Catiline with others of his party also came, as intending to

make his defense, none of the senators would sit by him, but all

of them left the bench where he had placed himself. And when he

began to speak, they interrupted him with outcries. At length

Cicero, standing up, commanded him to leave the city, for since

one governed the commonwealth with words, the other with arms,

it was necessary there should be a wall betwixt them. Catiline,

therefore, immediately left the town, with three hundred armed

men; and assuming, as if he had been a magistrate, the rods,

axes, and military ensigns, he went to Manlius, and having got

together a body of near twenty thousand men, with these he

marched to the several cities, endeavoring to persuade or force

them to revolt. So it being now come to open war, Antonius was

sent forth to fight him.

The remainder of those in the city whom he had corrupted,

Cornelius Lentulus kept together and encouraged. He had the

surname Sura, and was a man of a noble family, but a dissolute

liver, who for his debauchery was formerly turned out of the

senate, and was now holding the office of praetor for the second

time, as the custom is with those who desire to regain the

dignity of senator. It is said that he got the surname Sura

upon this occasion; being quaestor in the time of Sylla, he had

lavished away and consumed a great quantity of the public

moneys, at which Sylla being provoked, called him to give an

account in the senate; he appeared with great coolness and

contempt, and said he had no account to give, but they might

take this, holding up the calf of his leg, as boys do at ball,

when they have missed. Upon which he was surnamed Sura, sura

being the Roman word for the calf of the leg. Being at another

time prosecuted at law, and having bribed some of the judges, he

escaped only by two votes, and complained of the needless

expense he had gone to in paying for a second, as one would have

sufficed to acquit him. This man, such in his own nature, and

now inflamed by Catiline, false prophets and fortune-tellers had

also corrupted with vain hopes, quoting to him fictitious verses

and oracles, and proving from the Sibylline prophecies that

there were three of the name Cornelius designed by fate to be

monarchs of Rome; two of whom, Cinna and Sylla, had already

fulfilled the decree, and that divine fortune was now advancing

with the gift of monarchy for the remaining third Cornelius; and

that therefore he ought by all means to accept it, and not lose

opportunity by delay, as Catiline had done.

Lentulus, therefore, designed no mean or trivial matter, for he

had resolved to kill the whole senate, and as many other

citizens as he could, to fire the city, and spare nobody, except

only Pompey's children, intending to seize and keep them as

pledges of his reconciliation with Pompey. For there was then a

common and strong report that Pompey was on his way homeward

from his great expedition. The night appointed for the design

was one of the Saturnalia; swords, flax, and sulfur they carried

and hid in the house of Cethegus; and providing one hundred men,

and dividing the city into as many parts, they had allotted to

every one singly his proper place, so that in a moment many

kindling the fire, the city might be in a flame all together.

Others were appointed to stop up the aqueducts, and to kill

those who should endeavor to carry water to put it out. Whilst

these plans were preparing, it happened there were two

ambassadors from the Allobroges staying in Rome; a nation at

that time in a distressed condition, and very uneasy under the

Roman government. These Lentulus and his party judging useful

instruments to move and seduce Gaul to revolt, admitted into the

conspiracy, and they gave them letters to their own magistrates,

and letters to Catiline; in those they promised liberty, in

these they exhorted Catiline to set all slaves free, and to

bring them along with him to Rome. They sent also to accompany

them to Catiline, one Titus, a native of Croton, who was to

carry those letters to him.

These counsels of inconsidering men, who conversed together over

wine and with women, Cicero watched with sober industry and

forethought, and with most admirable sagacity, having several

emissaries abroad, who observed and traced with him all that was

done, and keeping also a secret correspondence with many who

pretended to join in the conspiracy. He thus knew all the

discourse which passed betwixt them and the strangers; and lying

in wait for them by night, he took the Crotonian with his

letters, the ambassadors of the Allobroges acting secretly in

concert with him.

By break of day, he summoned the senate into the temple of

Concord, where he read the letters and examined the informers.

Junius Silanus further stated, that several persons had heard

Cethegus say, that three consuls and four praetors were to be

slain; Piso, also, a person of consular dignity, testified other

matters of the like nature; and Caius Sulpicius, one of the

praetors, being sent to Cethegus's house, found there a quantity

of darts and of armor, and a still greater number of swords and

daggers, all recently whetted. At length, the senate decreeing

indemnity to the Crotonian upon his confession of the whole

matter, Lentulus was convicted, abjured his office (for he was

then praetor), and put off his robe edged with purple in the

senate, changing it for another garment more agreeable to his

present circumstances. He, thereupon, with the rest of his

confederates present, was committed to the charge of the

praetors in free custody.

It being evening, and the common people in crowds expecting

without, Cicero went forth to them, and told them what was done,

and then, attended by them, went to the house of a friend and

near neighbor; for his own was taken up by the women, who were

celebrating with secret rites the feast of the goddess whom the

Romans call the Good, and the Greeks, the Women's goddess. For

a sacrifice is annually performed to her in the consul's house,

either by his wife or mother, in the presence of the vestal

virgins. And having got into his friend's house privately, a

few only being present, he began to deliberate how he should

treat these men. The severest, and the only punishment fit for

such heinous crimes, he was somewhat shy and fearful of

inflicting, as well from the clemency of his nature, as also

lest he should be thought to exercise his authority too

insolently, and to treat too harshly men of the noblest birth

and most powerful friendships in the city; and yet, if he should

use them more mildly, he had a dreadful prospect of danger from

them. For there was no likelihood, if they suffered less than

death, they would be reconciled, but rather, adding new rage to

their former wickedness, they would rush into every kind of

audacity, while he himself, whose character for courage already

did not stand very high with the multitude, would be thought

guilty of the greatest cowardice and want of manliness.

Whilst Cicero was doubting what course to take, a portent

happened to the women in their sacrificing. For on the altar,

where the fire seemed wholly extinguished, a great and bright

flame issued forth from the ashes of the burnt wood; at which

others were affrighted, but the holy virgins called to Terentia,

Cicero's wife, and bade her haste to her husband, and command

him to execute what he had resolved for the good of his country,

for the goddess had sent a great light to the increase of his

safety and glory. Terentia, therefore, as she was otherwise in

her own nature neither tender-hearted nor timorous, but a woman

eager for distinction (who, as Cicero himself says, would rather

thrust herself into his public affairs, than communicate her

domestic matters to him), told him these things, and excited him

against the conspirators. So also did Quintus his brother, and

Publius Nigidius, one of his philosophical friends, whom he

often made use of in his greatest and most weighty affairs of

state.

The next day, a debate arising in the senate about the

punishment of the men, Silanus, being the first who was asked

his opinion, said, it was fit they should be all sent to the

prison, and there suffer the utmost penalty. To him all

consented in order till it came to Caius Caesar, who was

afterwards dictator. He was then but a young man, and only at

the outset of his career, but had already directed his hopes and

policy to that course by which he afterwards changed the Roman

state into a monarchy. Of this others foresaw nothing; but

Cicero had seen reason for strong suspicion, though without

obtaining any sufficient means of proof. And there were some

indeed that said that he was very near being discovered, and

only just escaped him; others are of opinion that Cicero

voluntarily overlooked and neglected the evidence against him,

for fear of his friends and power; for it was very evident to

everybody, that if Caesar was to be accused with the

conspirators, they were more likely to be saved with him, than

he to be punished with them.

When, therefore, it came to Caesar's turn to give his opinion,

he stood up and proposed that the conspirators should not be put

to death, but their estates confiscated, and their persons

confined in such cities in Italy as Cicero should approve, there

to be kept in custody till Catiline was conquered. To this

sentence, as it was the most moderate, and he that delivered it

a most powerful speaker, Cicero himself gave no small weight,

for he stood up and, turning the scale on either side, spoke in

favor partly of the former, partly of Caesar's sentence. And

all Cicero's friends, judging Caesar's sentence most expedient

for Cicero, because he would incur the less blame if the

conspirators were not put to death, chose rather the latter; so

that Silanus, also, changing his mind, retracted his opinion,

and said he had not declared for capital, but only the utmost

punishment, which to a Roman senator is imprisonment. The first

man who spoke against Caesar's motion was Catulus Lutatius.

Cato followed, and so vehemently urged in his speech the strong

suspicion about Caesar himself, and so filled the senate with

anger and resolution, that a decree was passed for the execution

of the conspirators. But Caesar opposed the confiscation of

their goods, not thinking it fair that those who had rejected

the mildest part of his sentence should avail themselves of the

severest. And when many insisted upon it, he appealed to the

tribunes, but they would do nothing; till Cicero himself

yielding, remitted that part of the sentence.

After this, Cicero went out with the senate to the conspirators;

they were not all together in one place, but the several

praetors had them, some one, some another, in custody. And

first he took Lentulus from the Palatine, and brought him by the

Sacred Street, through the middle of the marketplace, a circle

of the most eminent citizens encompassing and protecting him.

The people, affrighted at what was doing, passed along in

silence, especially the young men; as if, with fear and

trembling; they were undergoing a rite of initiation into some

ancient, sacred mysteries of aristocratic power. Thus passing

from the market-place, and coming to the gaol, he delivered

Lentulus to the officer, and commanded him to execute him; and

after him Cethegus, and so all the rest in order, he brought and

delivered up to execution. And when he saw many of the

conspirators in the market-place, still standing together in

companies, ignorant of what was done, and waiting for the night,

supposing the men were still alive and in a possibility of being

rescued, he called out in a loud voice, and said, "They did

live;" for so the Romans, to avoid inauspicious language, name

those that are dead.

It was now evening, when he returned from the market-place to

his own house, the citizens no longer attending him with

silence, nor in order, but receiving him, as he passed, with

acclamations and applauses, and saluting him as the savior and

founder of his country. A bright light shone through the

streets from the lamps and torches set up at the doors, and the

women showed lights from the tops of the houses, to honor

Cicero, and to behold him returning home with a splendid train

of the most principal citizens; amongst whom were many who had

conducted great wars, celebrated triumphs, and added to the

possessions of the Roman empire, both by sea and land. These,

as they passed along with him, acknowledged to one another, that

though the Roman people were indebted to several officers and

commanders of that age for riches, spoils, and power, yet to

Cicero alone they owed the safety and security of all these, for

delivering them from so great and imminent a danger. For though

it might seem no wonderful thing to prevent the design, and

punish the conspirators, yet to defeat the greatest of all

conspiracies with so little disturbance, trouble, and commotion,

was very extraordinary. For the greater part of those who had

flocked in to Catiline, as soon as they heard the fate of

Lentulus and Cethegus, left and forsook him, and he himself,

with his remaining forces, joining battle with Antonius, was

destroyed with his army.

And yet there were some who were very ready both to speak ill of

Cicero, and to do him hurt for these actions; and they had for

their leaders some of the magistrates of the ensuing year, as

Caesar, who was one of the praetors, and Metellus and Bestia,

the tribunes. These, entering upon their office some few days

before Cicero's consulate expired, would not permit him to make

any address to the people, but, throwing the benches before the

Rostra, hindered his speaking, telling him he might, if he

pleased, make the oath of withdrawal from office, and then come

down again. Cicero, accordingly, accepting the conditions, came

forward to make his withdrawal; and silence being made, he

recited his oath, not in the usual, but in a new and peculiar

form, namely, that he had saved his country, and preserved the

empire; the truth of which oath all the people confirmed with

theirs. Caesar and the tribunes, all the more exasperated by

this, endeavored to create him further trouble, and for this

purpose proposed a law for calling Pompey home with his army, to

put an end to Cicero's usurpation. But it was a very great

advantage for Cicero and the whole commonwealth that Cato was at

that time one of the tribunes. For he, being of equal power

with the rest, and of greater reputation, could oppose their

designs. He easily defeated their other projects, and, in an

oration to the people, so highly extolled Cicero's consulate,

that the greatest honors were decreed him, and he was publicly

declared the Father of his Country, which title he seems to have

obtained, the first man who did so, when Cato gave it him in

this address to the people.

At this time, therefore, his authority was very great in the

city; but he created himself much envy, and offended very many,

not by any evil action, but because he was always lauding and

magnifying himself. For neither senate, nor assembly of the

people, nor court of judicature could meet, in which he was not

heard to talk of Catiline and Lentulus. Indeed, he also filled

his books and writings with his own praises, to such an excess

as to render a style, in itself most pleasant and delightful,

nauseous and irksome to his hearers; this ungrateful humor, like

a disease, always cleaving to him. Nevertheless, though he was

intemperately fond of his own glory, he was very free from

envying others, and was, on the contrary, most liberally profuse

in commending both the ancients and his contemporaries, as

anyone may see in his writings. And many such sayings of his are

also remembered; as that he called Aristotle a river of flowing

gold, and said of Plato's Dialogues, that if Jupiter were to

speak, it would be in language like theirs. He used to call

Theophrastus his special luxury. And being asked which of

Demosthenes's orations he liked best, he answered, the longest.

And yet some affected imitators of Demosthenes have complained

of some words that occur in one of his letters, to the effect

that Demosthenes sometimes falls asleep in his speeches;

forgetting the many high encomiums he continually passes upon

him, and the compliment he paid him when he named the most

elaborate of all his orations, those he wrote against Antony,

Philippics. And as for the eminent men of his own time, either

in eloquence or philosophy, there was not one of them whom he

did not, by writing or speaking favorably of him, render more

illustrious. He obtained of Caesar, when in power, the Roman

citizenship for Cratippus, the Peripatetic, and got the court of

Areopagus, by public decree, to request his stay at Athens, for

the instruction of their youth, and the honor of their city.

There are letters extant from Cicero to Herodes, and others to

his son, in which he recommends the study of philosophy under

Cratippus. There is one in which he blames Gorgias, the

rhetorician, for enticing his son into luxury and drinking, and,

therefore, forbids him his company. And this, and one other to

Pelops, the Byzantine, are the only two of his Greek epistles

which seem to be written in anger. In the first, he justly

reflects on Gorgias, if he were what he was thought to be, a

dissolute and profligate character; but in the other, he rather

meanly expostulates and complains with Pelops, for neglecting to

procure him a decree of certain honors from the Byzantines.

Another illustration of his love of praise is the way in which

sometimes, to make his orations more striking, he neglected

decorum and dignity. When Munatius, who had escaped conviction

by his advocacy, immediately prosecuted his friend Sabinus, he

said in the warmth of his resentment, "Do you suppose you were

acquitted for your own meets, Munatius, and was it not that I so

darkened the case, that the court could not see your guilt?"

When from the Rostra he had made an eulogy on Marcus Crassus,

with much applause, and within a few days after again as

publicly reproached him, Crassus called to him, and said, "Did

not you yourself two days ago, in this same place, commend me?"

"Yes," said Cicero, "I exercised my eloquence in declaiming upon

a bad subject." At another time, Crassus had said that no one

of his family had ever lived beyond sixty years of age, and

afterwards denied it, and asked, "What should put it into my

head to say so?" "It was to gain the people's favor," answered

Cicero; "you knew how glad they would be to hear it." When

Crassus expressed admiration of the Stoic doctrine, that the

good man is always rich, "Do you not mean," said Cicero, "their

doctrine that all things belong to the wise?" Crassus being

generally accused of covetousness. One of Crassus's sons, who

was thought so exceedingly like a man of the name of Axius as to

throw some suspicion on his mother's honor, made a successful

speech in the senate. Cicero on being asked how he liked it,

replied with the Greek words, Axios Crassou.

When Crassus was about to go into Syria, he desired to leave

Cicero rather his friend than his enemy, and, therefore, one day

saluting him, told him he would come and sup with him, which the

other as courteously received. Within a few days after, on some

of Cicero's acquaintances interceding for Vatinius, as desirous

of reconciliation and friendship, for he was then his enemy,

"What," he replied, "does Vatinius also wish to come and sup

with me?" Such was his way with Crassus. When Vatinius, who

had swellings in his neck, was pleading a cause, he called him

the tumid orator; and having been told by someone that Vatinius

was dead, on hearing presently after that he was alive, "May the

rascal perish," said he, "for his news not being true."

Upon Caesar's bringing forward a law for the division of the

lands in Campania amongst the soldiers, many in the senate

opposed it; amongst the rest, Lucius Gellius, one of the oldest

men in the house, said it should never pass whilst he lived.

"Let us postpone it," said Cicero, "Gellius does not ask us to

wait long." There was a man of the name of Octavius, suspected

to be of African descent. He once said, when Cicero was

pleading, that he could not hear him; "Yet there are holes,"

said Cicero, "in your ears." When Metellus Nepos told him,

that he had ruined more as a witness, than he had saved as an

advocate, "I admit," said Cicero, "that I have more truth than

eloquence." To a young man who was suspected of having given a

poisoned cake to his father, and who talked largely of the

invectives he meant to deliver against Cicero, "Better these,"

replied he, "than your cakes." Publius Sextius, having amongst

others retained Cicero as his advocate in a certain cause, was

yet desirous to say all for himself, and would not allow anybody

to speak for him; when he was about to receive his acquittal

from the judges, and the ballots were passing, Cicero called to

him, "Make haste, Sextius, and use your time; tomorrow you will

be nobody." He cited Publius Cotta to bear testimony in a

certain cause, one who affected to be thought a lawyer, though

ignorant and unlearned; to whom, when he had said, "I know

nothing of the matter," he answered, "You think, perhaps, we ask

you about a point of law." To Metellus Nepos, who, in a dispute

between them, repeated several times, "Who was your father,

Cicero?" he replied, "Your mother has made the answer to such a

question in your case more difficult;" Nepos's mother having

been of ill repute. The son, also, was of a giddy, uncertain

temper. At one time, he suddenly threw up his office of

tribune, and sailed off into Syria to Pompey; and immediately

after, with as little reason, came back again. He gave his

tutor, Philagrus, a funeral with more than necessary attention,

and then set up the stone figure of a crow over his tomb.

"This," said Cicero, "is really appropriate; as he did not teach

you to speak, but to fly about." When Marcus Appius, in the

opening of some speech in a court of justice, said that his

friend had desired him to employ industry, eloquence, and

fidelity in that cause, Cicero answered, "And how have you had

the heart not to accede to any one of his requests?"

To use this sharp raillery against opponents and antagonists in

judicial pleading seems allowable rhetoric. But he excited much

ill feeling by his readiness to attack anyone for the sake of a

jest. A few anecdotes of this kind may be added. Marcus

Aquinius, who had two sons-in-law in exile, received from him

the name of king Adrastus. Lucius Cotta, an intemperate lover

of wine, was censor when Cicero stood for the consulship.

Cicero, being thirsty at the election, his friends stood round

about him while he was drinking. "You have reason to be

afraid," he said, "lest the censor should be angry with me for

drinking water." Meeting one day Voconius with his three very

ugly daughters, he quoted the verse,

He reared a race without Apollo's leave.

When Marcus Gellius, who was reputed the son of a slave, had

read several letters in the senate with a very shrill, and loud

voice, "Wonder not," said Cicero, "he comes of the criers."

When Faustus Sylla, the son of Sylla the dictator, who had,

during his dictatorship, by public bills proscribed and

condemned so many citizens, had so far wasted his estate, and

got into debt, that he was forced to publish his bills of sale,

Cicero told him that he liked these bills much better than those

of his father. By this habit he made himself odious with many

people.

But Clodius's faction conspired against him upon the following

occasion. Clodius was a member of a noble family, in the flower

of his youth, and of a bold and resolute temper. He, being in

love with Pompeia, Caesar's wife, got privately into his house

in the dress and attire of a music-girl; the women being at that

time offering there the sacrifice which must not be seen by men,

and there was no man present. Clodius, being a youth and

beardless, hoped to get to Pompeia among the women without being

taken notice of. But coming into a great house by night, he

missed his way in the passages, and a servant belonging to

Aurelia, Caesar's mother, spying him wandering up and down,

inquired his name. Thus being necessitated to speak, he told

her he was seeking for one of Pompeia's maids, Abra by name; and

she, perceiving it not to be a woman's voice, shrieked out, and

called in the women; who, shutting the gates, and searching

every place, at length found Clodius hidden in the chamber of

the maid with whom he had come in. This matter being much

talked about, Caesar put away his wife, Pompeia, and Clodius was

prosecuted for profaning the holy rites.

Cicero was at this time his friend, for he had been useful

to him in the conspiracy of Catiline, as one of his forwardest

assistants and protectors. But when Clodius rested his defense

upon this point, that he was not then at Rome, but at a distance

in the country, Cicero testified that he had come to his house

that day, and conversed with him on several matters; which thing

was indeed true, although Cicero was thought to testify it not

so much for the truth's sake as to preserve his quiet with

Terentia his wife. For she bore a grudge against Clodius on

account of his sister Clodia's wishing, as it was alleged, to

marry Cicero, and having employed for this purpose the

intervention of Tullus, a very intimate friend of Cicero's; and

his frequent visits to Clodia, who lived in their neighborhood,

and the attentions he paid to her had excited Terentia's

suspicions, and, being a woman of a violent temper, and having

the ascendant over Cicero, she urged him on to taking a part

against Clodius, and delivering his testimony. Many other good

and honest citizens also gave evidence against him, for

perjuries, disorders, bribing the people, and debauching women.

Lucullus proved, by his women-servants, that he had debauched

his youngest sister when she was Lucullus's wife; and there was

a general belief that he had done the same with his two other

sisters, Tertia, whom Marcius Rex, and Clodia, whom Metellus

Celer had married; the latter of whom was called Quadrantia,

because one of her lovers had deceived her with a purse of small

copper money instead of silver, the smallest copper coin being

called a quadrant. Upon this sister's account, in particular,

Clodius's character was attacked. Notwithstanding all this,

when the common people united against the accusers and witnesses

and the whole party, the judges were affrighted, and a guard was

placed about them for their defense; and most of them wrote

their sentences on the tablets in such a way, that they could

not well be read. It was decided, however, that there was a

majority for his acquittal, and bribery was reported to have

been employed; in reference to which Catulus remarked, when he

next met the judges, "You were very right to ask for a guard, to

prevent your money being taken from you." And when Clodius

upbraided Cicero that the judges had not believed his testimony,

"Yes," said he, "five and twenty of them trusted me, and

condemned you, and the other thirty did not trust you, for they

did not acquit you till they had got your money."

Caesar, though cited, did not give his testimony against

Clodius, and declared himself not convinced of his wife's

adultery, but that he had put her away because it was fit that

Caesar's house should not be only free of the evil fact, but of

the fame too.

Clodius, having escaped this danger, and having got himself

chosen one of the tribunes, immediately attacked Cicero, heaping

up all matters and inciting all persons against him. The common

people he gained over with popular laws; to each of the consuls

he decreed large provinces, to Piso, Macedonia, and to Gabinius,

Syria; he made a strong party among the indigent citizens, to

support him in his proceedings, and had always a body of armed

slaves about him. Of the three men then in greatest power,

Crassus was Cicero's open enemy, Pompey indifferently made

advances to both, and Caesar was going with an army into Gaul.

To him, though not his friend (what had occurred in the time of

the conspiracy having created suspicions between them), Cicero

applied, requesting an appointment as one of his lieutenants in

the province. Caesar accepted him, and Clodius, perceiving that

Cicero would thus escape his tribunician authority, professed to

be inclinable to a reconciliation, laid the greatest fault upon

Terentia, made always a favorable mention of him, and addressed

him with kind expressions, as one who felt no hatred or

ill-will, but who merely wished to urge his complaints in a

moderate and friendly way. By these artifices, he so freed

Cicero of all his fears, that he resigned his appointment to

Caesar, and betook himself again to political affairs. At which

Caesar being exasperated, joined the party of Clodius against

him, and wholly alienated Pompey from him; he also himself

declared in a public assembly of the people, that he did not

think Lentulus and Cethegus, with their accomplices, were fairly

and legally put to death without being brought to trial. And

this, indeed, was the crime charged upon Cicero, and this

impeachment he was summoned to answer. And so, as an accused

man, and in danger for the result, he changes his dress, and

went round with his hair untrimmed, in the attire of a

suppliant, to beg the people's grace. But Clodius met him in

every corner, having a band of abusive and daring fellows about

him, who derided Cicero for his change of dress and his

humiliation, and often, by throwing dirt and stones at him,

interrupted his supplication to the people.

However, first of all, almost the whole equestrian order changed

their dress with him, and no less than twenty thousand young

gentlemen followed him with their hair untrimmed, and

supplicating with him to the people. And then the senate met,

to pass a decree that the people should change their dress as in

time of public sorrow. But the consuls opposing it, and Clodius

with armed men besetting the senate-house, many of the senators

ran out, crying out and tearing their clothes. But this sight

moved neither shame nor pity; Cicero must either fly or

determine it by the sword with Clodius. He entreated Pompey to

aid him, who was on purpose gone out of the way, and was staying

at his country-house in the Alban hills; and first he sent his

son-in-law Piso to intercede with him, and afterwards set out to

go himself. Of which Pompey being informed, would not stay to

see him, being ashamed at the remembrance of the many conflicts

in the commonwealth which Cicero had undergone in his behalf,

and how much of his policy he had directed for his advantage.

But being now Caesar's son-in-law, at his instance he had set

aside all former kindness, and, slipping out at another door,

avoided the interview. Thus being forsaken by Pompey, and left

alone to himself, he fled to the consuls. Gabinius was rough

with him, as usual, but Piso spoke more courteously, desiring

him to yield and give place for a while to the fury of Clodius,

and to await a change of times, and to be now, as before, his

country's savior from the peril of these troubles and commotions

which Clodius was exciting.

Cicero, receiving this answer, consulted with his friends.

Lucullus advised him to stay, as being sure to prevail at last;

others to fly, because the people would soon desire him again,

when they should have enough of the rage and madness of Clodius.

This last Cicero approved. But first he took a statue of

Minerva, which had been long set up and greatly honored in his

house, and carrying it to the capitol, there dedicated it, with

the inscription, "To Minerva, Patroness of Rome." And receiving

an escort from his friends, about the middle of the night he

left the city, and went by land through Lucania, intending to

reach Sicily.

But as soon as it was publicly known that he was fled, Clodius

proposed to the people a decree of exile, and by his own order

interdicted him fire and water, prohibiting any within five

hundred miles in Italy to receive him into their houses. Most

people, out of respect for Cicero, paid no regard to this edict,

offering him every attention and escorting him on his way. But

at Hipponium, a city of Lucania, now called Vibo, one Vibius, a

Sicilian by birth, who, amongst many other instances of Cicero's

friendship, had been made head of the state engineers when he

was consul, would not receive him into his house, sending him

word he would appoint a place in the country for his reception.

Caius Vergilius, the praetor of Sicily, who had been on the most

intimate terms with him, wrote to him to forbear coming into

Sicily. At these things Cicero being disheartened, went to

Brundusium, whence putting forth with a prosperous wind, a

contrary gale blowing from the sea carried him back to Italy-

the next day. He put again to sea, and having reached

Dyrrachium, on his coming to shore there, it is reported that an

earthquake and a convulsion in the sea happened at the same

time, signs which the diviners said intimated that his exile

would not be long, for these were prognostics of change.

Although many visited him with respect, and the cities of Greece

contended which should honor him most, he yet continued

disheartened and disconsolate, like an unfortunate lover, often

casting his looks back upon Italy; and, indeed, he was become so

poor-spirited, so humiliated and dejected by his misfortunes,

as none could have expected in a man who had devoted so much of

his life to study and learning. And yet he often desired his

friends not to call him orator, but philosopher, because he had

made philosophy his business, and had only used rhetoric as an

instrument for attaining his objects in public life. But the

desire of glory has great power in washing the tinctures of

philosophy out of the souls of men, and in imprinting the

passions of the common people, by custom and conversation, in

the minds of those that take a part in governing them, unless

the politician be very careful so to engage in public affairs as

to interest himself only in the affairs themselves, but not

participate in the passions that are consequent to them.

Clodius, having thus driven away Cicero, fell to burning his

farms and villas, and afterwards his city house, and built on

the site of it a temple to Liberty. The rest of his property he

exposed to sale by daily proclamation, but nobody came to buy.

By these courses he became formidable to the noble citizens,

and, being followed by the commonalty, whom he had filled with

insolence and licentiousness, he began at last to try his

strength against Pompey, some of whose arrangements in the

countries he conquered, he attacked. The disgrace of this made

Pompey begin to reproach himself for his cowardice in deserting

Cicero, and, changing his mind, he now wholly set himself with

his friends to contrive his return. And when Clodius opposed

it, the senate made a vote that no public measure should be

ratified or passed by them till Cicero was recalled. But when

Lentulus was consul, the commotions grew so high upon this

matter, that the tribunes were wounded in the Forum, and

Quintus, Cicero's brother, was left as dead, lying unobserved

amongst the slain. The people began to change in their

feelings; and Annius Milo, one of their tribunes, was the first

who took confidence to summon Clodius to trial for acts of

violence. Many of the common people and out of the neighboring

cities formed a party with Pompey, and he went with them, and

drove Clodius out of the Forum, and summoned the people to pass

their vote. And, it is said, the people never passed any

suffrage more unanimously than this. The senate, also, striving

to outdo the people, sent letters of thanks to those cities

which had received Cicero with respect in his exile, and decreed

that his house and his country-places, which Clodius had

destroyed, should be rebuilt at the public charge.

Thus Cicero returned sixteen months after his exile, and the

cities were so glad, and people so zealous to meet him, that

what he boasted of afterwards, that Italy had brought him on her

shoulders home to Rome, was rather less than the truth. And

Crassus himself, who had been his enemy before his exile, went

then voluntarily to meet him, and was reconciled, to please his

son Publius, as he said, who was Cicero's affectionate admirer.

Cicero had not been long at Rome, when, taking the opportunity

of Clodius's absence, he went, with a great company, to the

capitol, and there tore and defaced the tribunician tables, in

which were recorded the acts done in the time of Clodius. And

on Clodius calling him in question for this, he answered, that

he, being of the patrician order, had obtained the office of

tribune against law, and, therefore, nothing done by him was

valid. Cato was displeased at this, and opposed Cicero, not

that he commended Clodius, but rather disapproved of his whole

administration; yet, he contended, it was an irregular and

violent course for the senate to vote the illegality of so many

decrees and acts, including those of Cato's own government in

Cyprus and at Byzantium. This occasioned a breach between Cato

and Cicero, which, though it came not to open enmity, yet made a

more reserved friendship between them.

After this, Milo killed Clodius, and, being arraigned for the

murder, he procured Cicero as his advocate. The senate, fearing

lest the questioning of so eminent and high-spirited a citizen

as Milo might disturb the peace of the city, committed the

superintendence of this and of the other trials to Pompey, who

should undertake to maintain the security alike of the city and

of the courts of justice. Pompey, therefore, went in the night,

and occupying the high grounds about it, surrounded the Forum

with soldiers. Milo, fearing lest Cicero, being disturbed by

such an unusual sight, should conduct his cause the less

successfully, persuaded him to come in a litter into the Forum,

and there repose himself till the judges were set, and the court

filled. For Cicero, it seems, not only wanted courage in arms,

but, in his speaking also, began with timidity, and in many

cases scarcely left off trembling and shaking when he had got

thoroughly into the current and the substance of his speech.

Being to defend Licinius Murena against the prosecution of Cato,

and being eager to outdo Hortensius, who had made his plea with

great applause, he took so little rest that night, and was so

disordered with thought and over-watching, that he spoke much

worse than usual. And so now, on quitting his litter to

commence the cause of Milo, at the sight of Pompey, posted, as

it were, and encamped with his troops above, and seeing arms

shining round about the Forum, he was so confounded, that he

could hardly begin his speech, for the trembling of his body,

and hesitance of his tongue; whereas Milo, meantime, was bold

and intrepid in his demeanor, disdaining either to let his hair

grow, or to put on the mourning habit. And this, indeed, seems

to have been one principal cause of his condemnation. Cicero,

however, was thought not so much to have shown timidity for

himself, as anxiety about his friend.

He was made one of the priests, whom the Romans call Augurs, in

the room of Crassus the younger, dead in Parthia. Then he was

appointed, by lot, to the province of Cilicia, and set sail

thither with twelve thousand foot and two thousand six hundred

horse. He had orders to bring back Cappadocia to its allegiance

to Ariobarzanes, its king; which settlement he effected very

completely without recourse to arms. And perceiving the

Cilicians, by the great loss the Romans had suffered in Parthia,

and the commotions in Syria, to have become disposed to attempt

a revolt, by a gentle course of government he soothed them back

into fidelity. He would accept none of the presents that were

offered him by the kings; he remitted the charge of public

entertainments, but daily, at his own house, received the

ingenious and accomplished persons of the province, not

sumptuously, but liberally. His house had no porter, nor was he

ever found in bed by any man, but early in the morning, standing

or walking before his door, he received those who came to offer

their salutations. He is said never once to have ordered any of

those under his command to be beaten with rods, or to have their

garments rent. He never gave contumelious language in his

anger, nor inflicted punishment with reproach. He detected an

embezzlement, to a large amount, in the public money, and thus

relieved the cities from their burdens, at the same time that he

allowed those who made restitution, to retain without further

punishment their rights as citizens. He engaged too, in war, so

far as to give a defeat to the banditti who infested Mount

Amanus, for which he was saluted by his army Imperator. To

Caecilius, the orator, who asked him to send him some panthers

from Cilicia, to be exhibited on the theater at Rome, he wrote,

in commendation of his own actions, that there were no panthers

in Cilicia, for they were all fled to Caria, in anger that in so

general a peace they had become the sole objects of attack. On

leaving his province, he touched at Rhodes, and tarried for some

length of time at Athens, longing much to renew his old studies.

He visited the eminent men of learning, and saw his former

friends and companions; and after receiving in Greece the honors

that were due to him, returned to the city, where everything

was now just as it were in a flame, breaking out into a civil

war.

When the senate would have decreed him a triumph, he told them

he had rather, so differences were accommodated, follow the

triumphal chariot of Caesar. In private, he gave advice to

both, writing many letters to Caesar, and personally entreating

Pompey; doing his best to soothe and bring to reason both the

one and the other. But when matters became incurable, and

Caesar was approaching Rome, and Pompey durst not abide it, but,

with many honest citizens, left the city, Cicero, as yet, did

not join in the flight, and was reputed to adhere to Caesar.

And it is very evident he was in his thoughts much divided, and

wavered painfully between both, for he writes in his epistles,

"To which side should I turn? Pompey has the fair and honorable

plea for war; and Caesar, on the other hand, has managed his

affairs better, and is more able to secure himself and his

friends. So that I know whom I should fly, not whom I should

fly to." But when Trebatius, one of Caesar's friends, by letter

signified to him that Caesar thought it was his most desirable

course to join his party, and partake his hopes, but if he

considered himself too old a man for this, then he should retire

into Greece, and stay quietly there, out of the way of either

party, Cicero, wondering that Caesar had not written himself,

gave an angry reply, that he should not do anything unbecoming

his past life. Such is the account to be collected from his

letters.

But as soon as Caesar was marched into Spain, he immediately

sailed away to join Pompey. And he was welcomed by all but

Cato; who, taking him privately, chid him for coming to Pompey.

As for himself, he said, it had been indecent to forsake that

part in the commonwealth which he had chosen from the beginning;

but Cicero might have been more useful to his country and

friends, if, remaining neuter, he had attended and used his

influence to moderate the result, instead of coming hither to

make himself, without reason or necessity, an enemy to Caesar,

and a partner in such great dangers. By this language, partly,

Cicero's feelings were altered, and partly, also, because Pompey

made no great use of him. Although, indeed, he was himself the

cause of it, by his not denying that he was sorry he had come,

by his depreciating Pompey's resources, finding fault underhand

with his counsels, and continually indulging in jests and

sarcastic remarks on his fellow-soldiers. Though he went about

in the camp with a gloomy and melancholy face himself, he was

always trying to raise a laugh in others, whether they wished it

or not. It may not be amiss to mention a few instances. To

Domitius, on his preferring to a command one who was no soldier,

and saying, in his defense, that he was a modest and prudent

person, he replied, "Why did not you keep him for a tutor for

your children?" On hearing Theophanes, the Lesbian, who was

master of the engineers in the army, praised for the admirable

way in which he had consoled the Rhodians for the loss of their

fleet, "What a thing it is," he said, "to have a Greek in

command!" When Caesar had been acting successfully, and in a

manner blockading Pompey, Lentulus was saying it was reported

that Caesar's friends were out of heart; "Because," said Cicero,

"they do not wish Caesar well." To one Marcius, who had just

come from Italy, and told them that there was a strong report at

Rome that Pompey was blocked up, he said, "And you sailed hither

to see it with your own eyes." To Nonius, encouraging them

after a defeat to be of good hope, because there were seven

eagles still left in Pompey's camp, "Good reason for

encouragement," said Cicero, "if we were going to fight with

jack-daws." Labienus insisted on some prophecies to the effect

that Pompey would gain the victory; "Yes," said Cicero, "and the

first step in the campaign has been losing our camp."

After the battle of Pharsalia was over, at which he was not

present for want of health, and Pompey was fled, Cato, having

considerable forces and a great fleet at Dyrrachium, would have

had Cicero commander-in-chief, according to law, and the

precedence of his consular dignity. And on his refusing the

command, and wholly declining to take part in their plans for

continuing the war, he was in the greatest danger of being

killed, young Pompey and his friends calling him traitor, and

drawing their swords upon him; only that Cato interposed, and

hardly rescued and brought him out of the camp.

Afterwards, arriving at Brundusium, he tarried there sometime in

expectation of Caesar, who was delayed by his affairs in Asia

and Egypt. And when it was told him that he was arrived at

Tarentum, and was coming thence by land to Brundusium, he

hastened towards him, not altogether without hope, and yet in

some fear of making experiment of the temper of an enemy and

conqueror in the presence of many witnesses. But there was no

necessity for him either to speak or do anything unworthy of

himself; for Caesar, as soon as he saw him coming a good way

before the rest of the company, came down to meet him, saluted

him, and, leading the way, conversed with him alone for some

furlongs. And from that time forward he continued to treat him

with honor and respect; so that, when Cicero wrote an oration in

praise of Cato, Caesar, in writing an answer to it, took

occasion to commend Cicero's own life and eloquence, comparing

him to Pericles and Theramenes. Cicero's oration was called

Cato; Caesar's, anti-Cato.

So also, it is related that when Quintus Ligarius was prosecuted

for having been in arms against Caesar, and Cicero had

undertaken his defense, Caesar said to his friends, "Why might

we not as well once more hear a speech from Cicero? Ligarius,

there is no question, is a wicked man and an enemy." But when

Cicero began to speak, he wonderfully moved him, and proceeded

in his speech with such varied pathos, and such a charm of

language, that the color of Caesar's countenance often changed,

and it was evident that all the passions of his soul were in

commotion. At length, the orator touching upon the Pharsalian

battle, he was so affected that his body trembled, and some of

the papers he held dropped out of his hands. And thus he was

overpowered, and acquitted Ligarius.

Henceforth, the commonwealth being changed into a monarchy,

Cicero withdrew himself from public affairs, and employed his

leisure in instructing those young men that would, in

philosophy; and by the near intercourse he thus had with some of

the noblest and highest in rank, he again began to possess great

influence in the city. The work and object which he set himself

was to compose and translate philosophical dialogues and to

render logical and physical terms into the Roman idiom. For he

it was, as it is said, who first or principally gave Latin names

to phantasia, syncatathesis, epokhe, catalepsis, atomon,

ameres, kenon, and other such technical terms, which, either by

metaphors or other means of accommodation, he succeeded in

making intelligible and expressible to the Romans. For his

recreation, he exercised his dexterity in poetry, and when he

was set to it, would make five hundred verses in a night. He

spent the greatest part of his time at his country-house near

Tusculum. He wrote to his friends that he led the life of

Laertes, either jestingly, as his custom was, or rather from a

feeling of ambition for public employment, which made him

impatient under the present state of affairs. He rarely went to

the city, unless to pay his court to Caesar. He was commonly

the first amongst those who voted him honors, and sought out new

terms of praise for himself and for his actions. As, for

example, what he said of the statues of Pompey, which had been

thrown down, and were afterwards by Caesar's orders set up

again: that Caesar, by this act of humanity, had indeed set up

Pompey's statues, but he had fixed and established his own.

He had a design, it is said, of writing the history of his

country, combining with it much of that of Greece, and

incorporating in it all the stories and legends of the past that

he had collected. But his purposes were interfered with by

various public and various private unhappy occurrences and

misfortunes; for most of which he was himself in fault. For

first of all, he put away his wife Terentia, by whom he had been

neglected in the time of the war, and sent away destitute of

necessaries for his journey; neither did he find her kind when

he returned into Italy, for she did not join him at Brundusium,

where he stayed a long time, nor would allow her young daughter,

who undertook so long a journey, decent attendance, or the

requisite expenses; besides, she left him a naked and empty

house, and yet had involved him in many and great debts. These

were alleged as the fairest reasons for the divorce. But

Terentia, who denied them all, had the most unmistakable defense

furnished her by her husband himself, who not long after married

a young maiden for the love of her beauty, as Terentia upbraided

him; or as Tiro, his emancipated slave, has written, for her

riches, to discharge his debts. For the young woman was very

rich, and Cicero had the custody of her estate, being left

guardian in trust; and being indebted many myriads of money, he

was persuaded by his friends and relations to marry her,

notwithstanding his disparity of age, and to use her money to

satisfy his creditors. Antony, who mentions this marriage in

his answer to the Philippics, reproaches him for putting away a

wife with whom he had lived to old age; adding some happy

strokes of sarcasm on Cicero's domestic, inactive,

unsoldier-like habits. Not long after this marriage, his

daughter died in child-bed at Lentulus's house, to whom she had

been married after the death of Piso, her former husband. The

philosophers from all parts came to comfort Cicero; for his

grief was so excessive, that he put away his new-married wife,

because she seemed to be pleased at the death of Tullia. And

thus stood Cicero's domestic affairs at this time.

He had no concern in the design that was now forming against

Caesar, although, in general, he was Brutus's most principal

confidant, and one who was as aggrieved at the present, and as

desirous of the former state of public affairs, as any other

whatsoever. But they feared his temper, as wanting courage, and

his old age, in which the most daring dispositions are apt to

be timorous.

As soon, therefore, as the act was committed by Brutus and

Cassius, and the friends of Caesar were got together, so that

there was fear the city would again be involved in a civil war,

Antony, being consul, convened the senate, and made a short

address recommending concord. And Cicero, following with

various remarks such as the occasion called for, persuaded the

senate to imitate the Athenians, and decree an amnesty for what

had been done in Caesar's case, and to bestow provinces on

Brutus and Cassius. But neither of these things took effect. For

as soon as the common people, of themselves inclined to pity,

saw the dead body of Caesar borne through the marketplace, and

Antony showing his clothes filled with blood, and pierced

through in every part with swords, enraged to a degree of

frenzy, they made a search for the murderers, and with

firebrands in their hands ran to their houses to burn them.

They, however, being forewarned, avoided this danger; and

expecting many more and greater to come, they left the city.

Antony on this was at once in exultation, and everyone was in

alarm with the prospect that he would make himself sole ruler,

and Cicero in more alarm than anyone. For Antony, seeing his

influence reviving in the commonwealth, and knowing how closely

he was connected with Brutus, was ill-pleased to have him in the

city. Besides, there had been some former jealousy between

them, occasioned by the difference of their manners. Cicero,

fearing the event, was inclined to go as lieutenant with

Dolabella into Syria. But Hirtius and Pansa, consuls elect as

successors of Antony, good men and lovers of Cicero, entreated

him not to leave them, undertaking to put down Antony if he

would stay in Rome. And he, neither distrusting wholly, nor

trusting them, let Dolabella go without him, promising Hirtius

that he would go and spend his summer at Athens, and return

again when he entered upon his office. So he set out on his

journey; but some delay occurring in his passage, new

intelligence, as often happens, came suddenly from Rome, that

Antony had made an astonishing change, and was doing all things

and managing all public affairs at the will of the senate, and

that there wanted nothing but his presence to bring things to a

happy settlement. And therefore, blaming himself for his

cowardice, he returned again to Rome, and was not deceived in

his hopes at the beginning. For such multitudes flocked out to

meet him, that the compliments and civilities which were paid

him at the gates, and at his entrance into the city, took up

almost one whole day's time.

On the morrow, Antony convened the senate, and summoned Cicero

thither. He came not, but kept is bed, pretending to be ill

with his journey; but the true reason seemed the fear of some

design against him, upon a suspicion and intimation given him on

his way to Rome. Antony, however, showed great offense at the

affront, and sent soldiers, commanding them to bring him or burn

his house; but many interceding and supplicating for him, he was

contented to accept sureties. Ever after, when they met, they

passed one another with silence, and continued on their guard,

till Caesar, the younger, coming from Apollonia, entered on the

first Caesar's inheritance, and was engaged in a dispute with

Antony about two thousand five hundred myriads of money, which

Antony detained from the estate.

Upon this, Philippus, who married the mother, and Marcellus, who

married the sister of young Caesar, came with the young man to

Cicero, and agreed with him that Cicero should give them the aid

of his eloquence and political influence with the senate and

people, and Caesar give Cicero the defense of his riches and

arms. For the young man had already a great party of the

soldiers of Caesar about him. And Cicero's readiness to join

him was founded, it is said, on some yet stronger motives; for

it seems, while Pompey and Caesar were yet alive, Cicero, in his

sleep, had fancied himself engaged in calling some of the sons

of the senators into the capitol, Jupiter being about, according

to the dream, to declare one of them the chief ruler of Rome.

The citizens, running up with curiosity, stood about the temple,

and the youths, sitting in their purple-bordered robes, kept

silence. On a sudden the doors opened, and the youths, arising

one by one in order, passed round the god, who reviewed them all,

and, to their sorrow, dismissed them; but when this one was

passing by, the god stretched forth his right hand and said, "O

ye Romans, this young man, when he shall be lord of Rome, shall

put an end to all your civil wars." It is said that Cicero

formed from his dream a distinct image of the youth, and

retained it afterwards perfectly, but did not know who it was.

The next day, going down into the Campus Martius, he met the

boys resuming from their gymnastic exercises, and the first was

he, just as he had appeared to him in his dream. Being

astonished at it, he asked him who were his parents. And it

proved to be this young Caesar, whose father was a man of no

great eminence, Octavius, and his mother, Attia, Caesar's

sister's daughter; for which reason, Caesar, who had no

children, made him by will the heir of his house and property.

From that time, it is said that Cicero studiously noticed the

youth whenever he met him, and he as kindly received the

civility; and by fortune he happened to be born when Cicero was

consul.

These were the reasons spoken of; but it was principally

Cicero's hatred of Antony, and a temper unable to resist honor,

which fastened him to Caesar, with the purpose of getting the

support of Caesar's power for his own public designs. For the

young man went so far in his court to him, that he called him

Father; at which Brutus was so highly displeased, that, in his

epistles to Atticus he reflected on Cicero saying, it was

manifest, by his courting Caesar for fear of Antony, he did not

intend liberty to his country, but an indulgent master to

himself. Notwithstanding, Brutus took Cicero's son, then

studying philosophy at Athens, gave him a command, and employed

him in various ways, with a good result. Cicero's own power at

this time was at the greatest height in the city, and he did

whatsoever he pleased; he completely overpowered and drove out

Antony, and sent the two consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, with an

army, to reduce him; and, on the other hand, persuaded the

senate to allow Caesar the lictors and ensigns of a praetor, as

though he were his country's defender. But after Antony was

defeated in battle, and the two consuls slain, the armies

united, and ranged themselves with Caesar. And the senate,

fearing the young man, and his extraordinary fortune,

endeavored, by honors and gifts, to call off the soldiers from

him, and to lessen his power; professing there was no further

need of arms, now Antony was put to flight.

This giving Caesar an affright, he privately sends some friends

to entreat and persuade Cicero to procure the consular dignity

for them both together; saying he should manage the affairs as

he pleased, should have the supreme power, and govern the young

man who was only desirous of name and glory. And Caesar himself

confessed, that in fear of ruin, and in danger of being

deserted, he had seasonably made use of Cicero's ambition,

persuading him to stand with him, and to accept the offer of his

aid and interest for the consulship.

And now, more than at any other time, Cicero let himself be

carried away and deceived, though an old man, by the persuasions

of a boy. He joined him in soliciting votes, and procured the

good-will of the senate, not without blame at the time on the

part of his friends; and he, too, soon enough after, saw that he

had ruined himself, and betrayed the liberty of his country.

For the young man, once established, and possessed of the office

of consul, bade Cicero farewell; and, reconciling himself to

Antony and Lepidus, joined his power with theirs, and divided

the government, like a piece of property, with them. Thus

united, they made a schedule of above two hundred persons who

were to be put to death. But the greatest contention in all

their debates was on the question of Cicero's case. Antony

would come to no conditions, unless he should be the first man

to be killed. Lepidus held with Antony, and Caesar opposed them

both. They met secretly and by themselves, for three days

together, near the town of Bononia. The spot was not far from

the camp, with a river surrounding it. Caesar, it is said,

contended earnestly for Cicero the first two days; but on the

third day he yielded, and gave him up.

The terms of their mutual concessions were these; that Caesar

should desert Cicero, Lepidus his brother Paulus, and Antony,

Lucius Caesar, his uncle by his mother's side. Thus they let

their anger and fury take from them the sense of humanity, and

demonstrated that no beast is more savage than man, when

possessed with power answerable to his rage.

Whilst these things were contriving, Cicero was with his brother

at his country-house near Tusculum; whence, hearing of the

proscriptions, they determined to pass to Astura, a villa of

Cicero's near the sea, and to take shipping from thence for

Macedonia to Brutus, of whose strength in that province news had

already been heard. They traveled together in their separate

litters, overwhelmed with sorrow; and often stopping on the way

till their litters came together, condoled with one another.

But Quintus was the more disheartened, when he reflected on his

want of means for his journey; for, as he said, he had brought

nothing with him from home. And even Cicero himself had but a

slender provision. It was judged, therefore, most expedient

that Cicero should make what haste he could to fly, and Quintus

return home to provide necessaries, and thus resolved, they

mutually embraced, and parted with many tears.

Quintus, within a few days after, betrayed by his servants to

those who came to search for him, was slain, together with his

young son. But Cicero was carried to Astura, where, finding a

vessel, he immediately went on board her, and sailed as far as

Circaeum with a prosperous gale; but when the pilots resolved

immediately to set sail from thence, whether fearing the sea, or

not wholly distrusting the faith of Caesar, he went on shore,

and passed by land a hundred furlongs, as if he was going for

Rome. But losing resolution and changing his mind, he again

returned to the sea, and there spent the night in fearful and

perplexed thoughts. Sometimes he resolved to go into Caesar's

house privately, and there kill himself upon the altar of his

household gods, to bring divine vengeance upon him; but the fear

of torture put him off this course. And after passing through a

variety of confused and uncertain counsels, at last he let his

servants carry him by sea to Capitae, where he had a house, an

agreeable place to retire to in the heat of summer, when the

Etesian winds are so pleasant.

There was at that place a chapel of Apollo, not far from the

sea-side, from which a flight of crows rose with a great noise,

and made towards Cicero's vessel as it rowed to land, and

lighting on both sides of the yard, some croaked, others pecked

the ends of the ropes. This was looked upon by all as an ill

omen; and, therefore, Cicero went again ashore, and entering his

house, lay down upon his bed to compose himself to rest. Many

of the crows settled about the window, making a dismal cawing;

but one of them alighted upon the bed where Cicero lay covered

up, and with its bill by little and little pecked off the

clothes from his face. His servants, seeing this, blamed

themselves that they should stay to be spectators of their

master's murder, and do nothing in his defense, whilst the brute

creatures came to assist and take care of him in his undeserved

affliction; and, therefore, partly by entreaty, partly by force,

they took him up, and carried him in his litter towards the

sea-side.

But in the meantime the assassins were come with a band of

soldiers, Herennius, a centurion, and Popillius, a tribune, whom

Cicero had formerly defended when prosecuted for the murder of

his father. Finding the doors shut, they broke them open, and

Cicero not appearing and those within saying they knew not

where he was, it is stated that a youth, who had been educated

by Cicero in the liberal arts and sciences, an emancipated slave

of his brother Quintus, Philologus by name, informed the tribune

that the litter was on its way to the sea through the close and

shady walks. The tribune, taking a few with him, ran to the

place where he was to come out. And Cicero, perceiving

Herennius running in the walks, commanded his servants to set

down the litter; and stroking his chin, as he used to do, with

his left hand, he looked steadfastly upon his murderers, his

person covered with dust, his beard and hair untrimmed, and his

face worn with his troubles. So that the greatest part of those

that stood by covered their faces whilst Herennius slew him.

And thus was he murdered, stretching forth his neck out of the

litter, being now in his sixty-fourth year. Herennius cut off

his head, and, by Antony's command, his hands also, by which his

Philippics were written; for so Cicero styled those orations he

wrote against Antony, and so they are called to this day.

When these members of Cicero were brought to Rome, Antony was

holding an assembly for the choice of public officers; and when

he heard it, and saw them, he cried out, "Now let there be an

end of our proscriptions." He commanded his head and hands to

be fastened up over the Rostra, where the orators spoke; a sight

which the Roman people shuddered to behold, and they believed

they saw there not the face of Cicero, but the image of Antony's

own soul. And yet amidst these actions he did justice in one

thing, by delivering up Philologus to Pomponia, the wife of

Quintus; who, having got his body into her power, besides other

grievous punishments, made him cut off his own flesh by pieces,

and roast and eat it; for so some writers have related. But

Tiro, Cicero's emancipated slave, has not so much as mentioned

the treachery of Philologus.

Some long time after, Caesar, I have been told, visiting one of

his daughter's sons, found him with a book of Cicero's in his

hand. The boy for fear endeavored to hide it under his gown;

which Caesar perceiving, took it from him, and turning over a

great part of the book standing, gave it him again, and said,

"My child, this was a learned man, and a lover of his country."

And immediately after he had vanquished Antony, being then

consul, he made Cicero's son his colleague in the office; and

under that consulship, the senate took down all the statues of

Antony, and abolished all the other honors that had been given

him, and decreed that none of that family should thereafter bear

the name of Marcus; and thus the final acts of the punishment of

Antony were, by the divine powers, devolved upon the family of

Cicero.